Pub Date : 2023-03-19DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2188655
H. Baumann
{"title":"Bringing the State and Political Economy Back in: Consociationalism and Crisis in Lebanon","authors":"H. Baumann","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2023.2188655","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2023.2188655","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-03-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89985712","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2189200
Jeremiah Osasume Okaisabor
Abstract Since the lull of nationalist struggles and after many merged ethnic-nationalities attained statehood, separatist movements with distinctive identities have increased their agitations for self-determination. The deficit or decline of national cohesion in Nigeria and other independent states has been ascribed to the proliferation and radicalization of separatist movements. Therefore, to provide effective political measures, it has become necessary to quell separatist movement agitations and foster substantial national cohesion. This article examines the actions of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) separatist movement in South East Nigeria and altruistic political solutions to its quest for self-determination. It explores the IPOB’s grievances, strategies, and approaches and the factors sustaining its struggles and uses both primary and secondary sources of data. The study shows that after years of the Nigerian–Biafran war, the Igbo of the South East are still gripped by political alienation, which has led to a renewed call for Biafran statehood. It thus recommends that, rather than using a securitization and militaristic approach to diminish the group’s claims for self-determination, the Nigerian government should initiate a dialogue and ensure ideal inclusive governance to achieve equitable representation of the South East at the national level.
{"title":"An Identity in Quests for Self-Determination: The Case of Indigenous People of Biafra Separatist Movement in Nigeria","authors":"Jeremiah Osasume Okaisabor","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2023.2189200","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2023.2189200","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Since the lull of nationalist struggles and after many merged ethnic-nationalities attained statehood, separatist movements with distinctive identities have increased their agitations for self-determination. The deficit or decline of national cohesion in Nigeria and other independent states has been ascribed to the proliferation and radicalization of separatist movements. Therefore, to provide effective political measures, it has become necessary to quell separatist movement agitations and foster substantial national cohesion. This article examines the actions of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) separatist movement in South East Nigeria and altruistic political solutions to its quest for self-determination. It explores the IPOB’s grievances, strategies, and approaches and the factors sustaining its struggles and uses both primary and secondary sources of data. The study shows that after years of the Nigerian–Biafran war, the Igbo of the South East are still gripped by political alienation, which has led to a renewed call for Biafran statehood. It thus recommends that, rather than using a securitization and militaristic approach to diminish the group’s claims for self-determination, the Nigerian government should initiate a dialogue and ensure ideal inclusive governance to achieve equitable representation of the South East at the national level.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"40 1","pages":"242 - 265"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86425709","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-13DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2178116
N. Maisuradze
Abstract Because Georgia was a part of Russia’s Tsarist Empire in 1893–1917, this political phase of the modern Georgian nation’s development was accompanied not only by socioeconomic but also by independence issues. It is worth noting that, to achieve independence, a portion of Georgia’s political elite chose European-oriented policies. They used well-known concepts of the nation created by European authors as a theoretical foundation. In response to current debates about Georgia’s European identity, this study demonstrates the contribution of European nation theories to the formation of the modern Georgian nation, as well as the historical link with European values. The purpose of this article is to assess the impact of foreign national theories, specifically European national theories, on Georgian political debates between 1893 and 1917. The study’s research methodology included secondary research and qualitative data analysis. Within the context of nationalism studies, the article adheres to the modernist approach.
{"title":"The Impact of European Conceptions on the Idea of a Nation in Georgia between 1893 and 1917","authors":"N. Maisuradze","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2023.2178116","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2023.2178116","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Because Georgia was a part of Russia’s Tsarist Empire in 1893–1917, this political phase of the modern Georgian nation’s development was accompanied not only by socioeconomic but also by independence issues. It is worth noting that, to achieve independence, a portion of Georgia’s political elite chose European-oriented policies. They used well-known concepts of the nation created by European authors as a theoretical foundation. In response to current debates about Georgia’s European identity, this study demonstrates the contribution of European nation theories to the formation of the modern Georgian nation, as well as the historical link with European values. The purpose of this article is to assess the impact of foreign national theories, specifically European national theories, on Georgian political debates between 1893 and 1917. The study’s research methodology included secondary research and qualitative data analysis. Within the context of nationalism studies, the article adheres to the modernist approach.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"19 1","pages":"224 - 241"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-03-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81708209","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-08DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2186770
S. Narayana
Palestinians earlier treatment by the Ottoman administrators. Also at this time, Ashkenazi, Sephardic, secular, religious, Zionist, and anti-Zionist Jews begin to use Hebrew language for communication; this resulted in adoption of a new kind of cultural Zionism among Jews in Palestine, which was meshed with Ottomanism. As Fishman reports the antagonism in the relationship between Jews and Arabs becomes quite remarkable with the use of the notion of “martyrs” gaining prominence. The late Ottoman period looks like the period of the British Mandate, and to a certain extent, evokes “Israel’s post-Mandate relations with its Palestinian minority” (p. 150) that shape later relationships. The last chapter discusses Zionism during the Young Turk period with many complexities in framing Zionism for Ottoman Jews delicately underscored. To illustrate, for the Ottoman deputy Nissim Mazliah, his Zionist preference was interwoven with his loyalty to the Ottoman state and his advocacy for Hebrew culture. For Ottoman Jews, like Chief Rabbi Haim Nahum and Albert Antebi, on the other hand, their anti-Zionism marked something else entirely. “Their anti-Zionism in no way meant they were against Jewish migration to Palestine; rather they were against an attempt at creating an independent state in Palestine (much different from how anti-Zionism is defined today)” (p. 207). This book is an innovative study which demonstrates how the late Ottoman period prepared the ground for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict before the two national movements developed during the British Mandate and consolidated later in the aftermath of the 1947–1948 war. Fishman documents how the ideas of equality came out of the Young Turk Revolution, led Jews and Palestinians formulate ethno-national claims and dispatch them to Istanbul. Claiming the Homeland should be of use to scholars of Zionism, who want to learn more about different forms it has taken in the past; it documents how Jewish community in Palestine and Palestinians emerged against the backdrop of late Ottoman state.
{"title":"India’s Undeclared Emergency: Constitutionalism and the Politics of Resistance","authors":"S. Narayana","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2023.2186770","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2023.2186770","url":null,"abstract":"Palestinians earlier treatment by the Ottoman administrators. Also at this time, Ashkenazi, Sephardic, secular, religious, Zionist, and anti-Zionist Jews begin to use Hebrew language for communication; this resulted in adoption of a new kind of cultural Zionism among Jews in Palestine, which was meshed with Ottomanism. As Fishman reports the antagonism in the relationship between Jews and Arabs becomes quite remarkable with the use of the notion of “martyrs” gaining prominence. The late Ottoman period looks like the period of the British Mandate, and to a certain extent, evokes “Israel’s post-Mandate relations with its Palestinian minority” (p. 150) that shape later relationships. The last chapter discusses Zionism during the Young Turk period with many complexities in framing Zionism for Ottoman Jews delicately underscored. To illustrate, for the Ottoman deputy Nissim Mazliah, his Zionist preference was interwoven with his loyalty to the Ottoman state and his advocacy for Hebrew culture. For Ottoman Jews, like Chief Rabbi Haim Nahum and Albert Antebi, on the other hand, their anti-Zionism marked something else entirely. “Their anti-Zionism in no way meant they were against Jewish migration to Palestine; rather they were against an attempt at creating an independent state in Palestine (much different from how anti-Zionism is defined today)” (p. 207). This book is an innovative study which demonstrates how the late Ottoman period prepared the ground for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict before the two national movements developed during the British Mandate and consolidated later in the aftermath of the 1947–1948 war. Fishman documents how the ideas of equality came out of the Young Turk Revolution, led Jews and Palestinians formulate ethno-national claims and dispatch them to Istanbul. Claiming the Homeland should be of use to scholars of Zionism, who want to learn more about different forms it has taken in the past; it documents how Jewish community in Palestine and Palestinians emerged against the backdrop of late Ottoman state.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"13 1","pages":"271 - 273"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-03-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87988108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-12DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2174667
D. Bélanger, Myriam Ouellet, Capucine Coustere, Charles Fleury
{"title":"Staggered inclusion: between temporary and permanent immigration status in Quebec, Canada","authors":"D. Bélanger, Myriam Ouellet, Capucine Coustere, Charles Fleury","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2023.2174667","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2023.2174667","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-02-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86979677","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2167507
Giuditta Fontana
Academic and policy debates on the best approach to managing diversity in conflict-affected places continue, fueled by persistent tensions in deeply divided societies, including the failure of Northern Ireland ’ s parties to form an Executive, the debates among Bosnia and Herzegovina ’ s Entities
{"title":"Institutional Designs to Manage Ethnic Diversity in Conflict-Affected States: Conceptual, Methodological and Empirical Innovations","authors":"Giuditta Fontana","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2023.2167507","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2023.2167507","url":null,"abstract":"Academic and policy debates on the best approach to managing diversity in conflict-affected places continue, fueled by persistent tensions in deeply divided societies, including the failure of Northern Ireland ’ s parties to form an Executive, the debates among Bosnia and Herzegovina ’ s Entities","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"C-19 1","pages":"114 - 121"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85057586","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2179168
P. Dekker
This is a book of a respected scholar, but not a scholarly book. Jef Verschueren, professor emeritus of Linguistics at the University of Antwerp, gives his opinions about a broad range of social and political topics in a personal tone directed to a broader readership (“you and me, the public” p. 17), without any substantial foundation in scientific research and debates. It is a presentation of mainstream academic morality in the Low Countries and probably much broader. The little more than 100 pages of text are divided into a prologue, three chapters—the long “In society” (starting with the terror acts of Anders Behring Breivik, continuing with more terrorism, passing various (bad) practices of representative politics, populism, migration, discrimination, multilingualism, “political correctness,” to finish with political respect and solidarity), the shorter “At the university” and “Through the media”—and a brief “Recap: Sharing responsibility” and “Prospect: An ecology of the public sphere?” Three concepts are central:
{"title":"Complicity in Discourse and Practice","authors":"P. Dekker","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2023.2179168","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2023.2179168","url":null,"abstract":"This is a book of a respected scholar, but not a scholarly book. Jef Verschueren, professor emeritus of Linguistics at the University of Antwerp, gives his opinions about a broad range of social and political topics in a personal tone directed to a broader readership (“you and me, the public” p. 17), without any substantial foundation in scientific research and debates. It is a presentation of mainstream academic morality in the Low Countries and probably much broader. The little more than 100 pages of text are divided into a prologue, three chapters—the long “In society” (starting with the terror acts of Anders Behring Breivik, continuing with more terrorism, passing various (bad) practices of representative politics, populism, migration, discrimination, multilingualism, “political correctness,” to finish with political respect and solidarity), the shorter “At the university” and “Through the media”—and a brief “Recap: Sharing responsibility” and “Prospect: An ecology of the public sphere?” Three concepts are central:","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"1 1","pages":"126 - 127"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78384829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2023.2186778
Y. Volkova
{"title":"Kin Majorities: Identity and Citizenship in Crimea and Moldova","authors":"Y. Volkova","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2023.2186778","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2023.2186778","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"43 10","pages":"124 - 125"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73133670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-19DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2022.2153494
E. Schmitt
Abstract Alsace is usually known in nationalism studies as the historical object of conflict between France and Germany. This peripheral region is rarely studied as a minority nation struggling for recognition and claiming autonomy. This article aims to conceptualize Alsatian nationalism and its renewed practices and representations amidst mobilization against the merger of Alsace into the Grand-Est. Alsatian nationalism is now at the crossroads of thwarting French hegemony, between a cosmopolitan autonomism that promotes Alsace as a transnational entity and a “new” nationalism that perceives Alsace as a nation with self-determination.
{"title":"The Renewal of Alsatian Nationalism","authors":"E. Schmitt","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2153494","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2153494","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Alsace is usually known in nationalism studies as the historical object of conflict between France and Germany. This peripheral region is rarely studied as a minority nation struggling for recognition and claiming autonomy. This article aims to conceptualize Alsatian nationalism and its renewed practices and representations amidst mobilization against the merger of Alsace into the Grand-Est. Alsatian nationalism is now at the crossroads of thwarting French hegemony, between a cosmopolitan autonomism that promotes Alsace as a transnational entity and a “new” nationalism that perceives Alsace as a nation with self-determination.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"41 1","pages":"39 - 59"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88736347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-02DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2022.2151769
Stephen Deets
Abstract This Rapid Communication examines Lebanon’s 2022 Parliamentary election in the context of other recent elections in consociational and populist regimes. The Lebanese electorate is now divided both by sectarian identity and by a pro- versus anti-establishment cleavage. This second cleavage makes Lebanon look more like other electoral authoritarian regimes. In light of scholarly work that ties electoral authoritarianism to late-stage neoliberalism, Lebanon’s recent election prompts renewed attention to the neoliberal assumptions embedded in its and other consociational systems.
{"title":"To Hope or Not to Hope: Liberalism, Neoliberalism, and Learning from Lebanon’s 2022 Election","authors":"Stephen Deets","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2151769","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2151769","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This Rapid Communication examines Lebanon’s 2022 Parliamentary election in the context of other recent elections in consociational and populist regimes. The Lebanese electorate is now divided both by sectarian identity and by a pro- versus anti-establishment cleavage. This second cleavage makes Lebanon look more like other electoral authoritarian regimes. In light of scholarly work that ties electoral authoritarianism to late-stage neoliberalism, Lebanon’s recent election prompts renewed attention to the neoliberal assumptions embedded in its and other consociational systems.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":"43 1","pages":"102 - 113"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73471877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：