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The value added of solidarity economies: Bureaucratic constructions of value for alternative economic policy in Ecuador 团结经济的附加值:厄瓜多尔替代经济政策的官僚价值构建
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-04-05 DOI: 10.1002/sea2.12318
Alexander D'Aloia

The National Institute of the Popular Solidarity Economy (IEPS) in Ecuador was created to promote an alternative form of economy—the Popular Solidarity Economy (PSE). As a precarious institute with limited funding, IEPS staff worked hard to find alternative ways to support the PSE. In this article, I examine their work through the lens of valor agregado (added value), a commonly used local term for how economic value is created. Government bureaucrats intervened primarily by creating an audience that was interested in the social aspects of the alternative economy. Because valor agregado ambiguously refers to both monetary and social value, it helped the PSE better integrate with the wider economy. With this approach, I offer a potential new path for analyzing government support for alternative economies. By refocusing our attention on key actors' understandings of value creation, anthropologists can sidestep questions of whether alternative economies have been “co-opted” by capitalism and instead examine the necessary interfaces between these alternatives and the mainstream.

厄瓜多尔国家人民团结经济研究所(IEPS)的成立是为了推广另一种经济形式--人民团结经济(PSE)。作为一个资金有限、岌岌可危的机构,IEPS 的工作人员努力寻找支持人民团结经济的替代方式。在本文中,我将从附加值(valor agregado)的角度来审视他们的工作,附加值是当地常用的术语,指经济价值的创造方式。政府官僚主要通过创造对替代经济的社会方面感兴趣的受众来进行干预。由于 "附加值"(valor agregado)模棱两可地同时指货币价值和社会价值,因此有助于 PSE 与更广泛的经济更好地融合。通过这种方法,我为分析政府对另类经济的支持提供了一条潜在的新途径。通过将我们的注意力重新聚焦于关键行动者对价值创造的理解,人类学家可以避开另类经济是否被资本主义 "收编 "的问题,转而研究这些另类经济与主流经济之间的必要接口。
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引用次数: 0
Liquid homeownership: Navigating future horizons to turn homeownership into assets in Bucharest, Romania 流动房屋所有权:在罗马尼亚布加勒斯特探索未来前景,将房屋所有权转化为资产
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-04-04 DOI: 10.1002/sea2.12316
Alexandra Ciocanel

This article examines the financialization and assetization of housing in an Eastern European context by focusing on the specific temporally bounded financial strategies to maintain housing as an asset and vehicle for social reproduction. It proposes the concept of liquid homeownership to account for the varied associations of housing with liquidity and the expectations of future increased exchange value that play an essential role in shaping financial decisions in the present. Drawing on ethnographic research in Bucharest, the article argues that upper-middle-class mortgage borrowers strategize their leveraged housing investment by navigating between two future horizons. To ensure that housing is an asset in the long term, mortgage borrowers prefer to evacuate the long-term of the mortgage contract through medium-term financial strategies of early repayment. Given the importance attributed to future liquidity from homeownership for providing for old age or securing children's future, the article argues that liquid homeownership, at least for ordinary homebuyers, is a reflection less of short-term financial interest and more of a long-term social reproduction need, pointing to the complex intermix of financial calculations and domestic concerns in the context of financialization of housing.

本文研究了东欧背景下住房的金融化和资产化问题,重点关注维持住房作为资产和社会再生产工具的特定时间限制金融战略。文章提出了 "流动性住房所有权 "的概念,以解释住房与流动性之间的各种联系,以及对未来交换价值增加的预期,这种预期对当前的金融决策起着至关重要的作用。文章利用在布加勒斯特进行的人种学研究,论证了中上层抵押贷款借款人通过在两个未来视角之间游走,制定其杠杆住房投资战略。为确保住房成为长期资产,按揭借款人更倾向于通过提前还款的中期财务策略来撤出按揭合同的长期性。文章认为,至少对普通购房者而言,流动性住房所有权反映的不是短期的经济利益,而是长期的社会再生产需求,这说明在住房金融化的背景下,金融计算和家庭关切复杂地交织在一起。
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引用次数: 0
The rise and fall of national capitalism 民族资本主义的兴衰
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-01-15 DOI: 10.1002/sea2.12310
John Keith Hart

For three millennia, there has been a conflict between landed military power (the traditional enforcers, now nation-states) and urban commerce (capitalists, now a lawless global plutocracy). This ancient battle was resumed by the European Renaissance, culminating in industrial revolution around 1800. This seemed at first to be a victory of the money interest over landed power. In the mid-nineteenth century, however, the capitalists discovered that they could not manage without crowd control by the traditional enforcers, a compromise between money and landed power (business and government) that unleashed “national capitalism” in political revolutions involving the leading powers of the last century. These generated mass production and consumption at home and a global takeover by European colonial empires, both enabled by a bureaucratic revolution first proposed by Hegel. National capitalism—a merger of industrial capitalism and the “nation” by strong states attempting to modify the former's contradictions through central bureaucracies acting in the interest of the citizen body—became the main form of society after the Second World War, first through developmental states varying from socially responsible capitalism in the United States through social democracy in Europe to communism in the Soviet bloc, with the newly independent former colonies divided between the antagonists in the Cold War. Undermined by financial imperialism in the last four decades, this system is now failing, but humanity is far from achieving a world society to replace it.

三千年来,地主军事力量(传统执法者,即现在的民族国家)与城市商业(资本家,即现在无法无天的全球财阀)之间一直存在冲突。欧洲文艺复兴重新掀起了这场古老的战争,并在 1800 年左右的工业革命中达到高潮。起初,这似乎是金钱利益对土地权力的胜利。然而,到了 19 世纪中期,资本家们发现,如果没有传统执行者的人群控制,他们就无法进行管理,这是货币与土地权力(商业和政府)之间的妥协,在上个世纪主要大国参与的政治革命中,"民族资本主义 "得以释放。这些革命在国内催生了大规模生产和消费,并由欧洲殖民帝国在全球范围内接管,而黑格尔首次提出的官僚革命则促成了这一切。民族资本主义--工业资本主义与 "民族 "的合并,强国试图通过中央官僚机构以公民的利益为重来改变前者的矛盾--在第二次世界大战后成为社会的主要形式,首先是通过发展型国家,从美国的社会责任资本主义到欧洲的社会民主主义,再到苏联集团的共产主义,新独立的前殖民地在冷战中被对立双方瓜分。在过去的四十年里,这一体系受到金融帝国主义的破坏,现在已经失效,但人类还远远没有建立起一个世界社会来取代它。
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引用次数: 0
Rethinking economic sovereignty 重新思考经济主权
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-01-15 DOI: 10.1002/sea2.12302
Leon Wansleben
<p>In his broad and compelling essay “The Rise and Fall of National Capitalism,” Keith Hart offers an alternative interpretation and periodization of global capitalist order that diverges from standard distinctions into prewar, postwar (Keynesian/progressive), and neoliberal eras. Hart's core claim is that, in the Second Industrial Revolution, a strong nexus between mass industrial capitalism and state power was forged. This nexus gradually loosened and now dissolves. Sovereign all-purpose money—money that links the financial sector with public debt and taxation, as well as national payment infrastructures—has been an important building block of “national capitalisms,” and its diminishing role indicates the latter's demise. The essay does not present one concise explanation of this development but rather engages with diverse themes, from neoliberal policies and ideology to “lawless global money circuits” to the power of transnational corporations to the digital revolution to secular stagnation in advanced economies (with a concomitant shift from productivist to rent-extracting capital accumulation). I have difficulties at times following Hart's precise argument with regard to each of the causal drivers. In many cases, the essay relies on explanations developed in more depth elsewhere in the author's work. For these reasons, I take the liberty to focus solely on the main descriptive claim, namely, that we have been living in national capitalisms that are about to disappear, with potentially catastrophic consequences.</p><p>A significant first question left unanswered by this essay concerns the linkage between national capitalisms, to the extent that they have come into existence, and the global order. Clearly, Hart sees this order as imperialist, with the United States as the hegemon since the turn of the 20th century. Indeed, as other authors have stressed, global monetary and financial structures, even more so than military and security structures, support this empire. The dollar is by far the globally dominant currency, used not only in most trade but even more so in financial transactions. The collapse of Bretton Woods institutions, and again the financial crisis of 2008, have not challenged but rather reinforced this hegemony. But if we have been living in imperialist global orders all the way through, this raises interesting questions about national capitalism. Clearly American imperialism has supported such capitalisms in some regions and some periods. In particular, dollar hegemony has facilitated the reemergence of national capitalisms in Europe after the Second World War by generating the institutions, necessary demand, and liquidity for capital formation and sustained growth. However, the very same dollar hegemony has undermined or inhibited attempts to build national capitalisms in most of South America and Africa, exposing these countries to resource-extraction logics and to financial cycles that destabilize exchange rates, purchasing
哈特部分认可的传统说法是,在美国推动的市场原教旨主义的意识形态保护下,占主导地位的企业和/或其首席执行官和所有者基本上主导着当今的世界。但哈特的文章也允许另一种我认为更有趣、更准确的解释。在第二个版本中,我们假定不仅跨国公司和银行在利用分散的全球化机遇,政治行为体,尤其是(专制)政府也在利用这种机遇。政治精英们并不把自己看作是由民族国家组成的严格国际体系中的行为者,而是像他们的私人同僚一样,观察、利用并开发金融市场、价值链、货币等级制度、能源系统、互联网以及政治忠诚和敌对模式等复杂结构。控制某些枢纽的人可以对其他枢纽行使胁迫和基础设施权力。法雷尔和纽曼(2019)将这种情况理论化为 "武器化的相互依存",即枢纽的控制者可以胁迫其他枢纽,例如,从它们那里撤回重要资源(想想普京的天然气地缘政治)。我自己的研究表明,主要金融中心(美国、英国)的中央银行利用全球化的货币和资本市场,推行以国内/集团为中心的货币、宏观经济和金融稳定政策(例如,美联储的量化宽松政策,通过全球美元流动性得以实现),这往往会损害其他国家的利益(例如,通过破坏性的全球流动性周期)、近年来,在 "后殖民主义 "和 "政治生态学"(有时具有误导性)的标签下,学者们越来越多地揭示了资本主义现代性的有利条件,这些条件往往是剥削性的,而 "万能货币 "就是其中的一个方面。沿着这条道路,这种货币从来都不是一种纯粹的社会习俗,也不是一个国家社会成员之间集体信任的表达。相反,每个国家的货币都嵌套在一个国际分层秩序中,并以自然资源开发性增长为前提,这种增长使得债务承诺得以实现,而债务承诺的发行首先创造了货币。正如杰弗里-英格汉姆(Geoffrey Ingham)所说,现代货币是资本主义的信用货币,因此与剥削性的、不可持续的全球政治和生态条件紧密相连。哈特文章的核心,也是他自己模棱两可的立场所反映出的困境是,我们很难想象还有什么其他方案可以协调民主和福利要求与资本主义力量之间的关系。在过去几十年中,没有任何一个重要的政治项目能在西方国家资本主义危机的背景下带来希望。中国的专制、以增长为中心的控制型国家没有,比特币或全球社会运动也没有,它们没有建立自己的稳固基础,而是寄生于资本主义民主国家的机构和基础设施,而资本主义民主国家的危机给了它们力量。因此,我完全理解哈特的悲观情绪,我们中的许多人也有同感。也许,在情况好转之前,恶化是不可避免的。我担心,除此之外的选择就是继续做一个开明的改革派,努力为国家资本主义创造更可持续、更公平的基础。
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引用次数: 0
Editor's note 编者注
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-01-15 DOI: 10.1002/sea2.12311
Daniel Scott Souleles
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引用次数: 0
National capitalism, unhinged 疯狂的民族资本主义
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-01-15 DOI: 10.1002/sea2.12307
Elizabeth Ferry

Keith Hart's magisterial, eclectic essay “The Rise and Fall of National Capitalism” takes on a dizzying array of topics, from the nature of money to the concept of the nation to the tension between “shareholder value” and “corporate social responsibility” to the mutual admiration society of celebrities, economists, politicians, and journalists at the World Economic Forum in Davos.

The essay must be read as part of Hart's project over the past few years of synthesizing his past work and conveying through multiple publications, venues, and media his universalist, humanist view, which is above all against parochialism in all its forms (including the disciplinary parochialism of economic anthropology and anthropology more broadly) to meet the exigencies of the current moment—a moment centuries in the making.

He has approached this task in several ways, recently and emblematically in the publication of his book Self in the World: Connecting Life's Extremes (Hart, 2022), which he described at the launch at the London School of Economics as an attempt to realize the poles of individual and society as a dynamic yet integrated whole (Hart, 2023).

Hart's universalist vision, and his Gramscian blend of “pessimism of the intellect and optimism of the will,”1 takes form in this essay of an account of ways in which, since the middle of the nineteenth century, the nation-state as an ideological and institutional form has acted as a more or less functioning stage manager for a particular phase of capitalism that Hart terms “national capitalism.” This phase, through a bewildering series of forces, but perhaps especially changing technologies and politics surrounding money and its particular currency forms, is now drawing to a close, with no clear sense of what is to come.

What is to come is not yet completely clear, in Hart's view, partly because, as he says in the second paragraph, “folk models lag behind world history in the making” and partly because most people are trapped within narrow understandings of their identity, circumstances, interests, desires, sectors, academic and nonacademic fields and disciplines, and so on. The essay is diagnostic: it seeks to provide a heuristic, temporal frame to unite and make sense of disparate happenings and phenomena. It is also hortatory: “Humanity,” says Hart, “is sleepwalking into what could be a terminal disaster,” and this essay is meant to be an alarm clock.

There are many paths to follow in this essay; I will focus on just three: temporal choices, materials and money, and what kinds of politics is called for in response.

Hart's essay relies on timelines. He identifies several key switch points in the past 150 years, including the consolidation of “national capitalism” in the 1860s, the first span of “financial imperialism” from the 1880s to 1914, and the second from the late 1970s–1980s to the present (although the key conjuncture in

基思-哈特(Keith Hart)的《国家资本主义的兴衰》(The Rise and Fall of National Capitalism)一文博大精深、兼收并蓄,从货币的本质到国家的概念,从 "股东价值 "与 "企业社会责任 "之间的矛盾,到达沃斯世界经济论坛上名人、经济学家、政治家和记者之间的相互倾慕,涉及的话题令人眼花缭乱。这篇文章必须作为哈特过去几年工作的一部分来阅读,哈特的工作是综合他过去的工作,并通过多种出版物、场所和媒体传达他的普遍主义和人文主义观点,这种观点首先反对各种形式的狭隘主义(包括经济人类学和更广义的人类学的学科狭隘主义),以应对当前的迫切需要--这一时刻已经形成了几个世纪:最近,他出版了《世界中的自我:连接生命的极致》(哈特,2022 年)一书,在伦敦经济学院举行的首发式上,他将此书描述为将个人与社会作为一个动态而完整的整体来实现的尝试(哈特,2023 年)。哈特的普遍主义愿景,以及葛兰西式的 "理智的悲观主义与意志的乐观主义 "1 的融合,在这篇文章中得到了体现,即自 19 世纪中叶以来,民族国家作为一种意识形态和制度形式,或多或少地充当了资本主义特定阶段的舞台管理者,哈特称之为 "民族资本主义"。在哈特看来,未来会发生什么还不完全清楚,部分原因是,正如他在第二段中所说,"民间模式落后于正在形成的世界历史",部分原因是大多数人被困在对其身份、环境、利益、欲望、部门、学术和非学术领域及学科等的狭隘理解中。这篇文章是诊断性的:它试图提供一个启发式的时间框架,将不同的事件和现象统一起来,并使其具有意义。同时,这也是一篇劝勉性的文章:哈特说:"人类""正梦游般地步入一场可能是终极灾难的境地",而这篇文章就是要为人类敲响警钟。"这篇文章有许多路径可循,我将只关注三点:时间选择、材料和金钱,以及需要什么样的政治来应对。"哈特的文章依赖于时间轴。他指出了过去 150 年中的几个关键转折点,包括 19 世纪 60 年代 "民族资本主义 "的巩固、19 世纪 80 年代至 1914 年 "金融帝国主义 "的第一个跨度,以及 20 世纪 70 年代末至 80 年代至今的第二个跨度(尽管开启这一最新阶段的关键时刻似乎是 1971 年美元-黄金可兑换性和布雷顿森林协定的终结)。以这种方式看待历史有助于强化哈特的立场,即这种交汇点和强化点在当下是无法清晰理解的。那么,什么是 "现在",我们又是如何知道的呢?哈特指出了一些迹象--不平等的加剧、数字金融的崛起、仇外心理成为国家作为一种政治和经济形式退却时的一种激流。但这些是否就是拉开一个阶段或时代而非其他阶段或时代帷幕的关键点呢?再说一遍,我们怎么会知道,尤其是当我们似乎正以越来越快的速度从千年危机蹒跚走向另一个危机的时候?他为货币人类学贡献了重要的概念,如货币是国家与市场的交汇点,以 "头或尾 "为标志(哈特,1986 年);货币是 "记忆银行"(哈特,2000 年)。哈特以西美尔的视角看待货币从实体到抽象的发展,认为 "向非物质货币的转变[已]因数字通信革命而加速",并将这种转变与 "身份的不稳定性 "和基于 "抽象价值等级 "的经济联系起来。这一论点很有说服力,甚至具有启示性,但也不全面。
{"title":"National capitalism, unhinged","authors":"Elizabeth Ferry","doi":"10.1002/sea2.12307","DOIUrl":"10.1002/sea2.12307","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Keith Hart's magisterial, eclectic essay “The Rise and Fall of National Capitalism” takes on a dizzying array of topics, from the nature of money to the concept of the nation to the tension between “shareholder value” and “corporate social responsibility” to the mutual admiration society of celebrities, economists, politicians, and journalists at the World Economic Forum in Davos.</p><p>The essay must be read as part of Hart's project over the past few years of synthesizing his past work and conveying through multiple publications, venues, and media his universalist, humanist view, which is above all against parochialism in all its forms (including the disciplinary parochialism of economic anthropology and anthropology more broadly) to meet the exigencies of the current moment—a moment centuries in the making.</p><p>He has approached this task in several ways, recently and emblematically in the publication of his book <i>Self in the World: Connecting Life's Extremes</i> (Hart, <span>2022</span>), which he described at the launch at the London School of Economics as an attempt to realize the poles of individual and society as a dynamic yet integrated whole (Hart, <span>2023</span>).</p><p>Hart's universalist vision, and his Gramscian blend of “pessimism of the intellect and optimism of the will,”<sup>1</sup> takes form in this essay of an account of ways in which, since the middle of the nineteenth century, the nation-state as an ideological and institutional form has acted as a more or less functioning stage manager for a particular phase of capitalism that Hart terms “national capitalism.” This phase, through a bewildering series of forces, but perhaps especially changing technologies and politics surrounding money and its particular currency forms, is now drawing to a close, with no clear sense of what is to come.</p><p>What is to come is not yet completely clear, in Hart's view, partly because, as he says in the second paragraph, “folk models lag behind world history in the making” and partly because most people are trapped within narrow understandings of their identity, circumstances, interests, desires, sectors, academic and nonacademic fields and disciplines, and so on. The essay is diagnostic: it seeks to provide a heuristic, temporal frame to unite and make sense of disparate happenings and phenomena. It is also hortatory: “Humanity,” says Hart, “is sleepwalking into what could be a terminal disaster,” and this essay is meant to be an alarm clock.</p><p>There are many paths to follow in this essay; I will focus on just three: temporal choices, materials and money, and what kinds of politics is called for in response.</p><p>Hart's essay relies on timelines. He identifies several key switch points in the past 150 years, including the consolidation of “national capitalism” in the 1860s, the first span of “financial imperialism” from the 1880s to 1914, and the second from the late 1970s–1980s to the present (although the key conjuncture in","PeriodicalId":45372,"journal":{"name":"Economic Anthropology","volume":"11 1","pages":"150-152"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/sea2.12307","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139473831","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Reply to comments on “The rise and fall of national capitalism” 对 "民族资本主义的兴衰 "评论的回复
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-01-15 DOI: 10.1002/sea2.12309
John Keith Hart
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引用次数: 0
Economic Anthropology 经济人类学
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-01-15 DOI: 10.1002/sea2.12290
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引用次数: 0
Does (national) capitalism suck? 国家)资本主义很糟糕吗?
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-01-15 DOI: 10.1002/sea2.12306
Myriam Amri
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引用次数: 0
Understanding money; Or, why social and financial accounting should not be conflated 理解金钱;或者,为什么不应将社会会计和财务会计混为一谈
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-01-02 DOI: 10.1002/sea2.12304
Robert M. Rosenswig

This article defines social and financial money as distinct institutions that account for different realms of value. I present a fundamental dichotomy among economists' where orthodox theory defines money as a medium of exchange whereas heterodox chartalist economists characterize it as a unit of account. I argue that (pre)historical data provides clear evidence in support of the heterodox position. The unit of account function of money is exemplified by how wampum accounted for social debts and was expanded to also serve financial functions by European colonial governments. The heterodox position is further evidenced with the metal coins that denominated Rome's financial money that transitioned to serve primarily social purposes in early Anglo-Saxon Britain. Focusing on the accounting function of social and financial monies transcends the Polanyian special-versus-general-purpose framework that often still structures archaeological practice. With this framework of money defined by what gives it value, I then evaluate recent claims that financial money was integral to the political economies of Bronze Age Europe. I conclude that the adoption of the orthodox assumption that money is primarily a medium of exchange inhibits understanding of what money is and how the political economies of ancient societies were organized.

本文将社会货币和金融货币定义为代表不同价值领域的不同机构。我提出了经济学家之间的一个基本二分法,即正统理论将货币定义为交换媒介,而异端图表主义经济学家则将货币定性为记账单位。我认为,(前)历史数据提供了支持异端立场的明确证据。货币的记账单位功能体现在万普姆是如何计算社会债务的,以及欧洲殖民地政府是如何将其扩展到金融功能的。在盎格鲁-撒克逊早期的英国,作为罗马金融货币的金属硬币过渡到主要用于社会目的,这进一步证明了异端立场。关注社会货币和金融货币的会计功能超越了波兰学派的特殊用途与一般用途的框架,而这种框架往往仍然是考古实践的基础。有了这个根据货币的价值来定义货币的框架,我就可以对最近关于金融货币是青铜时代欧洲政治经济不可或缺的一部分的说法进行评估。我的结论是,采用 "货币主要是交换媒介 "这一正统假设,会妨碍人们理解货币是什么以及古代社会的政治经济是如何组织的。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Economic Anthropology
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