Pub Date : 2021-10-27DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2021.1993188
J. Kirby
{"title":"Broken dreams: an intimate history of the midlife crisis","authors":"J. Kirby","doi":"10.1080/13619462.2021.1993188","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2021.1993188","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45519,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary British History","volume":"37 1","pages":"157 - 158"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42661654","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-27DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2021.1994391
G. Kassimeris, Oliver Price
ABSTRACT This article examines how the rise of Militant Tendency transformed MI5’s perception of Trotskyism’s ability to pose a threat to the British state. Militant’s emergence in the 1970s as an entryist organisation within the Labour Party and its subsequent influence on Liverpool City Council in the early 1980s led security officials to consider it as an equal if not greater subversive threat than the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). Drawing on newly released files, the article adds to the understanding of counter-subversive investigations in Cold War Britain and assesses how, between the late 1970s and early 1980s, Militant became the first and, so far, only Trotskyist group to be considered by MI5 a significant subversive threat to British internal security.
{"title":"‘A new and disturbing form of subversion’: Militant Tendency, MI5 and the threat of Trotskyism in Britain, 1937-1987","authors":"G. Kassimeris, Oliver Price","doi":"10.1080/13619462.2021.1994391","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2021.1994391","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines how the rise of Militant Tendency transformed MI5’s perception of Trotskyism’s ability to pose a threat to the British state. Militant’s emergence in the 1970s as an entryist organisation within the Labour Party and its subsequent influence on Liverpool City Council in the early 1980s led security officials to consider it as an equal if not greater subversive threat than the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). Drawing on newly released files, the article adds to the understanding of counter-subversive investigations in Cold War Britain and assesses how, between the late 1970s and early 1980s, Militant became the first and, so far, only Trotskyist group to be considered by MI5 a significant subversive threat to British internal security.","PeriodicalId":45519,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary British History","volume":"36 1","pages":"355 - 379"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41944390","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-08DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2021.1969232
J. Devanny, P. A. Berry
ABSTRACT Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s decision to merge DFID with the FCO in June 2020 subordinated development policy to an ill-defined conception of the national interest. It represented the latest twist in the Conservative Party’s fluctuating relationship with the institutionalisation of development policy in Whitehall since 1964. This article contextualises that evolving debate within the Conservative Party, situating it alongside parallel developments in the relationship between DFID and other Whitehall departments since 1997. The article argues that intra-party Conservative debate about DFID is disconnected from the contemporary history of institutional reform and interdepartmental coordination, both during the New Labour years and under Conservative-led governments since 2010. The article emphasises the specific domestic political context of David Cameron’s commitment as Conservative leader to support DFID’s independence and increase development spending, highlighting the equivocal reception of his commitments on the right of the party. The article concludes with criticism of the logic of the Johnson administration’s case for the merger, underlining its similarity with Thatcher era arguments. The merger highlights salient differences between Johnson’s and Cameron’s electoral challenges and party statecraft strategies, reflecting changes in the party and its electoral coalition since the 2016 EU referendum.
{"title":"The Conservative Party and DFID: party statecraft and development policy since 1997","authors":"J. Devanny, P. A. Berry","doi":"10.1080/13619462.2021.1969232","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2021.1969232","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s decision to merge DFID with the FCO in June 2020 subordinated development policy to an ill-defined conception of the national interest. It represented the latest twist in the Conservative Party’s fluctuating relationship with the institutionalisation of development policy in Whitehall since 1964. This article contextualises that evolving debate within the Conservative Party, situating it alongside parallel developments in the relationship between DFID and other Whitehall departments since 1997. The article argues that intra-party Conservative debate about DFID is disconnected from the contemporary history of institutional reform and interdepartmental coordination, both during the New Labour years and under Conservative-led governments since 2010. The article emphasises the specific domestic political context of David Cameron’s commitment as Conservative leader to support DFID’s independence and increase development spending, highlighting the equivocal reception of his commitments on the right of the party. The article concludes with criticism of the logic of the Johnson administration’s case for the merger, underlining its similarity with Thatcher era arguments. The merger highlights salient differences between Johnson’s and Cameron’s electoral challenges and party statecraft strategies, reflecting changes in the party and its electoral coalition since the 2016 EU referendum.","PeriodicalId":45519,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary British History","volume":"36 1","pages":"86 - 123"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-10-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43324659","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-27DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2021.1978290
A. Medcalf
This edited volume presents a fascinating collection of contributions which explore the place of concepts of ‘balance’ in twentieth century politics, medicine, and society. As the introduction stat...
{"title":"Balancing the self: medicine, politics and the regulation of health in the twentieth century","authors":"A. Medcalf","doi":"10.1080/13619462.2021.1978290","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2021.1978290","url":null,"abstract":"This edited volume presents a fascinating collection of contributions which explore the place of concepts of ‘balance’ in twentieth century politics, medicine, and society. As the introduction stat...","PeriodicalId":45519,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary British History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48196097","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-20DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2021.1976154
M. Graham, C. Fevre
ABSTRACT Based on original archival research and oral history interviews, this article examines how the British Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM) adapted to the evolving circumstances during South Africa’s transition from apartheid to democracy between 1990 and 1994. It argues that the successful framing and impact of the Free Nelson Mandela Campaign (FNMC) of the 1980s, inadvertently created a series of challenges for the AAM in the years after Mandela’s release from prison in February 1990, as many in Britain came to associate this moment with the end of apartheid. The pervasive sense that apartheid was over, coupled with the complexity, uncertainty and violence of South Africa’s political transition, created a difficult campaigning environment for the AAM, who found it hard to maintain the momentum generated through the FNMC. Despite encountering numerous (trans)national and local challenges which inhibited its impact after 1990, this article concludes that the AAM’s persistent campaigning presence allowed it to capitalise following renewed British interest in South Africa following the announcement in June 1993 of a date for the first non-racial democratic election. This enabled the AAM to make a tangible contribution, primarily through fundraising, to the African National Congress’ successful election victory in May 1994.
{"title":"‘Mandela’s out so apartheid has finished’: the British Anti-Apartheid Movement and South Africa’s transition to majority rule, 1990-1994","authors":"M. Graham, C. Fevre","doi":"10.1080/13619462.2021.1976154","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2021.1976154","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Based on original archival research and oral history interviews, this article examines how the British Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM) adapted to the evolving circumstances during South Africa’s transition from apartheid to democracy between 1990 and 1994. It argues that the successful framing and impact of the Free Nelson Mandela Campaign (FNMC) of the 1980s, inadvertently created a series of challenges for the AAM in the years after Mandela’s release from prison in February 1990, as many in Britain came to associate this moment with the end of apartheid. The pervasive sense that apartheid was over, coupled with the complexity, uncertainty and violence of South Africa’s political transition, created a difficult campaigning environment for the AAM, who found it hard to maintain the momentum generated through the FNMC. Despite encountering numerous (trans)national and local challenges which inhibited its impact after 1990, this article concludes that the AAM’s persistent campaigning presence allowed it to capitalise following renewed British interest in South Africa following the announcement in June 1993 of a date for the first non-racial democratic election. This enabled the AAM to make a tangible contribution, primarily through fundraising, to the African National Congress’ successful election victory in May 1994.","PeriodicalId":45519,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary British History","volume":"36 1","pages":"323 - 354"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47738185","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-17DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2021.1971080
Kevin McEvoy
ABSTRACT On 11 September 1973, a military coup was successfully launched against Chilean President Salvador Allende. British-made Hawker Hunter jets were used to attack the Chilean presidential palace, and the British government’s swift recognition of Augusto Pinochet caused outrage across the country. A solidarity campaign was launched to oppose the junta, and industrial action was taken to limit the sale of arms to Chile. While Britain’s support of Pinochet is well known, British covert action in Chile prior to the coup is not. This study will use recently declassified documents to demonstrate how, between 1960 and 1973, a secretive propaganda unit within the Foreign Office sought to prevent, and later weaken, an Allende presidency. The unit, named the Information Research Department (IRD), distributed strategically valuable information in order to damage Allende or legitimise his political opponents. Within this propaganda offensive, the IRD collaborated with the US government by sharing intelligence and assisting a CIA offshoot. Private IRD discussions suggest that this policy was guided by a geopolitical desire to keep Latin America on the ‘right side’ of the Cold War. British intervention in Chile will be contextualised by an analysis of the IRD’s furtive march into Latin America after 1949.
{"title":"Before the rubble: Britain’s secret propaganda offensive in Chile (1960-1973)","authors":"Kevin McEvoy","doi":"10.1080/13619462.2021.1971080","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2021.1971080","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT On 11 September 1973, a military coup was successfully launched against Chilean President Salvador Allende. British-made Hawker Hunter jets were used to attack the Chilean presidential palace, and the British government’s swift recognition of Augusto Pinochet caused outrage across the country. A solidarity campaign was launched to oppose the junta, and industrial action was taken to limit the sale of arms to Chile. While Britain’s support of Pinochet is well known, British covert action in Chile prior to the coup is not. This study will use recently declassified documents to demonstrate how, between 1960 and 1973, a secretive propaganda unit within the Foreign Office sought to prevent, and later weaken, an Allende presidency. The unit, named the Information Research Department (IRD), distributed strategically valuable information in order to damage Allende or legitimise his political opponents. Within this propaganda offensive, the IRD collaborated with the US government by sharing intelligence and assisting a CIA offshoot. Private IRD discussions suggest that this policy was guided by a geopolitical desire to keep Latin America on the ‘right side’ of the Cold War. British intervention in Chile will be contextualised by an analysis of the IRD’s furtive march into Latin America after 1949.","PeriodicalId":45519,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary British History","volume":"35 1","pages":"597 - 619"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42653554","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-30DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2021.1972416
J. Tomlinson
ABSTRACT The first period of Conservative government under Margaret Thatcher in 1979-1983 saw an extraordinary acceleration of deindustrialisation-the decline in share of workers employed in industry. This article examines the diverse understandings of this trend as they developed from the mid-1970s, and how this related to the politics of the time. It then examines the approach to industry of the ‘Thatcherites’, and how this related to their moral economy assumptions about the determination of employment levels. It assesses the causes of the dramatic loss of industrial jobs after 1979, and how these losses related to the government’s economic beliefs and actions. The central thesis is that rapid deindustrialisation after 1979 was an unintended consequence of the economic policies pursued, but the enormous surge in unemployment that followed led to an attempt to fit the experience of those years into a ‘moral economy’ framework which shifted the alleged cause of job loss onto the behaviour of workers and trade unions.
{"title":"Deindustrialisation and ‘Thatcherism’: moral economy and unintended consequences","authors":"J. Tomlinson","doi":"10.1080/13619462.2021.1972416","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2021.1972416","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The first period of Conservative government under Margaret Thatcher in 1979-1983 saw an extraordinary acceleration of deindustrialisation-the decline in share of workers employed in industry. This article examines the diverse understandings of this trend as they developed from the mid-1970s, and how this related to the politics of the time. It then examines the approach to industry of the ‘Thatcherites’, and how this related to their moral economy assumptions about the determination of employment levels. It assesses the causes of the dramatic loss of industrial jobs after 1979, and how these losses related to the government’s economic beliefs and actions. The central thesis is that rapid deindustrialisation after 1979 was an unintended consequence of the economic policies pursued, but the enormous surge in unemployment that followed led to an attempt to fit the experience of those years into a ‘moral economy’ framework which shifted the alleged cause of job loss onto the behaviour of workers and trade unions.","PeriodicalId":45519,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary British History","volume":"35 1","pages":"620 - 642"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44430526","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-26DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2021.1968836
C. Røstvik
What ever happened to the condom? Once a symbol of the sexual revolution, pleasure, and queer liberation, the humble sheath was rapidly joined by the Pill, PrEP medication, and the IUD in the late ...
{"title":"Protective practices: a history of the London rubber company and the condom business","authors":"C. Røstvik","doi":"10.1080/13619462.2021.1968836","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2021.1968836","url":null,"abstract":"What ever happened to the condom? Once a symbol of the sexual revolution, pleasure, and queer liberation, the humble sheath was rapidly joined by the Pill, PrEP medication, and the IUD in the late ...","PeriodicalId":45519,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary British History","volume":"37 1","pages":"468 - 469"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41900733","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-26DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2021.1968839
K. Hendrickx
{"title":"Picturing home: domestic life and modernity in 1940s British film","authors":"K. Hendrickx","doi":"10.1080/13619462.2021.1968839","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2021.1968839","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45519,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary British History","volume":"37 1","pages":"470 - 471"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48276865","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-25DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2021.1968837
J. Redmond
{"title":"Life history and the Irish immigrant experience in Post-War England","authors":"J. Redmond","doi":"10.1080/13619462.2021.1968837","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2021.1968837","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45519,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary British History","volume":"36 1","pages":"646 - 647"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48152645","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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