Pub Date : 2023-04-24DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2203917
Fleur MacInnes
{"title":"Resist, organize, build: feminist and queer activism in Britain and the United States during the long 1980s","authors":"Fleur MacInnes","doi":"10.1080/13619462.2023.2203917","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2023.2203917","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45519,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary British History","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41649061","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-24DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2201677
Christine A. Bellamy
{"title":"Why no population register in peacetime? Explaining Britain’s difficult decisions, 1943-1969","authors":"Christine A. Bellamy","doi":"10.1080/13619462.2023.2201677","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2023.2201677","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45519,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary British History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45487904","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2196409
K. Mennen
ABSTRACT The history of the national parks movement in England and Wales culminated in the passing of the National Parks and Access to the Countryside Act in 1949. Many constituent bodies were, however, dissatisfied with the administrative arrangements in the new National Parks. To explain this inconsistency, this article seeks to understand the national parks movement as a heterogenous network of loosely affiliated civil society organisations. The movement consisted of three separate clusters, each with its own approach to, definitions and expectations of national parks. These clusters emphasised the aspects of planning and rural preservation, scientific interests and nature preservation, and open-air recreation, respectively. They first joined forces in 1929, when the government appointed the first National Park Committee. Different core organisations led the movement at different stages, forming different coalitions and committees, re-defining the character of the national parks movement and its public and political profile in the process. The scientific and nature preservation cluster was the most successful after abandoning the other two clusters after 1945. This article offers a new interpretation of the history of the national parks movement in England and Wales as a highly contentious and internally divergent social movement.
{"title":"One movement, three clusters: the national parks movement in England and Wales, 1929-1949","authors":"K. Mennen","doi":"10.1080/13619462.2023.2196409","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2023.2196409","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The history of the national parks movement in England and Wales culminated in the passing of the National Parks and Access to the Countryside Act in 1949. Many constituent bodies were, however, dissatisfied with the administrative arrangements in the new National Parks. To explain this inconsistency, this article seeks to understand the national parks movement as a heterogenous network of loosely affiliated civil society organisations. The movement consisted of three separate clusters, each with its own approach to, definitions and expectations of national parks. These clusters emphasised the aspects of planning and rural preservation, scientific interests and nature preservation, and open-air recreation, respectively. They first joined forces in 1929, when the government appointed the first National Park Committee. Different core organisations led the movement at different stages, forming different coalitions and committees, re-defining the character of the national parks movement and its public and political profile in the process. The scientific and nature preservation cluster was the most successful after abandoning the other two clusters after 1945. This article offers a new interpretation of the history of the national parks movement in England and Wales as a highly contentious and internally divergent social movement.","PeriodicalId":45519,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary British History","volume":"37 1","pages":"266 - 300"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43708362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-31DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2197216
G. O’Hara
{"title":"Are We Rich Yet? The Rise of Mass Investment Culture in Contemporary Britain","authors":"G. O’Hara","doi":"10.1080/13619462.2023.2197216","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2023.2197216","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45519,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary British History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47284503","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2184804
M. Flinders, G. Lowery
ABSTRACT How, when and why do policies change? This article engages with this question through a focus on the taxation of menstrual products in the United Kingdom from its initial emergence as an issue in 1996 through to the eventual abolition of the ‘tampon tax’ on 1 January 2021. Despite the significance of this topic for broader debates concerning gender inequality, political efficacy and social change it is not one that has been the focus of close historical analysis. The research presented in this article fills this gap in the existing research base and reveals (inter alia): (i) the ebb-and-flow of the issue-attention cycle; (ii) the grating of domestic pressures against international obligations; (iii) incremental policy change in an attempt to assuage campaigners; (iv) the co-option of ‘period poverty’ as a strategic and symbolic issue by Brexit campaigners; (v) and the eventual resolution of the issue a quarter of a century after it was first raised. As such the politics of policy change vis-à-vis the taxation of menstrual products in the United Kingdom fits within a number of broader debates concerning: how, when and why policies change; the complexities of multi-level governance; and interpretations of policy success and policy failure.
{"title":"Period politics and policy change: the taxation of menstrual products in the United Kingdom, 1996–2021","authors":"M. Flinders, G. Lowery","doi":"10.1080/13619462.2023.2184804","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2023.2184804","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How, when and why do policies change? This article engages with this question through a focus on the taxation of menstrual products in the United Kingdom from its initial emergence as an issue in 1996 through to the eventual abolition of the ‘tampon tax’ on 1 January 2021. Despite the significance of this topic for broader debates concerning gender inequality, political efficacy and social change it is not one that has been the focus of close historical analysis. The research presented in this article fills this gap in the existing research base and reveals (inter alia): (i) the ebb-and-flow of the issue-attention cycle; (ii) the grating of domestic pressures against international obligations; (iii) incremental policy change in an attempt to assuage campaigners; (iv) the co-option of ‘period poverty’ as a strategic and symbolic issue by Brexit campaigners; (v) and the eventual resolution of the issue a quarter of a century after it was first raised. As such the politics of policy change vis-à-vis the taxation of menstrual products in the United Kingdom fits within a number of broader debates concerning: how, when and why policies change; the complexities of multi-level governance; and interpretations of policy success and policy failure.","PeriodicalId":45519,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary British History","volume":"37 1","pages":"238 - 265"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42098890","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-07DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2177638
Simón C. Smith
{"title":"The West and the Birth of Bangladesh: Foreign Policy in the Face of Mass Atrocity","authors":"Simón C. Smith","doi":"10.1080/13619462.2023.2177638","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2023.2177638","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45519,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary British History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42398202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-02DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2174975
Alfie Steer
ABSTRACT In October 1998, Tony Blair suffered an embarrassing electoral defeat when four activists from the Centre-Left Grassroots Alliance (CLGA) were elected to the Labour Party’s National Executive Committee. Despite Blair’s attempts to ‘modernise’ the Labour Party and abandon the ideological baggage of ‘Old Labour’, the election demonstrated the continued electoral competitiveness of the Labour Left among the party membership, and hostility towards New Labour’s trajectory. This article explores the CLGA’s foundation and electoral success as an illustrative case study of how the Labour Left altered its political strategy and rhetoric in the New Labour years. This helps to fill a significant gap in the existing literature, where organised dissent to New Labour has often been overlooked. The CLGA saw the Labour Left form broad cross-factional alliances previously thought impossible, as well as oversee a shift in rhetoric from criticising to passionately defending post-war social democracy and the political culture of ‘labourism’. Alongside the changing political strategies deployed by the Labour Left after the 1980s, this article also demonstrates how New Labour’s iconoclasm and the creation of the pejorative label of ‘Old Labour’ had the unintended consequences of erasing complex factional divides among opponents and facilitating a cross-factional activist opposition.
{"title":"‘Keep the party Labour’: the Grassroots Alliance and activist opposition to New Labour, 1994-2007","authors":"Alfie Steer","doi":"10.1080/13619462.2023.2174975","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2023.2174975","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In October 1998, Tony Blair suffered an embarrassing electoral defeat when four activists from the Centre-Left Grassroots Alliance (CLGA) were elected to the Labour Party’s National Executive Committee. Despite Blair’s attempts to ‘modernise’ the Labour Party and abandon the ideological baggage of ‘Old Labour’, the election demonstrated the continued electoral competitiveness of the Labour Left among the party membership, and hostility towards New Labour’s trajectory. This article explores the CLGA’s foundation and electoral success as an illustrative case study of how the Labour Left altered its political strategy and rhetoric in the New Labour years. This helps to fill a significant gap in the existing literature, where organised dissent to New Labour has often been overlooked. The CLGA saw the Labour Left form broad cross-factional alliances previously thought impossible, as well as oversee a shift in rhetoric from criticising to passionately defending post-war social democracy and the political culture of ‘labourism’. Alongside the changing political strategies deployed by the Labour Left after the 1980s, this article also demonstrates how New Labour’s iconoclasm and the creation of the pejorative label of ‘Old Labour’ had the unintended consequences of erasing complex factional divides among opponents and facilitating a cross-factional activist opposition.","PeriodicalId":45519,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary British History","volume":"37 1","pages":"216 - 237"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-02-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47253149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-10DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2167077
Adam Evans
ABSTRACT 2024 marks twenty-five years since the first elections to, and meeting of, the National Assembly for Wales. The Assembly had been established by the narrowest of margins at a referendum in 1997. However, supporters of devolution would have no honeymoon period. Instead, the period from Autumn 1998 to February 2000 marked what might almost be seen as a long annus horribilis for Welsh devolution. This was a period of political instability, weak leadership and partisan infighting, all of which threatened the credibility of an already vulnerable devolution project. This article outlines how this saga began with the resignation of Ron Davies as Secretary of State for Wales in 1998 and only ended when Alun Michael, Davies’s successor as Welsh Labour leader and the first First Secretary of Wales, was forced out of office. This paper uses recently released archival materials to add new detail to this story, demonstrating the extent to which the UK Government orchestrated Michael’s rise to power, the clear sense of buyer’s remorse Michael’s backers would go on to experience and the frenzied discussions that went on within Whitehall during his beleaguered tenure as First Secretary.
{"title":"Birth pangs or a honeymoon from hell? The long annus horribilis for Welsh devolution, 1998–2000","authors":"Adam Evans","doi":"10.1080/13619462.2023.2167077","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2023.2167077","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT 2024 marks twenty-five years since the first elections to, and meeting of, the National Assembly for Wales. The Assembly had been established by the narrowest of margins at a referendum in 1997. However, supporters of devolution would have no honeymoon period. Instead, the period from Autumn 1998 to February 2000 marked what might almost be seen as a long annus horribilis for Welsh devolution. This was a period of political instability, weak leadership and partisan infighting, all of which threatened the credibility of an already vulnerable devolution project. This article outlines how this saga began with the resignation of Ron Davies as Secretary of State for Wales in 1998 and only ended when Alun Michael, Davies’s successor as Welsh Labour leader and the first First Secretary of Wales, was forced out of office. This paper uses recently released archival materials to add new detail to this story, demonstrating the extent to which the UK Government orchestrated Michael’s rise to power, the clear sense of buyer’s remorse Michael’s backers would go on to experience and the frenzied discussions that went on within Whitehall during his beleaguered tenure as First Secretary.","PeriodicalId":45519,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary British History","volume":"37 1","pages":"192 - 215"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44654691","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2022.2160707
Daniel Salisbury, Karl Dewey
ABSTRACT In 1978, Bulgarian dissident writer Georgi Markov was murdered on Waterloo Bridge by an unknown assassin. The brazen attack in central London, Markov’s public profile and the alleged use of an exotic spy gadget (a poison umbrella) made the murder one of the Cold War’s most infamous cases of political assassination. However, despite wide-spread suspicions the case formally remains open, with the British government taking only limited actions against Bulgaria, the presumed culprit. This article draws on recently declassified archival materials from the United Kingdom to provide the first historical account focusing on the British dimensions of the case. The article discusses Markov’s journey to London, his murder and the British government’s response. It argues that the limited response to Markov’s murder largely followed uncertainty regarding the identity of the assassin and culpability of the Bulgarian state, as well as the political climate in the twilight years of détente. In contrast, British authorities responded tentatively to the attack on Litvinenko in 2006 and much more decisively to the attack on Skripal in 2018. This was due to the step change in the information environment providing more actionable intelligence and increasing unwillingness to accept Russian belligerence on UK soil.
{"title":"Murder on Waterloo Bridge: placing the assassination of Georgi Markov in past and present context, 1970 - 2018","authors":"Daniel Salisbury, Karl Dewey","doi":"10.1080/13619462.2022.2160707","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2022.2160707","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In 1978, Bulgarian dissident writer Georgi Markov was murdered on Waterloo Bridge by an unknown assassin. The brazen attack in central London, Markov’s public profile and the alleged use of an exotic spy gadget (a poison umbrella) made the murder one of the Cold War’s most infamous cases of political assassination. However, despite wide-spread suspicions the case formally remains open, with the British government taking only limited actions against Bulgaria, the presumed culprit. This article draws on recently declassified archival materials from the United Kingdom to provide the first historical account focusing on the British dimensions of the case. The article discusses Markov’s journey to London, his murder and the British government’s response. It argues that the limited response to Markov’s murder largely followed uncertainty regarding the identity of the assassin and culpability of the Bulgarian state, as well as the political climate in the twilight years of détente. In contrast, British authorities responded tentatively to the attack on Litvinenko in 2006 and much more decisively to the attack on Skripal in 2018. This was due to the step change in the information environment providing more actionable intelligence and increasing unwillingness to accept Russian belligerence on UK soil.","PeriodicalId":45519,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary British History","volume":"37 1","pages":"128 - 156"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41957788","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2211016
Hannah J Elizabeth
In 1994, the Birmingham based lesbian health activism group LesBeWell began to produce a newsletter titled Dykenosis. Variously describing itself as 'for women who have sex with women', 'health information for dykes' and 'the national bi-monthly newsletter about lesbian health', the newsletter offers a window into how one activist group imagined the health and ill health of women who had sex with women in the 1990s. By analysing Dykenosis, this article illuminates how LesBeWell identified and attempted to eliminate social and institutional obstacles to 'dyke' health. The article focuses on Dykenosis' collation of experiences of invisibility and hypervisibility within Britain's National Health Service, and the mobilisation of research, complaint, and community self-help within its pages and beyond as remedy to NHS shortcomings.
{"title":"'The Wild Women of the West (Midlands)': how LesBeWell imagined queer women's health and its obstacles in the 1990s through the pages of <i>Dykenosis</i>.","authors":"Hannah J Elizabeth","doi":"10.1080/13619462.2023.2211016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2023.2211016","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>In 1994, the Birmingham based lesbian health activism group LesBeWell began to produce a newsletter titled <i>Dykenosis</i>. Variously describing itself as 'for women who have sex with women', 'health information for dykes' and 'the national bi-monthly newsletter about lesbian health', the newsletter offers a window into how one activist group imagined the health and ill health of women who had sex with women in the 1990s. By analysing <i>Dykenosis</i>, this article illuminates how LesBeWell identified and attempted to eliminate social and institutional obstacles to 'dyke' health. The article focuses on <i>Dykenosis</i>' collation of experiences of invisibility and hypervisibility within Britain's National Health Service, and the mobilisation of research, complaint, and community self-help within its pages and beyond as remedy to NHS shortcomings.</p>","PeriodicalId":45519,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary British History","volume":"37 3","pages":"309-338"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10364968/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"10546164","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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