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Youth on Screen: Representing Young People in Film and Television 银幕上的青年:影视中的青年代表
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-06 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2022.2108411
Sarah Kenny
canonisation of Pride as a memory resource is demonstrated by Horvat’s interactions with archivists at the People’s History Museum, the emergence of LGSMigrants and the reignited interest in LGSM at Pride events across the country. By demonstrating the obfuscations in the film’s content, Horvat makes a case for considering the types of queer histories which are being presented as vital queer memories. Beyond this and perhaps most pressingly, it asks once presented with these pasts, what kinds of futures are viewers encouraged to seek.
霍瓦特与人民历史博物馆档案管理员的互动,LGSMigrants的出现,以及在全国各地的骄傲活动中对LGSM的重新燃起的兴趣,都证明了骄傲作为一种记忆资源的神圣地位。通过展示电影内容中的困惑,霍瓦特提出了一个考虑酷儿历史类型的案例,这些类型被呈现为重要的酷儿记忆。除此之外,或许也是最紧迫的是,它提出了这样一个问题:一旦呈现这些过去,观众会被鼓励去寻找什么样的未来。
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引用次数: 0
Working-Class Writing and Publishing in the Late Twentieth Century: Literature, Culture and Community 20世纪后期工人阶级的写作与出版:文学、文化与社会
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-02 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2022.2105837
Bent Jones
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引用次数: 0
Research excellence and the origins of the managerial university in Thatcher's Britain 卓越研究与撒切尔时代英国管理大学的起源
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-25 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2022.2098720
I. Mcneely
ABSTRACT This article is the first properly historical treatment of the intrusive regime of research (and now teaching) assessments that are now familiar to all UK academics. Eight times since the mid-1980s, British universities have been required to participate in ‘research selectivity’, ‘research assessment’, or ‘research excellence’ exercises conducted on a national scale, and designed to introduce corporate management techniques into higher education. In seeming paradox, a system of top-down steering, hands-on regulation, and artificially engineered competition was created by governments committed to free market principles, deregulation, and privatisation starting under Margaret Thatcher. This article shows how the drive for research excellence made Thatcher’s Britain into the pioneer of a new kind of intrusively managed university that has since become a global model. Making use of a rich vertical archive and a sophisticated policy literature, it provides a nuanced, empirical, historically grounded corrective to an often polemical debate on the ‘corporatisation’ or ‘neoliberalisation’ of higher learning over the past forty years. It should be of interest not merely to historians of higher education, but to anyone who views with concern the metrification of university performance in Britain and beyond.
摘要:这篇文章是第一篇对侵入性研究(以及现在的教学)评估制度的恰当历史处理,现在所有英国学者都很熟悉。自20世纪80年代中期以来,英国大学八次被要求参加在全国范围内进行的“研究选择性”、“研究评估”或“卓越研究”活动,旨在将企业管理技术引入高等教育。看似矛盾的是,从玛格丽特·撒切尔(Margaret Thatcher)时期开始,致力于自由市场原则、放松管制和私有化的政府创造了一个自上而下的指导、实际操作的监管和人为设计的竞争体系。这篇文章展示了对卓越研究的追求是如何使撒切尔领导下的英国成为一所新型侵入式管理大学的先驱,该大学自此成为全球典范。它利用丰富的垂直档案和复杂的政策文献,对过去四十年来关于高等教育“公司化”或“新自由化”的争论进行了细致入微、实证性和历史性的纠正。这不仅应该引起高等教育历史学家的兴趣,也应该引起任何关注英国及其他地区大学表现计量化的人的兴趣。
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引用次数: 1
From Greenham common to red square: women for life on earth and cross-bloc activism in the 1980s 从格林汉姆到红场:20世纪80年代地球上生命的女性和跨集团行动主义
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2022.2100987
N. Barnett
ABSTRACT This article examines how the activist group Women for Life on Earth (WFLOE) attempted to persuade the USSR to ditch their nuclear weapons. The article finds that WFLOE began a women-led campaign and engaged with unofficial activists and ordinary people in the USSR to lobby the Soviet government to disarm. WFLOE’s fame as ‘Greenham Women’ helped them to publicise their overseas activism and they attempted to challenge predominant representations of peace campaigners in the UK by campaigning against Soviet nuclear weapons. However, this success was limited with the Cold War maintaining primacy for the British press and WFLOE only gaining positive coverage when they caused embarrassment to the Soviets.
摘要本文探讨了激进组织“地球上的生命女性”(WFLOE)如何试图说服苏联放弃核武器。文章发现,WFLOE开始了一场由女性领导的运动,并与苏联的非官方活动家和普通民众接触,游说苏联政府解除武装。WFLOE以“格林汉姆妇女”而闻名,这有助于他们宣传自己的海外行动主义,并试图通过反对苏联核武器的运动来挑战英国和平活动家的主要代表。然而,这一成功是有限的,因为冷战保持了英国媒体的主导地位,而WFLOE只有在给苏联带来尴尬时才获得正面报道。
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引用次数: 0
Failed führers: a history of Britain’s extreme right 失败的<s:1>赫勒斯:英国极右翼的历史
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-14 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2022.2088518
D. Renshaw
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引用次数: 4
The Beatles and Sixties Britain 披头士乐队与六十年代的英国
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2022.2088519
Gillian A. M. Mitchell
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引用次数: 0
The welfare state generation: women, agency and class in Britain since 1945 福利国家的一代:1945年以来英国的女性、机构和阶级
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2022.2088517
L. Abrams
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引用次数: 2
The stress of work and work of stress in Britain in the late twentieth century 二十世纪末英国的工作压力和工作压力
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-28 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2022.2081549
J. Kirby
ABSTRACT This article examines how stress was used as a means of explaining and understanding the changes that were taking place in large sections of Britain’s workforce during the 1980s and 1990s. By bringing together personal accounts of how people understood and explained the effects of these adjustments on their everyday lives with the popular discourse of stress in the media, I will show how stress became a key means of interpreting the significant social and economic change that was occurring. It also brought about change in both working practices and the ways in which work and well-being were understood by both individual workers and their employers. I will also examine how newspaper reporting of stress suffered by public sector workers, particularly in the NHS and education, revealed the tensions underlying reforms in these areas and will argue that by focusing on worker experience of stress, such reporting effectively drew attention away from the underlying structural changes causing that stress.
本文考察了压力是如何被用作解释和理解20世纪80年代和90年代英国大部分劳动力发生的变化的一种手段。通过将人们如何理解和解释这些调整对他们日常生活的影响的个人描述与媒体上关于压力的流行话语结合起来,我将展示压力如何成为解释正在发生的重大社会和经济变化的关键手段。它还改变了工作实践,改变了工人个人和雇主对工作和幸福的理解方式。我还将研究报纸如何报道公共部门工作人员所遭受的压力,特别是在NHS和教育领域,揭示了这些领域改革背后的紧张关系,并将论证通过关注工人的压力体验,这种报道有效地将注意力从导致压力的潜在结构变化上转移开。
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引用次数: 1
Creating a ‘deplorable impression’: the Dryden Society’s 1969 tour of South Africa and the making of End of the Dialogue 制造“可悲的印象”:德莱顿学会1969年南非之行和《对话的终结》的制作
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-19 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2022.2076078
D. Feather
ABSTRACT In July 1969, the Dryden Society, a University of Cambridge performing arts group, arrived in South Africa for a three month tour. Prior to its departure from the United Kingdom, the group’s decision to break the cultural boycott, imposed in response to apartheid, had already caused significant protest. This article discusses the nature of the campaign to stop the tour, as well as highlighting how the British government became involved. The article also demonstrates how, despite having no official support, the tour should be viewed within the prism of British cultural diplomacy, something the British representatives in South Africa were trying to expand at the time. Additionally, the article also draws attention to the ulterior motives of several members of the touring party, who used the tour as cover to clandestinely film the conditions in which South Africa’s black majority lived on behalf of the Pan-Africanist Congress. This was later used to make the critically acclaimed documentary film End of the Dialogue (known in South Africa by its Zulu name of Phela-ndaba) which drew greater international attention to the plight of black South Africans living under apartheid.
1969年7月,剑桥大学的表演艺术团体德莱顿协会来到南非进行为期三个月的巡演。在离开英国之前,该组织决定打破文化抵制,这是对种族隔离的回应,已经引起了重大抗议。这篇文章讨论了阻止这次旅行的运动的性质,并强调了英国政府是如何参与的。这篇文章还说明,尽管没有得到官方的支持,但这次访问应该从英国文化外交的角度来看待,这是当时英国驻南非代表试图扩大的。此外,这篇文章还提请注意旅游团的几名成员的别有用心,他们以旅行为掩护,代表泛非主义大会秘密拍摄南非黑人多数的生活状况。这部影片后来被用来制作广受好评的纪录片《对话的结束》(在南非以其祖鲁语名字Phela-ndaba而闻名),这部影片引起了国际社会对生活在种族隔离制度下的南非黑人困境的更多关注。
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引用次数: 0
‘The moral rearmament of imperialism’: the Revolutionary Communist Party, the Northern Ireland conflict, and the new world order, 1981-1994 “帝国主义的道德重整”:革命共产党、北爱尔兰冲突和世界新秩序,1981-1994
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-28 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2022.2070479
J. Hepworth
ABSTRACT Through four thematic sections, this article explains why, from its inception in 1981, the Revolutionary Communist Party (RCP) espoused ‘unconditional support’ for ‘Irish freedom’, and why this position changed in the 1990s. Illuminating a particularly functional mode of radical solidarity, it argues that British leftists engaged with the Northern Ireland conflict to articulate their revolutionary praxis. Advocating ‘unconditional support’ enabled the RCP to challenge reformism on the British left and nationalism in the labour movement. As the article’s second section demonstrates, such specific left-wing anti-imperialism irked Provisional republican leaders, who demanded a more substantial, inclusive solidarity movement in Britain. The article’s third section elucidates how the Cold War’s denouement from the late 1980s deepened strategic and ideological differences among radicals. Seeking to replicate peace processes in Israel-Palestine and South Africa, Provisional republicans envisaged a negotiated transfer of power in the ‘new world order’. By contrast, lambasting western intervention in the Gulf and the Balkans, RCP theoreticians lamented the ‘moral rearmament of imperialism’. The nascent republican peace strategy of the 1990s conclusively exposed deep-rooted tensions within the RCP’s peculiar solidarity. For disillusioned cadres who had endorsed republicanism only insofar as it threatened the British state, republicanism’s new constitutionalism represented capitulation.
摘要通过四个主题部分,本文解释了为什么革命共产党(RCP)自1981年成立以来就支持“无条件支持”“爱尔兰自由”,以及为什么这一立场在20世纪90年代发生了变化。它揭示了一种特别实用的激进团结模式,认为英国左派参与北爱尔兰冲突是为了阐明他们的革命实践。倡导“无条件支持”使RCP能够挑战英国左翼的改革主义和劳工运动中的民族主义。正如文章的第二部分所表明的那样,这种特定的左翼反帝国主义激怒了临时共和国领导人,他们要求在英国开展更实质、更包容的团结运动。文章的第三部分阐述了20世纪80年代末冷战的结局如何加深了激进分子之间的战略和意识形态分歧。为了复制以色列、巴勒斯坦和南非的和平进程,临时共和党人设想在“新世界秩序”中通过谈判移交权力。相比之下,RCP理论家抨击西方对海湾和巴尔干半岛的干预,哀叹“帝国主义的道德重整”。20世纪90年代新生的共和国和平战略最终暴露了RCP独特团结内部根深蒂固的紧张关系。对于那些只在共和主义威胁英国国家的情况下才支持共和主义的失望干部来说,共和主义新宪政代表着投降。
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Contemporary British History
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