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The welfare state generation: women, agency and class in Britain since 1945 福利国家的一代:1945年以来英国的女性、机构和阶级
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2022.2088517
L. Abrams
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引用次数: 2
The Beatles and Sixties Britain 披头士乐队与六十年代的英国
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2022.2088519
Gillian A. M. Mitchell
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引用次数: 0
Th22 Cells/IL-22 Serves as a Protumor Regulator to Drive Poor Prognosis through the JAK-STAT3/MAPK/AKT Signaling Pathway in Non-Small-Cell Lung Cancer. Th22 细胞/IL-22 通过 JAK-STAT3/MAPK/AKT 信号通路在非小细胞肺癌中充当原发肿瘤调控因子,导致预后不良。
IF 4.1 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-05-28 eCollection Date: 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1155/2022/8071234
Yinan Yao, Guangdie Yang, Guohua Lu, Jiani Ye, Luyun Cui, Zhu Zeng, Junjun Chen, Jianying Zhou

The interaction of immune cells and cytokines in the tumor microenvironment affects the development and prognosis of tumors with an unclear potential regulatory mechanism. Recent studies have elucidated the protumor role of Th22 cells and its lineage-specific cytokine IL-22 in different human cancers. The present study is aimed at investigating the biological effect of Th22 cells/IL-22 and its molecular mechanism in the pathogenesis process of non-small-cell lung cancer (NSCLC). It was initially found that Th22 cells were enriched in the peripheral blood of NSCLC patients. The level of Th22 cells in peripheral blood mononuclear cells (PBMCs) was positively correlated with the TNM stage, lymph node metastasis, and clinical tumor biomarkers. Furthermore, IL-22 not only antagonized the apoptosis inducing and cell cycle arresting effect by chemotherapy and molecular targeted drugs on NSCLC cell lines but also promoted tumor cell proliferation and tumor tissue growth. Moreover, IL-22 activated the JAK-STAT3/MAPK/AKT signaling pathway, both in vitro and in vivo. Conclusively, the present results confirm that Th22 cells/IL-22 may serve as a negative immune regulator in lung cancer.

免疫细胞和细胞因子在肿瘤微环境中的相互作用影响着肿瘤的发展和预后,其潜在的调节机制尚不清楚。最近的研究阐明了 Th22 细胞及其细胞系特异性细胞因子 IL-22 在不同人类癌症中的原发性肿瘤作用。本研究旨在探讨 Th22 细胞/IL-22 在非小细胞肺癌(NSCLC)发病过程中的生物学效应及其分子机制。研究初步发现,Th22 细胞富集于 NSCLC 患者的外周血中。外周血单核细胞(PBMCs)中 Th22 细胞的水平与 TNM 分期、淋巴结转移和临床肿瘤生物标志物呈正相关。此外,IL-22 不仅能拮抗化疗和分子靶向药物对 NSCLC 细胞系的凋亡诱导和细胞周期阻滞作用,还能促进肿瘤细胞增殖和肿瘤组织生长。此外,IL-22 还能激活体外和体内的 JAK-STAT3/MAPK/AKT 信号通路。总之,本研究结果证实 Th22 细胞/IL-22 可作为肺癌的负性免疫调节剂。
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引用次数: 3
The stress of work and work of stress in Britain in the late twentieth century 二十世纪末英国的工作压力和工作压力
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-05-28 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2022.2081549
J. Kirby
ABSTRACT This article examines how stress was used as a means of explaining and understanding the changes that were taking place in large sections of Britain’s workforce during the 1980s and 1990s. By bringing together personal accounts of how people understood and explained the effects of these adjustments on their everyday lives with the popular discourse of stress in the media, I will show how stress became a key means of interpreting the significant social and economic change that was occurring. It also brought about change in both working practices and the ways in which work and well-being were understood by both individual workers and their employers. I will also examine how newspaper reporting of stress suffered by public sector workers, particularly in the NHS and education, revealed the tensions underlying reforms in these areas and will argue that by focusing on worker experience of stress, such reporting effectively drew attention away from the underlying structural changes causing that stress.
本文考察了压力是如何被用作解释和理解20世纪80年代和90年代英国大部分劳动力发生的变化的一种手段。通过将人们如何理解和解释这些调整对他们日常生活的影响的个人描述与媒体上关于压力的流行话语结合起来,我将展示压力如何成为解释正在发生的重大社会和经济变化的关键手段。它还改变了工作实践,改变了工人个人和雇主对工作和幸福的理解方式。我还将研究报纸如何报道公共部门工作人员所遭受的压力,特别是在NHS和教育领域,揭示了这些领域改革背后的紧张关系,并将论证通过关注工人的压力体验,这种报道有效地将注意力从导致压力的潜在结构变化上转移开。
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引用次数: 1
Creating a ‘deplorable impression’: the Dryden Society’s 1969 tour of South Africa and the making of End of the Dialogue 制造“可悲的印象”:德莱顿学会1969年南非之行和《对话的终结》的制作
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-05-19 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2022.2076078
D. Feather
ABSTRACT In July 1969, the Dryden Society, a University of Cambridge performing arts group, arrived in South Africa for a three month tour. Prior to its departure from the United Kingdom, the group’s decision to break the cultural boycott, imposed in response to apartheid, had already caused significant protest. This article discusses the nature of the campaign to stop the tour, as well as highlighting how the British government became involved. The article also demonstrates how, despite having no official support, the tour should be viewed within the prism of British cultural diplomacy, something the British representatives in South Africa were trying to expand at the time. Additionally, the article also draws attention to the ulterior motives of several members of the touring party, who used the tour as cover to clandestinely film the conditions in which South Africa’s black majority lived on behalf of the Pan-Africanist Congress. This was later used to make the critically acclaimed documentary film End of the Dialogue (known in South Africa by its Zulu name of Phela-ndaba) which drew greater international attention to the plight of black South Africans living under apartheid.
1969年7月,剑桥大学的表演艺术团体德莱顿协会来到南非进行为期三个月的巡演。在离开英国之前,该组织决定打破文化抵制,这是对种族隔离的回应,已经引起了重大抗议。这篇文章讨论了阻止这次旅行的运动的性质,并强调了英国政府是如何参与的。这篇文章还说明,尽管没有得到官方的支持,但这次访问应该从英国文化外交的角度来看待,这是当时英国驻南非代表试图扩大的。此外,这篇文章还提请注意旅游团的几名成员的别有用心,他们以旅行为掩护,代表泛非主义大会秘密拍摄南非黑人多数的生活状况。这部影片后来被用来制作广受好评的纪录片《对话的结束》(在南非以其祖鲁语名字Phela-ndaba而闻名),这部影片引起了国际社会对生活在种族隔离制度下的南非黑人困境的更多关注。
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引用次数: 0
‘The moral rearmament of imperialism’: the Revolutionary Communist Party, the Northern Ireland conflict, and the new world order, 1981-1994 “帝国主义的道德重整”:革命共产党、北爱尔兰冲突和世界新秩序,1981-1994
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-28 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2022.2070479
J. Hepworth
ABSTRACT Through four thematic sections, this article explains why, from its inception in 1981, the Revolutionary Communist Party (RCP) espoused ‘unconditional support’ for ‘Irish freedom’, and why this position changed in the 1990s. Illuminating a particularly functional mode of radical solidarity, it argues that British leftists engaged with the Northern Ireland conflict to articulate their revolutionary praxis. Advocating ‘unconditional support’ enabled the RCP to challenge reformism on the British left and nationalism in the labour movement. As the article’s second section demonstrates, such specific left-wing anti-imperialism irked Provisional republican leaders, who demanded a more substantial, inclusive solidarity movement in Britain. The article’s third section elucidates how the Cold War’s denouement from the late 1980s deepened strategic and ideological differences among radicals. Seeking to replicate peace processes in Israel-Palestine and South Africa, Provisional republicans envisaged a negotiated transfer of power in the ‘new world order’. By contrast, lambasting western intervention in the Gulf and the Balkans, RCP theoreticians lamented the ‘moral rearmament of imperialism’. The nascent republican peace strategy of the 1990s conclusively exposed deep-rooted tensions within the RCP’s peculiar solidarity. For disillusioned cadres who had endorsed republicanism only insofar as it threatened the British state, republicanism’s new constitutionalism represented capitulation.
摘要通过四个主题部分,本文解释了为什么革命共产党(RCP)自1981年成立以来就支持“无条件支持”“爱尔兰自由”,以及为什么这一立场在20世纪90年代发生了变化。它揭示了一种特别实用的激进团结模式,认为英国左派参与北爱尔兰冲突是为了阐明他们的革命实践。倡导“无条件支持”使RCP能够挑战英国左翼的改革主义和劳工运动中的民族主义。正如文章的第二部分所表明的那样,这种特定的左翼反帝国主义激怒了临时共和国领导人,他们要求在英国开展更实质、更包容的团结运动。文章的第三部分阐述了20世纪80年代末冷战的结局如何加深了激进分子之间的战略和意识形态分歧。为了复制以色列、巴勒斯坦和南非的和平进程,临时共和党人设想在“新世界秩序”中通过谈判移交权力。相比之下,RCP理论家抨击西方对海湾和巴尔干半岛的干预,哀叹“帝国主义的道德重整”。20世纪90年代新生的共和国和平战略最终暴露了RCP独特团结内部根深蒂固的紧张关系。对于那些只在共和主义威胁英国国家的情况下才支持共和主义的失望干部来说,共和主义新宪政代表着投降。
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引用次数: 0
Voice and choice: making a case for tailored smoking cessation programmes to support women experiencing homelessness. 声音与选择:为支持无家可归妇女而量身定制的戒烟计划提供依据。
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-26 DOI: 10.1136/ebnurs-2022-103536
Maxine Radcliffe, Thilo Kroll, Kate Frazer
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引用次数: 0
Productive European cooperation between Britain and Germany: the Swansea-Mannheim town twinning partnership and exchanges between Wales and Baden-Württemberg, 1950-2000 英国和德国之间富有成效的欧洲合作:斯旺西-曼海姆镇的结对伙伴关系和威尔士和巴登-符腾堡州之间的交流,1950-2000
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-26 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2022.2064282
Simon John
ABSTRACT This article investigates the town twinning partnership between Swansea (South Wales) and Mannheim (Baden-Württemberg, Germany) from its inception in the 1950s to the end of the twentieth century. Its findings contribute to scholarship on post-1945 European town twinning, a subject that has not received the attention it deserves, especially from academics working in Britain. The article’s arguments also complicate wider debates surrounding post-war popular relations between Britain and Germany, which have often been cast in existing work as ambivalent or outright hostile. The article adopts a regional approach—emphasising interactions between Wales and Baden-Württemberg rather than at the national level—to offer a new perspective on international relations between Britain and Germany, showing that inhabitants of Swansea and Mannheim forged warm friendships and made efforts to understand each other. The article also highlights the limitations of purely Anglocentric approaches to modern British history, drawing from interactions carried out under the aegis of the Swansea-Mannheim partnership to trace ways in which Welsh identity and the Welsh language shaped external perceptions of the British.
本文研究了斯旺西(南威尔士)和曼海姆(德国巴登-符腾堡州)从20世纪50年代开始到20世纪末的城市伙伴关系。它的发现有助于研究1945年后欧洲城镇结对的学术研究,这是一个没有得到应有关注的主题,尤其是在英国工作的学者。这篇文章的观点也使围绕战后英德关系的更广泛的争论复杂化,在现有的工作中,英德关系经常被描绘成矛盾或完全敌对的关系。这篇文章采用了一种地区性的方法——强调威尔士和巴登-符腾堡州之间的互动,而不是在国家层面上——为英国和德国之间的国际关系提供了一个新的视角,表明斯旺西和曼海姆的居民建立了温暖的友谊,并努力相互理解。这篇文章还强调了纯粹以英语为中心的方法研究现代英国历史的局限性,通过在斯旺西-曼海姆合作伙伴关系的支持下进行的互动来追溯威尔士身份和威尔士语言如何塑造了外部对英国人的看法。
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引用次数: 2
Whip in my valise: British punk and the Marquis de Sade, c. 1975–85 旅行箱里的鞭子:英国朋克与萨德侯爵,约1975-85年
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2022.2051487
M. Worley
ABSTRACT British punk emerged in tandem with the formation of Sex Pistols, a band framed by a style and an aesthetic constructed, in part, by Malcolm McLaren and Vivienne Westwood via their London shop SEX (1974–76). The shop displayed fetishwear and accoutrements designed to fuse youth and sexual subcultures, deploying sex as a cultural weapon to provoke and confront. This article examines the Sadean influences that found expression through punk, suggesting that the Marquis de Sade had a seminal if diffused impact on the punk-informed cultures that evolved through the 1970s into the 1980s. Though often indirect—and bound to broader interpretations of sexual behaviour—the actions, aesthetics and ideas associated with the ‘Divine Marquis’ seemingly tallied with the mood of a country caught in a period of socio-economic and political change.
英国朋克与性手枪的形成同时出现,这支乐队的风格和美学在一定程度上是由马尔科姆·麦克拉伦和薇薇安·韦斯特伍德通过他们在伦敦的商店Sex(1974-76)构建的。这家商店展示的恋物癖和服饰旨在融合年轻人和性亚文化,把性作为一种挑衅和对抗的文化武器。本文考察了萨迪安对朋克的影响,认为萨迪安侯爵对20世纪70年代到80年代的朋克文化产生了深远的影响。尽管通常是间接的,并且与对性行为的更广泛的解释有关,但与“神圣侯爵”有关的行为、美学和思想似乎与一个处于社会经济和政治变革时期的国家的情绪相符。
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引用次数: 0
Spartacus magazine and the commercial-political nexus of Gay Liberation 斯巴达克斯杂志和同性恋解放的商业政治关系
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2022.2053845
Gil Engelstein
ABSTRACT Spartacus magazine (1969–1972) was one of Britain’s first openly gay periodicals. This essay explores the early career of its publisher, John D. Stamford, to argue for the constitutive role of gay entrepreneurs and transnational erotic commercial networks in articulating queer politics in Britain following the 1967 Sexual Offences Act. An examination of the reception of Stamford’s commercial and political work suggests that gay male consumption preceded political mobilisation rather than followed in its tracks. More so, that consumerism provided a shared vocabulary and an important platform on which a diverse readership coalesced around a set of contradictory political dictums on what constituted ‘proper’ sexual and gender expression.
摘要《斯巴达克斯》杂志(1969–1972)是英国最早公开同性恋的期刊之一。这篇文章探讨了出版商约翰·D·斯坦福德的早期职业生涯,为同性恋企业家和跨国色情商业网络在1967年《性犯罪法》颁布后阐明英国酷儿政治中的组成角色辩护。对斯坦福德商业和政治作品的受欢迎程度的研究表明,男同性恋消费先于政治动员,而不是紧随其后。更重要的是,消费主义提供了一个共享的词汇和一个重要的平台,在这个平台上,不同的读者围绕着一系列相互矛盾的政治格言团结在一起,这些政治格言关于什么是“适当的”性和性别表达。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Contemporary British History
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