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The making of anti-nuclear Scotland: activism, coalition building, energy politics and nationhood, c.1954-2008 反核苏格兰的形成:活动、联盟建设、能源政治和国家地位,约 1954-2008 年
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-01-12 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2293745
Linda Ross, Ewan Gibbs
This article contributes to understanding how civil nuclear power shaped post-war British history through studying opposition to nuclear energy in Scotland. Over the second half of the twentieth ce...
本文通过研究苏格兰反对核能的情况,有助于理解民用核能是如何影响战后英国历史的。在二十世纪下半叶,苏格兰的核电发展成为英国历史的重要组成部分。
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引用次数: 0
The opportunity and desire to buy: owner-occupation in Scotland’s new towns, c. 1950-80 购房的机会和愿望:1950-1980 年间苏格兰新城镇的自住情况
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-01-08 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2294972
Valerie Wright, Alistair Fair
This article explores the role of the post-war new towns in Scotland in providing people with the opportunity to own their own homes. Most importantly, it traces the development of this policy prio...
本文探讨了战后苏格兰新城镇在为人们提供拥有自己家园的机会方面所发挥的作用。最重要的是,它追溯了这一政策在战前的发展历程。
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引用次数: 0
‘Dear Oxfam’: consumer-supporter-activism, NGO accountability and the boundaries of the political in the Barclays boycott, 1970-1991 “亲爱的乐施会”:1970-1991年抵制巴克莱的消费者支持行动主义、非政府组织问责制和政治界限
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-11-29 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2288028
Anna Bocking-Welch
This article is about complaint-making as a form of political participation in the NGO sector. It focuses on public scrutiny of Oxfam’s use of Barclays Bank during the anti-apartheid boycott of the...
这篇文章是关于投诉作为非政府组织政治参与的一种形式。它关注的是公众对乐施会在反种族隔离抵制运动中使用巴克莱银行的审查。
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引用次数: 0
Casual culture and football hooligan autobiographies: popular memory, working-class men and racialised masculinities in deindustrialising Britain, 1970s–1990s 休闲文化和足球流氓自传:20世纪70年代至90年代去工业化时期英国的大众记忆、工人阶级男性和种族化的男子气概
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-11-09 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2278534
Ben Jones
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引用次数: 0
Consolidating ‘traditional methods’ of public order policing: the response of the Home Office and the Metropolitan Police to mass demonstrations in 1968 巩固公共秩序警察的“传统方法”:1968年内政部和大都会警察局对大规模示威活动的反应
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2275197
Jac St John
This article examines the response of the Home Office and the Metropolitan Police to mass demonstrations in 1968. Using a variety of contemporaneous sources, including underused archival material, documents released through freedom of information requests, and evidence disclosed as part of the ongoing Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI), it shows how the experience of mass demonstrations that year, which came against the backdrop of widespread international protest, prompted significant developments in terms of crowd control tactics, covert intelligence gathering practices and the use of new technology to enable greater command and control over police resources. Taken together, these measures represented a permanent change to the public order capacity of the Metropolitan Police, providing a model that was gradually exported to other forces across England and Wales with the encouragement of the Home Office. However, despite the significant changes introduced in 1968, this article shows how police officers, civil servants, and politicians emphasised the continuation of ‘traditional methods’, a term that functioned as a way of situating public order policing within an idealised image of a uniquely English policing tradition, with an appeal to historical continuity that aimed to convey legitimacy and construct consent.
本文考察了内政部和大都会警察局对1968年大规模示威活动的反应。通过使用各种同时代的资源,包括未充分利用的档案材料,通过信息自由请求发布的文件,以及作为正在进行的卧底警察调查(UCPI)的一部分披露的证据,它展示了当年在广泛的国际抗议活动背景下发生的大规模示威活动如何促使人群控制策略方面的重大发展。秘密收集情报的做法,以及利用新技术加强对警察资源的指挥和控制。综上所述,这些措施代表了伦敦警察厅维持公共秩序能力的永久性改变,提供了一种模式,在内政部的鼓励下,逐渐推广到英格兰和威尔士的其他部队。然而,尽管1968年引入了重大变化,本文展示了警察,公务员和政治家如何强调“传统方法”的延续,这一术语的作用是将公共秩序维持在一个独特的英国警务传统的理想化形象中,呼吁旨在传达合法性和构建同意的历史连续性。
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引用次数: 0
‘I am almost the middle-class white man, aren’t I?’: elite women, education and occupational trajectories in late twentieth-century Britain “我几乎是一个中产阶级白人,不是吗?”: 20世纪末英国的精英女性、教育和职业轨迹
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2265815
Eve Worth, Aaron Reeves
This paper makes a major intervention in the historiography of elites through analysis of the experience of women occupational elites born in post-war Britain. The paper draws on a new set of oral history interviews recently conducted with women born in the post-war decades with an entry in Who’s Who which is the leading biographical dictionary of ‘noteworthy and influential’ people in the UK. The women we interviewed were all highly occupationally successful and those analysed here also attended one of twelve elite girls’ schools. This article argues that our interviewees can be separated into two distinct post-war cohorts: one born between early 1940s and mid-1950s and the other born late 1950s to late 1960s. The shape and structure of the cohort’s trajectories were different, their relationship to their careers were different, and, even though both groups faced sexual discrimination and unequal divisions of labour, the nature of these gendered inequalities changed too. By foregrounding elite women within this shifting historical context, this article illuminates broader trends in both classed and gendered experience and how this related to the changing nature of the economy in recent history.
本文通过对战后英国女性职业精英经历的分析,对精英史学进行了一次重大的介入。这篇论文借鉴了一组新的口述历史访谈,这些访谈是最近对战后几十年出生的女性进行的,这些访谈被收录在英国“值得注意和有影响力的”人物传记词典《Who’s Who》中。我们采访的女性都是职业上非常成功的人,这些被分析的女性也就读于12所精英女子学校中的一所。本文认为,我们的受访者可以被分为两个截然不同的战后群体:一个出生于20世纪40年代初至50年代中期,另一个出生于50年代末至60年代末。这群人的轨迹的形状和结构是不同的,他们与职业的关系是不同的,而且,尽管这两个群体都面临着性别歧视和不平等的劳动分工,这些性别不平等的本质也发生了变化。通过在这种变化的历史背景下突出精英女性,本文阐明了阶级和性别经验的更广泛趋势,以及这与近代史上不断变化的经济性质之间的关系。
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引用次数: 0
Campaigning against workplace ‘sexual harassment’ in the UK: law, discourse and the news press c. 1975–2005 英国反对工作场所“性骚扰”的运动:1975-2005年前后的法律、话语和新闻出版
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-12 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2262930
Louise A. Jackson, Sophia Ayada, Ashlee Christoffersen, Hazel Conley, Frances C. Galt, Fiona Mackay, Colm O’Cinneide
This article examines how and in what ways workplace ‘sexual harassment’ achieved social and legal recognition in the UK news press following its importation from North America in the mid-1970s. It assesses the role of feminist campaigners working within institutions (trade unions, human rights advocacy, the Equal Opportunities Commission and journalism itself) in shifting public discourse and in using the media to educate and promote social change. We demonstrate that the trajectory was far from a linear progression. Initial hostility within the popular press in the early 1980s was replaced with sympathetic coverage across the party-political spectrum by 1990. However, this consensus broke down in the 1990s as a result of politicised and polarised coverage of a series of claims brought by women in the services and armed forces against the backdrop of debates about ‘compensation culture’ and membership of the European Union. Whilst change was effected at the level of employment law, formal practice and in the human resources policies of larger employers, ‘sexual harassment myths’ were resilient as a thread within ‘everyday cultural discourse’ and, by implication, within informal workplace cultures.
本文探讨了职场“性骚扰”在20世纪70年代中期从北美传入英国后,如何以及以何种方式在英国新闻媒体中获得社会和法律认可。它评估了在机构(工会、人权倡导、平等机会委员会和新闻业本身)内工作的女权主义者在改变公共话语和利用媒体教育和促进社会变革方面的作用。我们证明了轨迹远非线性级数。20世纪80年代初,大众媒体最初的敌意在1990年被跨党派政治光谱的同情报道所取代。然而,这种共识在20世纪90年代破裂了,原因是在关于“薪酬文化”和欧盟成员国身份的辩论的背景下,对服务和武装部队中妇女提出的一系列索赔进行了政治化和两极分化的报道。虽然在就业法、正式实践和大型雇主的人力资源政策层面上发生了变化,但“性骚扰神话”作为“日常文化话语”中的一条线索,在非正式的工作场所文化中具有弹性。
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引用次数: 0
Feelings and work in modern history: emotional labour and emotions about labour Feelings and work in modern history: emotional labour and emotions about labour , edited by Agnes Arnold-Forster and Alison MouldsLondon, Bloomsbury Academic, 2022, xii+265 pp., ISBN 978 1 3501 9718 3 (hbk) (£85), 978 1 3501 9719 0 (ePDF) (£76.50), 978 1 3501 9720 6 (ebk) (£76.50) 现代史上的感情和工作:情绪劳动和关于劳动的情绪现代史上的感情和工作:情绪劳动和关于劳动的情绪,由Agnes Arnold-Forster和Alison MouldsLondon编辑,Bloomsbury Academic, 2022, xii+265 pp., ISBN 978 1 3501 9718 (hbk)(85英镑),978 1 3501 9719 0 (ePDF)(76.50英镑),978 1 3501 9720 6 (ebk)(76.50英镑)
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-06 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2267463
Jack Saunders
"Feelings and work in modern history: emotional labour and emotions about labour." Contemporary British History, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
“现代史上的感情和工作:情绪劳动和关于劳动的情绪。”《当代英国历史》,印刷前,第1-2页
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引用次数: 0
Who governs Britain? trade unions, the conservative party and the failure of the industrial relations act 1971 Who governs Britain? trade unions, the conservative party and the failure of the industrial relations act 1971 , by Sam Warner, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2023, xii+254 pp., (£85) (hbk), ISBN 978 1 5261 6601 2, 978 1 5261 6600 5 (ebk) (£85) 谁统治英国?工会,保守党和1971年劳资关系法案的失败谁统治英国?工会,保守党和1971年劳资关系法案的失败,山姆·华纳,曼彻斯特,曼彻斯特大学出版社,2023年,12 +254页,(85英镑)(hbk), ISBN 978 15261 6601 2,978 15261 6600 5 (ebk)(85英镑)
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-30 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2264212
Christopher Birks
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引用次数: 0
Spying (in)spires: The dwindling likelihood of an Oxford spy ring to rival the Cambridge Five 间谍(在)塔尖:牛津间谍圈与剑桥五人组竞争的可能性越来越小
2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-22 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2259319
Berenice Burnett, Erica Forktus, David V. Gioe
This article asks why no comparable spy ring to the Cambridge Five developed concurrently at Oxford University and argues that, based on an updated and comprehensive review of primary and secondary sources, holding out hope for a new revelation of one may be waiting for Godot. We argue that whilst structural and institutional factors played a significant role in the creation of a mid-20th century Cambridge spy ring, the role and agency of individuals was paramount, and Oxford was missing comparable personalities. Specifically, the galvanising effect of an intellectual authority figure in the person of Cambridge Don Maurice Dobb, the greater attention, talent, and strategy by Soviet intelligence recruiter Arnold Deutsch, and the higher level of ideological commitment and social reinforcement on the part of the Cambridge Five themselves—as a ring—were of greater significance. Not all these factors were present in Oxford and casts increasing doubt on whether an equivalent Oxford spy ring ever existed. Recently declassified files reveal that Oxford did produce Soviet era spies, but never a collective akin to that of the infamous Cambridge spies, who remain a unique historical and cultural touchstone to the present day.
这篇文章提出了一个问题,为什么牛津大学没有与剑桥五人组相媲美的间谍网同时发展起来,并认为,基于对一手和二手资料的更新和全面审查,我们对戈多的新发现抱有希望。我们认为,虽然结构和制度因素在20世纪中期剑桥间谍圈的形成中发挥了重要作用,但个人的作用和代理是至关重要的,而牛津缺乏可与之相比的人物。具体来说,剑桥大学唐·莫里斯·多布(Don Maurice Dobb)这一知识权威人物的激励作用,苏联情报招募人员阿诺德·多伊奇(Arnold Deutsch)的更大关注、更有才能和更有策略,以及剑桥五人组(Cambridge Five)本身更高层次的意识形态承诺和社会强化——作为一个圆环——都具有更大的意义。并非所有这些因素都存在于牛津,这让人们越来越怀疑牛津是否曾经存在过类似的间谍网。最近解密的文件显示,牛津大学确实培养过苏联时期的间谍,但从来没有像臭名昭著的剑桥间谍那样的集体,直到今天,剑桥间谍仍然是一个独特的历史和文化试金石。
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Contemporary British History
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