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‘I am almost the middle-class white man, aren’t I?’: elite women, education and occupational trajectories in late twentieth-century Britain “我几乎是一个中产阶级白人,不是吗?”: 20世纪末英国的精英女性、教育和职业轨迹
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2265815
Eve Worth, Aaron Reeves
This paper makes a major intervention in the historiography of elites through analysis of the experience of women occupational elites born in post-war Britain. The paper draws on a new set of oral history interviews recently conducted with women born in the post-war decades with an entry in Who’s Who which is the leading biographical dictionary of ‘noteworthy and influential’ people in the UK. The women we interviewed were all highly occupationally successful and those analysed here also attended one of twelve elite girls’ schools. This article argues that our interviewees can be separated into two distinct post-war cohorts: one born between early 1940s and mid-1950s and the other born late 1950s to late 1960s. The shape and structure of the cohort’s trajectories were different, their relationship to their careers were different, and, even though both groups faced sexual discrimination and unequal divisions of labour, the nature of these gendered inequalities changed too. By foregrounding elite women within this shifting historical context, this article illuminates broader trends in both classed and gendered experience and how this related to the changing nature of the economy in recent history.
本文通过对战后英国女性职业精英经历的分析,对精英史学进行了一次重大的介入。这篇论文借鉴了一组新的口述历史访谈,这些访谈是最近对战后几十年出生的女性进行的,这些访谈被收录在英国“值得注意和有影响力的”人物传记词典《Who’s Who》中。我们采访的女性都是职业上非常成功的人,这些被分析的女性也就读于12所精英女子学校中的一所。本文认为,我们的受访者可以被分为两个截然不同的战后群体:一个出生于20世纪40年代初至50年代中期,另一个出生于50年代末至60年代末。这群人的轨迹的形状和结构是不同的,他们与职业的关系是不同的,而且,尽管这两个群体都面临着性别歧视和不平等的劳动分工,这些性别不平等的本质也发生了变化。通过在这种变化的历史背景下突出精英女性,本文阐明了阶级和性别经验的更广泛趋势,以及这与近代史上不断变化的经济性质之间的关系。
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引用次数: 0
Campaigning against workplace ‘sexual harassment’ in the UK: law, discourse and the news press c. 1975–2005 英国反对工作场所“性骚扰”的运动:1975-2005年前后的法律、话语和新闻出版
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-12 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2262930
Louise A. Jackson, Sophia Ayada, Ashlee Christoffersen, Hazel Conley, Frances C. Galt, Fiona Mackay, Colm O’Cinneide
This article examines how and in what ways workplace ‘sexual harassment’ achieved social and legal recognition in the UK news press following its importation from North America in the mid-1970s. It assesses the role of feminist campaigners working within institutions (trade unions, human rights advocacy, the Equal Opportunities Commission and journalism itself) in shifting public discourse and in using the media to educate and promote social change. We demonstrate that the trajectory was far from a linear progression. Initial hostility within the popular press in the early 1980s was replaced with sympathetic coverage across the party-political spectrum by 1990. However, this consensus broke down in the 1990s as a result of politicised and polarised coverage of a series of claims brought by women in the services and armed forces against the backdrop of debates about ‘compensation culture’ and membership of the European Union. Whilst change was effected at the level of employment law, formal practice and in the human resources policies of larger employers, ‘sexual harassment myths’ were resilient as a thread within ‘everyday cultural discourse’ and, by implication, within informal workplace cultures.
本文探讨了职场“性骚扰”在20世纪70年代中期从北美传入英国后,如何以及以何种方式在英国新闻媒体中获得社会和法律认可。它评估了在机构(工会、人权倡导、平等机会委员会和新闻业本身)内工作的女权主义者在改变公共话语和利用媒体教育和促进社会变革方面的作用。我们证明了轨迹远非线性级数。20世纪80年代初,大众媒体最初的敌意在1990年被跨党派政治光谱的同情报道所取代。然而,这种共识在20世纪90年代破裂了,原因是在关于“薪酬文化”和欧盟成员国身份的辩论的背景下,对服务和武装部队中妇女提出的一系列索赔进行了政治化和两极分化的报道。虽然在就业法、正式实践和大型雇主的人力资源政策层面上发生了变化,但“性骚扰神话”作为“日常文化话语”中的一条线索,在非正式的工作场所文化中具有弹性。
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引用次数: 0
Feelings and work in modern history: emotional labour and emotions about labour Feelings and work in modern history: emotional labour and emotions about labour , edited by Agnes Arnold-Forster and Alison MouldsLondon, Bloomsbury Academic, 2022, xii+265 pp., ISBN 978 1 3501 9718 3 (hbk) (£85), 978 1 3501 9719 0 (ePDF) (£76.50), 978 1 3501 9720 6 (ebk) (£76.50) 现代史上的感情和工作:情绪劳动和关于劳动的情绪现代史上的感情和工作:情绪劳动和关于劳动的情绪,由Agnes Arnold-Forster和Alison MouldsLondon编辑,Bloomsbury Academic, 2022, xii+265 pp., ISBN 978 1 3501 9718 (hbk)(85英镑),978 1 3501 9719 0 (ePDF)(76.50英镑),978 1 3501 9720 6 (ebk)(76.50英镑)
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-06 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2267463
Jack Saunders
"Feelings and work in modern history: emotional labour and emotions about labour." Contemporary British History, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
“现代史上的感情和工作:情绪劳动和关于劳动的情绪。”《当代英国历史》,印刷前,第1-2页
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引用次数: 0
Who governs Britain? trade unions, the conservative party and the failure of the industrial relations act 1971 Who governs Britain? trade unions, the conservative party and the failure of the industrial relations act 1971 , by Sam Warner, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2023, xii+254 pp., (£85) (hbk), ISBN 978 1 5261 6601 2, 978 1 5261 6600 5 (ebk) (£85) 谁统治英国?工会,保守党和1971年劳资关系法案的失败谁统治英国?工会,保守党和1971年劳资关系法案的失败,山姆·华纳,曼彻斯特,曼彻斯特大学出版社,2023年,12 +254页,(85英镑)(hbk), ISBN 978 15261 6601 2,978 15261 6600 5 (ebk)(85英镑)
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-30 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2264212
Christopher Birks
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引用次数: 0
Spying (in)spires: The dwindling likelihood of an Oxford spy ring to rival the Cambridge Five 间谍(在)塔尖:牛津间谍圈与剑桥五人组竞争的可能性越来越小
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-22 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2259319
Berenice Burnett, Erica Forktus, David V. Gioe
This article asks why no comparable spy ring to the Cambridge Five developed concurrently at Oxford University and argues that, based on an updated and comprehensive review of primary and secondary sources, holding out hope for a new revelation of one may be waiting for Godot. We argue that whilst structural and institutional factors played a significant role in the creation of a mid-20th century Cambridge spy ring, the role and agency of individuals was paramount, and Oxford was missing comparable personalities. Specifically, the galvanising effect of an intellectual authority figure in the person of Cambridge Don Maurice Dobb, the greater attention, talent, and strategy by Soviet intelligence recruiter Arnold Deutsch, and the higher level of ideological commitment and social reinforcement on the part of the Cambridge Five themselves—as a ring—were of greater significance. Not all these factors were present in Oxford and casts increasing doubt on whether an equivalent Oxford spy ring ever existed. Recently declassified files reveal that Oxford did produce Soviet era spies, but never a collective akin to that of the infamous Cambridge spies, who remain a unique historical and cultural touchstone to the present day.
这篇文章提出了一个问题,为什么牛津大学没有与剑桥五人组相媲美的间谍网同时发展起来,并认为,基于对一手和二手资料的更新和全面审查,我们对戈多的新发现抱有希望。我们认为,虽然结构和制度因素在20世纪中期剑桥间谍圈的形成中发挥了重要作用,但个人的作用和代理是至关重要的,而牛津缺乏可与之相比的人物。具体来说,剑桥大学唐·莫里斯·多布(Don Maurice Dobb)这一知识权威人物的激励作用,苏联情报招募人员阿诺德·多伊奇(Arnold Deutsch)的更大关注、更有才能和更有策略,以及剑桥五人组(Cambridge Five)本身更高层次的意识形态承诺和社会强化——作为一个圆环——都具有更大的意义。并非所有这些因素都存在于牛津,这让人们越来越怀疑牛津是否曾经存在过类似的间谍网。最近解密的文件显示,牛津大学确实培养过苏联时期的间谍,但从来没有像臭名昭著的剑桥间谍那样的集体,直到今天,剑桥间谍仍然是一个独特的历史和文化试金石。
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引用次数: 0
‘A state of almost surreal vice versa’: the devolution referendums in Wales, 1979 and 1997 “一种近乎超现实的反之状态”:1979年和1997年威尔士的权力下放公投
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-18 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2239157
Leon Gooberman
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引用次数: 0
Introduction. Diplomatic departures: negotiating Britain’s international outreach in the contemporary world 介绍。外交转向:谈判英国在当代世界的国际拓展
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-14 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2237308
Lauriane Simony, M. Torrent
Diplomacy is the classic example of the Spanish proverb, ‘Traveller, there are no roads. Roads are made by walking’. We need to keep flexible and innovative and be less worried about strategic priorities which may need to be displaced at short notice or added to with no commensurate additional resources 1
外交是西班牙谚语的经典例子,“旅行者,没有路。”。道路是由步行形成的。我们需要保持灵活性和创新性,不太担心可能需要在短时间内取代或在没有相应额外资源的情况下增加的战略优先事项1
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引用次数: 0
Failing to ‘do a de Gaulle’? The break in Anglo-Algerian relations (1965-1968) and the reassessment of British policy 没能“像戴高乐一样”?英阿关系破裂(1965-1968)和英国政策的重新评估
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-11 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2237311
M. Torrent
ABSTRACT On 18 December 1965, a little over a month after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence, Algeria broke off diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom, in protest at the Labour Government’s decision not to use force against the white minority government in Salisbury. On one level, the diplomatic break seemed of secondary importance, and by the time relations resumed in April 1968, there had been no significant change in Britain’s or Algeria’s position on Rhodesia. However, as this article argues, the management of Britain’s relations with Algeria between 1965 and 1968 sheds important light on the place and views of Africa in Labour and diplomatic circles, at a time of decolonisation, of a second, unsuccessful, application to the EEC and of the creation of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. The article focuses on four areas of policy in turn: the place of Rhodesia in Anglo-Algerian relations; the influence of Labour contacts on the management of relations with Algeria; the influence of the crisis on Britain’s relations with the French in Africa and the impact of Franco-British exchanges on the evolution of British views and interests; and finally, the shifting place of Algeria in British diplomacy.
1965年12月18日,在罗得西亚单方面宣布独立一个多月后,阿尔及利亚与英国断绝了外交关系,以抗议工党政府决定不对索尔兹伯里的白人少数政府使用武力。在一个层面上,外交破裂似乎是次要的,到1968年4月两国关系恢复时,英国或阿尔及利亚在罗得西亚问题上的立场并没有重大变化。然而,正如本文所述,1965年至1968年间英国与阿尔及利亚关系的处理,在非殖民化时期,在第二次申请加入欧洲经济共同体(EEC)失败的时期,在外交和联邦事务部(Foreign and Commonwealth Office)成立的时期,为劳工和外交界对非洲的地位和看法提供了重要的启示。本文依次探讨了四个政策领域:罗得西亚在英阿关系中的地位;劳工接触对处理与阿尔及利亚关系的影响;危机对英法在非洲关系的影响以及法英交流对英国观点和利益演变的影响;最后,阿尔及利亚在英国外交中地位的转变。
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引用次数: 0
Entente Cordiale Redux: the impact of Brexit on British and French foreign and security policy 《协定》:英国脱欧对英法外交和安全政策的影响
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-02 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2237315
A. Hadfield, C. Turner
ABSTRACT Brexit has been a game-changer for Britain, and its key partners. Strategic shifts as well as historic relations have impacted the UK’s relationship with France in a number of unexpected ways. This article explores some of the key historical events that have caused both agreement and strife between the two states, looking at the bilateral treaties established to deepen cooperation on security and defence, specifically the Lancaster House agreements, and considers the series of intriguing accords and conventions that have arisen from the mid-1980s, as well as the logistical challenges of the shared border and juxtaposed border controls of Britain and France. Post-Brexit diplomatic forums in which Britain and France are joined by Germany are then explored, before assessing Britain’s attempts to forge its new role in relation to long-standing commitments to France and an evolving relationship with the EU.
英国脱欧改变了英国及其主要合作伙伴的游戏规则。战略转变和历史关系以许多意想不到的方式影响了英法关系。本文探讨了导致两国之间协议和冲突的一些关键历史事件,着眼于为深化安全和防务合作而建立的双边条约,特别是兰开斯特宫协议,并考虑了自20世纪80年代中期以来出现的一系列有趣的协议和公约,以及共享边界的后勤挑战和英国和法国并列的边境控制。在评估英国在与法国的长期承诺和与欧盟的不断发展的关系方面建立新角色的努力之前,研究了英国和法国以及德国加入的脱欧后外交论坛。
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引用次数: 0
Avoiding (unwanted) departures: British diplomacy and Soviet Bloc dissidents during the Cold War 避免(不必要的)离境:冷战期间英国外交和苏联集团异见人士
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2023.2237313
Bent Boel
ABSTRACT In the mid-1970s, no Western leader on an official visit to a Soviet Bloc country wasted any thoughts on whether or not to meet a dissident, even in countries where dissidents actually existed. By the late 1980s, such encounters had become part of an almost obligatory ritual. This remarkably swift and dramatic transformation was both preceded and accompanied by a similar change in the relationship between diplomats and dissidents. All of this happened despite considerable resistance on the part of the regimes in the host countries, which sometimes resorted to retaliatory measures, including expulsions. This article examines the role played by the United Kingdom in this normative and practical change. It identifies the different layers of relationships between the British government and Soviet Bloc dissidents, distinguishing between ‘para-contacts’, political contacts, and diplomatic contacts. It shows how political and diplomatic face-to-face contacts with the dissidents increased in frequency and scope during the 1980s, and how ministers’ and diplomats’ contacts furthered each other. Finally, it discusses possible explanations for this change.
在20世纪70年代中期,没有一位西方领导人在对苏联集团国家进行正式访问时,会浪费时间考虑是否会见异见人士,即使是在异见人士确实存在的国家。到20世纪80年代末,这样的会面几乎成了一种强制性的仪式。在这一迅速而戏剧性的转变发生之前,外交官和持不同政见者之间的关系也发生了类似的变化。尽管东道国政权有相当大的阻力,这些政权有时采取包括驱逐在内的报复措施,但所有这一切还是发生了。本文考察了英国在这一规范和实践变革中所扮演的角色。它确定了英国政府和苏联集团持不同政见者之间的不同层次的关系,区分了“准接触”、政治接触和外交接触。它展示了20世纪80年代与持不同政见者面对面的政治和外交接触是如何在频率和范围上增加的,以及部长和外交官的接触是如何相互促进的。最后,讨论了这种变化的可能解释。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Contemporary British History
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