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Iron metallurgy in northeastern Madagascar: a study of Rasikajy metallurgical production between the 11th and 15th century 马达加斯加东北部的铁冶金:11至15世纪之间拉斯卡伊冶金生产的研究
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0067270X.2023.2180635
M. Morel
In medieval times, a population the so-called Rasikajy was settled on the northeastern coast of Madagascar. This population was in contact with the Indian Ocean trading network, as attested by the presence of imported goods from China, India or Persia in some tombs in the necropolis of Vohémar, excavated in the first half of the 20th century. This population remains under-studied and little is known about their material culture or their way of life. The presence of iron slag in northeastern Madagascar has long been documented in archaeological literature, but no in-depth study had been carried out. The aims of this doctoral project were therefore to describe and better understand these metallurgical remains and the associated technical tradition. Three excavation campaigns and four additional survey campaigns were carried out between 2017 and 2021, completely renewing our knowledge on this area of Madagascar. Approximately 150 slag heaps spread over twenty locations have been described, representing about 450 tons of slag. However, these sites are concentrated in the southern half of the study area, thus defining a spatially delimited metallurgical district. The metallurgical production could be dated by radiocarbon dating to between the 11th and 14th century CE. Before this period, the Rasikajy already knew and used iron tools, but they imported this metal via the Indian Ocean trade. The combined approach of fieldwork and laboratory work has enabled the reconstruction of metallurgical practices, despite the fragile and poorly preserved remains. The Rasikajy technical tradition used a furnace in the form of a simple elliptical bowl dug directly into the sandy substratum, without any clay lining. No clay superstructure could be identified either. However, small walls were built of loose sand, sometimes reinforced with a few stone blocks. A single tuyere, made of stone or clay, was set into this sandy wall and connected to bellows. Lateritic ores, in the form of ferruginous concretions with remarkably high iron content, were reduced in these small structures. When an excess of slag was produced for the capacity of the bassin, the slag was drained off through a small channel dug in the sand. This technical tradition is observed throughout the metallurgical district. However, each site is slightly different, which shows a local adaptation of the technique, probably depending on the availability of raw materials, e.g. to make the tuyere. An detailed chemical (XRF) and mineralogical (XRD, optical microscopy and SEM-EDS) study revealed a high variability in slag composition. This variability is partly due to a high contamination of sand, which is the construction material of the furnace. Mass balance calculations also show that iron production was irregular from one smelting operation to another. In some cases smelting operations even failed, producing no iron at all. The technique appears to be poorly controlled, although the structure of the furnace c
在中世纪,一群被称为拉斯卡伊人的人定居在马达加斯加东北海岸。20世纪上半叶发掘出的沃哈萨玛墓地的一些坟墓里,有来自中国、印度或波斯的进口商品,证明了这一人口与印度洋贸易网络有联系。对这一群体的研究还不够充分,对他们的物质文化和生活方式知之甚少。早在考古文献中就有马达加斯加东北部存在铁渣的记载,但没有进行深入的研究。因此,这个博士项目的目的是描述和更好地理解这些冶金残留物和相关的技术传统。2017年至2021年间进行了三次挖掘活动和四次额外的调查活动,彻底更新了我们对马达加斯加这一地区的认识。大约有150个矿渣堆分布在20个地点,约有450吨矿渣。然而,这些地点集中在研究区域的南半部,从而定义了一个空间上划分的冶金区。通过放射性碳测定,冶金生产可以追溯到公元11世纪到14世纪之间。在此之前,拉斯卡伊人已经知道并使用铁制工具,但他们通过印度洋贸易进口了这种金属。实地工作和实验室工作相结合的方法,使冶金实践得以重建,尽管脆弱和保存不良的遗骸。拉斯卡伊的技术传统是把一个简单的椭圆形碗形的炉子直接挖进沙质底层,没有任何粘土衬里。也找不到粘土上层建筑。然而,小墙是用松散的沙子建造的,有时用一些石块加固。沙墙里有一个由石头或粘土制成的单一风口,与风箱相连。红土矿石在这些小结构中被还原成铁含量非常高的含铁凝块。当产生的矿渣超过了水池的容量时,矿渣通过在沙子中挖的小通道排出。这一技术传统在整个冶金区都得到遵守。然而,每个地点都略有不同,这表明了技术的局部适应,可能取决于原材料的可用性,例如制造风口。详细的化学(XRF)和矿物学(XRD,光学显微镜和SEM-EDS)研究表明,矿渣成分具有很高的变异性。这种变化部分是由于沙子的高污染,这是熔炉的建筑材料。质量平衡计算也表明,铁产量在不同的冶炼工序之间是不规律的。在某些情况下,冶炼作业甚至失败,根本生产不出铁。这种技术似乎控制得很差,尽管熔炉的结构肯定不允许完全控制每一个冶炼操作。然而,这种差异使我们相信冶金学家不是专业工人,只是在金属用完的时候偶尔生产铁。这显然不是大规模生产,而是小规模生产,偶尔会有冶炼活动,以满足当地的铁需求。最后,对这种不同寻常的技术传统的起源进行了反思。由于拉斯卡伊人与印度洋上的其他族群有接触,技术转让可能已经发生。在这种情况下,在印度洋的其他地方也可以找到类似的技术。到目前为止,在考古、历史或人种学资料中还没有类似的技术记录。因此,拉斯卡伊人有可能从锻造技术中重新发明了一种基本的冶炼技术。
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引用次数: 0
The exploitation, processing and use of softstone in northern Madagascar and its links to the Indian Ocean world, 800–1500 CE 公元800-1500年,马达加斯加北部软石的开采、加工和利用及其与印度洋世界的联系
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0067270X.2023.2189392
The
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引用次数: 1
Divine consumption: sacrifice, alliance building, and making ancestors in West Africa 神圣消费:牺牲,建立联盟,在西非制造祖先
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0067270X.2023.2180680
Nick Gestrich
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引用次数: 3
Du Capsien chasseur au Capsien Pasteur. Pour un modèle régional de néolithisation 从猎人到牧羊人。新石器时代的区域模型
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0067270x.2023.2180673
Giuseppina Mutri
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引用次数: 1
Iron Age sites in northern Botswana’s Okavango Delta 2: the Xaro sites in the Panhandle of the river-delta system 博茨瓦纳北部奥卡万戈三角洲的铁器时代遗址2:河流三角洲系统狭长地带的Xaro遗址
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0067270X.2023.2182570
E. Wilmsen, J. Denbow
ABSTRACT The Xaro sites are located in the Okavango Delta Panhandle of northwestern Botswana. All have an upper component with pottery identical to that made by nineteenth-century and current Mbukushu potters. Xaro 1 also has European glass beads for which cited historical documents provide calendar year dates of between 1850 and 1890. Other historical documents place the Xaro 1 Mbukushu settlement from the 1890s into the early twentieth century. All three Xaro Early Iron Age components have pottery motifs common at Tsodilo and Cubango sites on the basis of which a date range of the late sixth/early eighth centuries AD for Xaro 1 is most likely, while several pottery distinctions suggest a chronological separation within the same range for Xaro 2 and 3. Xaro Early Iron Age pottery has two unique features not discernible by the unaided eye but identified by microscopic optical petrography: 1) a red iron oxide veneer approximately two microns thick on outer surfaces; and 2) a variably thick post-deposition deposit of caliche derived from calcite suspended in Okavango water. A third uniqueness is an SEM estimated firing temperature of at least 1000˚C, much higher than the ±800˚C common for southern African vessels. Two Xaro burials provide aDNA data on Early Iron Age people in southern Africa; discriminant analysis of multiple variables determined that no present-day population sampled so far has the same ancestry mix, probably reflecting a northern genetic influence and offering genetic support to the hypothesis of a pre-Bantu expansion of pastoralists into southern Africa.
Xaro遗址位于博茨瓦纳西北部的奥卡万戈三角洲狭长地带。所有的上面都有陶器,与19世纪和现在的姆布库舒陶工制作的陶器相同。Xaro 1号也有欧洲玻璃珠,引用的历史文献提供了1850年至1890年之间的日历日期。其他历史文献将Xaro 1 Mbukushu定居点从19世纪90年代到20世纪初。所有三个Xaro早期铁器时代的组件都有在Tsodilo和Cubango遗址中常见的陶器图案,基于此,Xaro 1的日期范围最有可能是公元6世纪末/ 8世纪初,而一些陶器的区别表明Xaro 2和3的时间间隔在相同的范围内。Xaro早期铁器时代的陶器有两个独特的特征,肉眼无法识别,但通过显微光学岩石学可以识别:1)外表面有大约两微米厚的红色氧化铁饰面;2)奥卡万戈水中悬浮物方解石形成的变厚钙质沉积。第三个独特之处是,扫描电镜估计的烧制温度至少为1000˚C,远高于南部非洲船只的±800˚C。两个Xaro墓葬提供了非洲南部早期铁器时代人的dna数据;对多个变量的判别分析表明,到目前为止,没有一个现代人口样本具有相同的祖先混合,这可能反映了北方的遗传影响,并为班图人之前牧民向非洲南部扩张的假设提供了遗传支持。
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引用次数: 0
Foragers during a period of social upheaval at Little Muck Shelter, southern Africa 在非洲南部的小穆克避难所,社会动荡时期的觅食者
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0067270X.2023.2182572
T. Forssman, Siphesihle Kuhlase, Chanté Barnard, Justin Pentz
ABSTRACT By the turn of the second millennium AD, farmer societies in southern Africa’s middle Limpopo Valley were undergoing significant economic, political and social transformations that ultimately led to the development of state-level society at Mapungubwe. This included the appearance of social hierarchies, élite groups, trade wealth, craft specialisation and a royal leadership system. Whereas this farmer sequence has been relatively well-studied, forager histories, and their involvement in associated socio-economic systems, are scarcely acknowledged, despite their presence before, as well as during, the farmer-occupation period. Foragers are instead seen as passive or even inactive in local economies and thought to begin ‘disappearing’ after AD 1000. In opposition to these views are recent results from excavations carried out at Little Muck Shelter showing that a forager presence continued into the second millennium AD and that those living at the site were engaged in trade with farmers during the process of state formation. We show this by presenting the distribution of cultural material throughout the site’s occupation and a sample of stone tools and trade items dating from before 2000 BP to AD 1300. Specifically, diagnostic stone artefacts persist into the contact period and until Mapungubwe’s appearance that are morphologically consistent with those from before the BC/AD transition. The occurrence of traded glass beads, ceramics and ostrich eggshell beads also increases and peaks in the second millennium AD, showing continued engagement with the local market economy. Evidence from the shelter demonstrates the contributions that indigenous hunting and gathering communities made during the rise of the Mapungubwe state, when trade wealth came to mark social élite groups, a period that can be characterised as one of social upheaval.
公元2000年前后,非洲南部林波波谷中部的农民社会经历了重大的经济、政治和社会变革,最终导致了马蓬古布韦地区国家级社会的发展。这包括社会等级制度的出现、生活群体、贸易财富、工艺专业化和皇室领导体系。尽管这一农民序列已经得到了相对充分的研究,但采集者的历史及其在相关社会经济系统中的参与却很少得到承认,尽管他们在农民占领时期之前和期间都存在。相反,在当地经济中,采集者被视为被动的,甚至不活跃,并被认为在公元1000年后开始“消失”。与这些观点相反的是,最近在Little Muck Shelter进行的挖掘结果表明,觅食者的存在一直持续到公元第二个千年,居住在该遗址的人在国家形成过程中与农民进行贸易。我们通过展示该遗址在整个占领时期的文化材料分布,以及从公元前2000年到公元1300年的石器和贸易物品样本来证明这一点。具体来说,诊断性的石器制品一直存在于接触时期,直到马蓬古布韦出现,在形态上与公元前/公元过渡之前的石器一致。玻璃珠、陶瓷和鸵鸟蛋壳珠的交易也有所增加,并在公元第二个千年达到顶峰,显示出与当地市场经济的持续接触。庇护所的证据表明,在马蓬古布韦国家崛起期间,当地的狩猎和采集社区做出了贡献,当时贸易财富标志着社会转型群体,这一时期可以被描述为社会动荡时期之一。
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引用次数: 0
The Aterian site of Phacochères (northern Algeria): a zooarchaeological perspective phacochres(阿尔及利亚北部)的阿特利亚遗址:动物考古学的视角
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0067270X.2023.2187559
Razika Chelli-Cheheb, S. Merzoug
ABSTRACT The Phacochères site (formerly known as Les Allobroges) is a small ravine belonging to a karst system in northern Algeria. The rescue excavations conducted in 1960s at this site have yielded an exceptionally rich assemblage of vertebrates associated with Aterian stone tools. These faunal fossils collected in sandy clay levels are characteristic of the North African Upper Pleistocene and they represent a remarkable model for understanding the structure of prehistoric mammalian associations, palaeoenvironmental reconstruction and past habitat diversity. Based on biochronological and palaeoenvironmental data, the assemblage is attributed to Marine Isotopic Stage 5 (MIS 5) defined by a forest and grassland ecosystem. This paper reports the results of an analysis of the modifications of this faunal assemblage produced by human and carnivore activity. It suggests that the Aterian occupants of the site preferentially oriented their hunting towards large prey such as buffalo and aurochs and that they were able to compete with other carnivore predators. Nevertheless, the assemblage represents a palimpsest accumulated by different predators, both human and carnivore, that results from events that overlapped with brief human occupations of the site.
phacochres遗址(以前称为Les Allobroges)是阿尔及利亚北部喀斯特系统的一个小峡谷。20世纪60年代对该遗址进行的抢救挖掘,发现了与阿特良石器相关的异常丰富的脊椎动物。这些在砂质粘土层收集的动物化石是北非上更新世的特征,它们是理解史前哺乳动物组合结构、古环境重建和过去栖息地多样性的重要模型。根据生物年代学和古环境数据,该组合属于由森林和草地生态系统定义的海洋同位素阶段5 (MIS 5)。本文报道了人类活动和食肉动物活动对这一动物群变化的分析结果。这表明,居住在该遗址的阿特龙人优先将狩猎目标定位于水牛和野牛等大型猎物,并且他们能够与其他食肉动物捕食者竞争。然而,这一组合代表了不同捕食者(包括人类和食肉动物)积累的重写本,这些事件与人类在该地点的短暂占领重叠。
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引用次数: 0
Iron Age sites in northern Botswana’s Okavango Delta 1: the southern Delta sites Mat82 and Matlapaneng plus Qogana on the region’s eastern margin 博茨瓦纳北部奥卡万戈三角洲的铁器时代遗址1:南部三角洲遗址Mat82和Matlapaneng以及该地区东部边缘的Qogana
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0067270X.2023.2182563
J. Denbow, E. Wilmsen
ABSTRACT This paper, one of three focused on Early Iron Age (EIA) sites of the Okavango Delta in northern Botswana, provides descriptions and analyses of two sites, Mat82 and Matlapaneng, on the southern margin of the Delta and of a small contemporary hunting-fishing camp at Qogana in its eastern middle reaches. The relationship of these sites to others, particularly in the areas of the confluence of the Chobe and Zambezi Rivers and Victoria Falls, is examined in detail. Pottery recovered from the Delta sites is shown to be a western expression of the eastern Kalundu Tradition. Optical petrographic analyses of 26 sherds from Mat82, Matlapaneng and Qogana compared with 60 sherds from Chobe-Victoria Falls sites, plus clays from most lithological exposures in these regions, confirms that most of the Mat82 and Matlapaneng sherds can be associated with local southern Delta clays, while five have fabrics comparable with Chobe-Victoria Falls clays and sherds, documenting that these Matlapaneng sherds are from vessels made in, and imported from, that region. While the distribution of finds at Matlapaneng displayed a higher concentration of lithic artefacts on the site’s outer margins with a corresponding higher pottery concentration in the centre, all areas have the same representation of lithic tools, débitage, pottery fabrics and décor motifs and proportions of wild game to domestic animals, thus providing no evidence for a herder/hunter or inner/outer space dichotomy in residence or subsistence activities. This trio of sites, then, provides a further lesson regarding the archaeological erasure of mistaken isolationist tenets in southern African archaeology in which peoples have been automatically segregated according to the material inventory of the sites at which they lived.
本文是对博茨瓦纳北部奥卡万戈三角洲(Okavango Delta)早期铁器时代遗址进行研究的三篇论文之一,对位于该三角洲南缘的Mat82和Matlapaneng两个遗址以及位于其东部中游地区Qogana的一个小型当代狩猎捕鱼营地进行了描述和分析。这些遗址与其他遗址的关系,特别是在乔贝河和赞比西河和维多利亚瀑布汇合处的地区,被详细审查。从三角洲遗址中发现的陶器被证明是东方卡伦杜传统的西方表达。对来自Mat82、Matlapaneng和Qogana的26块碎片进行光学岩石学分析,并与来自Chobe-Victoria Falls遗址的60块碎片进行比较,再加上来自这些地区大多数岩性暴露的粘土,证实了Mat82和Matlapaneng的大部分碎片可以与当地南部三角洲的粘土相关联,而其中5块碎片的结构与Chobe-Victoria Falls的粘土和碎片相似,证明这些Matlapaneng碎片来自该地区制造和进口的容器。尽管在Matlapaneng发现的分布显示,遗址外边缘的石器制品密度更高,中心的陶器密度也相应更高,但所有地区都有相同的石器工具、陶器、陶器织物和陶器图案,以及野生动物与家畜的比例,因此没有证据表明在居住或生存活动中存在牧人/猎人或内部/外部空间的二元对立。因此,这三个遗址就南部非洲考古学中错误的孤立主义信条的考古消除提供了进一步的教训,在这种信条中,人们根据他们居住的遗址的材料清单自动隔离。
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引用次数: 2
Iron Age sites in northern Botswana’s Okavango Delta 3: Lotshitshi, a Later Stone Age/Bambata/Recent site on the Delta margin 博茨瓦纳北部奥卡万戈三角洲的铁器时代遗址3:lottshitshi,石器时代晚期/Bambata/三角洲边缘的近代遗址
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0067270X.2023.2184660
E. Wilmsen, J. Denbow
ABSTRACT Lotshitshi is a small site on the edge of the Thamalakane River floodplain on the southern margin of the Okavango Delta, Botswana. A component with Later Stone Age lithic artefacts radiocarbon-dated to the second/third millennia BC is overlain by a component with the same kind of stone tools, but with the addition of Bambata pottery and domestic cattle radiocarbon-dated to the earlier decades of the first century AD. A component with Recent pottery is at the top of this sequence. Although modest in size and content, Lotshitshi adds valuable details to our knowledge of Bambata pottery-making peoples with cattle and provides additional evidence for the movement of peoples during this time from the Chobe-Zambezi confluence region to western Botswana, thus supplementing efforts to understand Early Iron Age population dynamics in southern Africa as a whole.
Lotshitshi是博茨瓦纳奥卡万戈三角洲南缘的Thamalakane河漫滩边缘的一个小遗址。一个由放射性碳测定的石器时代晚期石器制品的组成部分可以追溯到公元前2 / 3千年,它被一个由相同类型的石器组成的组成部分覆盖,但是增加了Bambata陶器和家畜的放射性碳测定可以追溯到公元1世纪的前几十年。在这个序列的顶部是一个带有近代陶器的组件。虽然Lotshitshi的规模和内容都不大,但它为我们了解班巴塔用牛制作陶器的民族提供了宝贵的细节,并为这一时期人们从乔比-赞比西河合流地区向博茨瓦纳西部的迁移提供了额外的证据,从而补充了了解整个南部非洲早期铁器时代人口动态的努力。
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引用次数: 2
PhD Abstract 博士文摘
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-12-13 DOI: 10.1080/0067270x.2022.2156719
D. Witelson
It has been proposed that the southernmost coast of South Africa was a uniquely important region in later human evolution, in part due to the abundance of nutritious and dense coastal resources. Yet, strong contrasts between its Middle Stone Age (MSA) and subsequent Later Stone Age (LSA) archaeological records cast uncertainty on the significance of shellfish utilisation for processes of human evolution. Furthermore, climatic shifts are frequently advanced as drivers of widespread technological change, but few climate proxy records correspond adequately to the archaeological evidence at a temporal or spatial level to allow them to be unambiguously linked to human cultural activity. This thesis presents a temporally and spatially distributed record of near-shore seasonal sea surface temperatures (SSTs) from serial δO shell measurements of archaeological Turbo sarmaticus opercula. In addition, the annual timing of shellfish harvesting captured in the temperature signal of the shells’ final few growth increments is indicative of hunter-gatherers’ scheduling of foraging behaviours and of their social organisation. A non-destructive method for evaluating the preservation of the original aragonitic shell carbonate using Fourier transform infrared spectrometry with an attenuated reflectance attachment is presented, allowing for robust SST reconstructions. Near-shore SST reconstructions are presented from the LSA levels of Nelson Bay Cave and Byneskranskop 1, along with new radiocarbon chronologies spanning the terminal Pleistocene and the Holocene, and from the MSA deposits at Pinnacle Point 5–6 and Klasies River Main site, dated to periods in Marine Isotope Stage (MIS) 5 and across the MIS5/4 transition. These reconstructions confirm the utility of near-shore SST records for terrestrial climate reconstructions, indicating shifts in summer rainfall during the Holocene and across MIS5/4. The annual timing of shellfish foraging is shown to be markedly different between the MSA and LSA, permitting more nuanced assessments of foraging behaviours within the MSA and LSA.
有人提出,南非最南端的海岸在后来的人类进化中是一个独特的重要地区,部分原因是丰富的营养和密集的沿海资源。然而,其中石器时代(MSA)和随后的晚石器时代(LSA)考古记录之间的强烈对比,使人们对贝类利用对人类进化过程的重要性产生了不确定性。此外,气候变化经常被认为是广泛的技术变革的驱动因素,但很少有气候代理记录在时间或空间水平上与考古证据充分对应,从而使它们与人类文化活动明确联系起来。本文通过对古萨玛aticus opercula的δO壳序列测量,获得了近岸季节海表温度的时空分布记录。此外,贝壳最后几个生长增量的温度信号中捕获的贝类捕捞的年度时间指示了狩猎采集者的觅食行为和他们的社会组织安排。本文提出了一种非破坏性的方法来评估原始文石壳碳酸盐的保存情况,该方法使用带有衰减反射附加的傅里叶变换红外光谱法,允许稳健的海温重建。从Nelson Bay Cave和Byneskranskop 1的LSA水平重建近岸海表温度,以及跨越更新世和全新世的新放射性碳年代学,以及Pinnacle Point 5 - 6和Klasies River Main遗址的MSA沉积物,可追溯到海洋同位素阶段(MIS) 5和MIS5/4过渡时期。这些重建证实了近岸海温记录在陆地气候重建中的作用,表明了全新世和MIS5/4期间夏季降雨的变化。贝类的年度觅食时间在MSA和LSA之间有显著差异,这使得对MSA和LSA内的觅食行为进行更细致的评估成为可能。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Azania-Archaeological Research in Africa
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