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Experiments in Egyptian archaeology — Stoneworking technology in ancient Egypt 埃及考古学的实验-古埃及的石工技术
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-28 DOI: 10.1080/0067270x.2023.2209404
F. Hassan
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引用次数: 0
PhD Abstract 博士文摘
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-22 DOI: 10.1080/0067270x.2023.2226590
Courtneay Hopper
Sibudu rock shelter was occupied by hunter-gatherer groups of modern humans during the Middle Stone Age between 77 and 38,000 (ka) years ago. Sibudu is in the summer rainfall region and is situated about 15 km inland of the eastern coast of South Africa. The site includes technological industries such as the Still Bay and Howiesons Poort that are distinguished by specific stone tool types. Woody taxa identified from archaeological charcoal in this site indicate changes in vegetation and wood use. Archaeological charcoal specimens, specifically from hearths on three putative occupation floors, were analysed for behavioural information about wood selection and use. Two of the stratigraphic layers, BYA2 (i) and SPCA, are approximately 58 ka old, while the MOD layer is approximately 49 ka old. All three layers contain tools from the post-Howiesons Poort industry. Identifications of woody taxa were made by means of a comparative charcoal reference collection and the InsideWood database. Charcoal was studied under stereo and reflective light microscopes. Woody taxa identified confirmed that the coldest, driest phase of occupation was at approximately 58 ka. Bushveld woods, including five Acacia types, were identified in charcoal from MOD layer, ∼49 ka. The vegetation mosaic was different from today’s coastal forest and savanna near Sibudu. The availability of natural wood around Sibudu, visible in the type of wood burnt in hearths, has changed since 58 ka and 49 ka for either climatic or anthropogenic reasons or for a combination of these. In all three layers, the wood bundles include tinder, fuel and a selection of woody plants that today are known to have medicinal bark, leaves and wood. People may have selected wood for burning properties (for example, temperature, light and coal production) and for medicine. Woods suitable for making firesticks for starting fires by means of friction are present. Wood from Spirostachys africana (tambotie) occurs in one hearth in each of the three layers. Since Spirostachys africana is normally avoided in cooking fires as it is poisonous, this suggests that the wood was selected deliberately and burnt for insecticidal smoke or other medicinal purposes. Tarchonanthus parvicapitulatus (syn. T. camphoratus) charcoal occurred in layer SPCA. This adds to the previous evidence of the use of aromatic plants at Sibudu, where sedge bedding was topped with aromatic, insecticidal Cryptocarya woodii (river-quince) leaves (Wadley et al. 2011). Wood use is different between hearths and surrounding sediments and between occupations dating 58 ka and 49 ka.
在距今77年至38,000年前的石器时代中期,现代人类的狩猎采集者群体占据了西布杜岩石避难所。西布杜位于夏季降雨区,位于南非东海岸内陆约15公里处。该遗址包括科技产业,如斯蒂尔湾(Still Bay)和豪森斯港(Howiesons port),它们以特定的石器类型而闻名。从考古木炭中鉴定出的木质分类群表明了该遗址植被和木材利用的变化。考古木炭标本,特别是来自三个假定的职业楼层的壁炉,分析了关于木材选择和使用的行为信息。BYA2 (i)和SPCA两层的年龄约为58 ka,而MOD层的年龄约为49 ka。这三个层都包含了后howiesons port行业的工具。通过比较木炭参考资料和InsideWood数据库进行木质分类群的鉴定。在立体光学显微镜和反射光显微镜下对木炭进行了研究。木质分类群的鉴定证实了最冷、最干燥的时期大约在58 ka。在MOD层~ 49 ka的木炭中鉴定出5种刺槐。植被马赛克不同于今天的沿海森林和西布都附近的稀树草原。从灶台燃烧的木材类型可以看出,西布杜周围天然木材的可用性自58 ka和49 ka以来发生了变化,原因可能是气候或人为原因,也可能是这些因素的综合作用。在所有三层中,木材捆包括火种、燃料和精选的木本植物,这些植物今天已知有药用树皮、叶子和木材。人们选择木材可能是为了燃烧性能(例如,温度、光线和煤炭生产)和医药。有适于制造摩擦点火的火棒的木材。来自非洲螺木(tambotie)的木材出现在三层每层的一个炉膛中。由于非洲螺旋体有毒,烹调时通常避免使用,这表明这种木材是故意选择的,燃烧是为了产生杀虫烟或其他药用目的。Tarchonanthus parvicapitulatus (syn. T. camphoratus)木炭发生在SPCA层。这增加了先前在Sibudu使用芳香植物的证据,在那里,芦苇床上覆盖有芳香的,杀虫的Cryptocarya woodii(河昆)叶子(Wadley et al. 2011)。木材的使用在壁炉和周围沉积物之间以及在58 ka和49 ka之间的职业之间是不同的。
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引用次数: 9
The Diepkloof Rock Shelter foodplant fitness landscape, Western Cape, South Africa Diepkloof岩石庇护所食物植物健身景观,西开普省,南非
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/0067270X.2023.2198852
M. Lombard
ABSTRACT This paper reports on, and supplies the checklists for, the known foodplant population currently growing around Diepkloof Rock Shelter, South Africa, within radii of ∼12.5 km, ∼35 km and ∼70 km. It demonstrates that many of the species identified from the shelter’s Middle Stone Age charcoal record still grow on the landscape today and that 33 of the ancient charcoal-identified species are historically known as foodplants in southern Africa. With this contribution the current foodplant species that could serve as dietary resources are extended to 81 within a day’s return trip (∼12.5 km) from the site, 158 within the ∼35 km radius and 170 on the greater foraging landscape extending up to ∼ 70 km from Diepkloof. Data are presented that indicate the proportional increases in plant growth forms and edible plant parts by extending foraging ranges. Initial interpretation of the data shows that foragers may have had adequate access to herbs and shrubs from which leafy vegetables and fruits can be collected, as well as hydrophytes (such as waterblommetjies) within a day’s return trip. To increase especially access to energy-rich corms and roots, they may have used additional/other camp sites or home bases to exploit their ∼35 km foraging range. By travelling over longer distances, access to grass grains that also serve as famine foods can be exponentially increased.
本文报道并提供了目前在南非Diepkloof Rock Shelter周围生长的已知食用植物种群的清单,范围为~ 12.5 km, ~ 35 km和~ 70 km。它表明,从避难所的中石器时代木炭记录中鉴定出的许多物种今天仍然在这片土地上生长,并且在非洲南部历史上已知的33种古代木炭鉴定物种是食用植物。有了这一贡献,目前可以作为膳食资源的食用植物种类在距离该地点一天的回程(~ 12.5公里)内增加到81种,在~ 35公里半径内增加到158种,在从Diepkloof延伸到~ 70公里的更大的觅食景观中增加到170种。数据表明,通过扩大觅食范围,植物生长形式和可食用植物部位呈比例增加。对数据的初步解读表明,采集者可能在一天的回程中就能获得足够的草本植物和灌木,从中可以收集到多叶蔬菜和水果,以及水生植物(如水开花植物)。为了增加获取富含能量的球茎和根的机会,他们可能使用了额外的/其他营地或基地来开发其约35公里的觅食范围。通过长途旅行,获得也可作为饥荒食物的草粮的机会可以成倍增加。
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引用次数: 0
PhD Abstract 博士文摘
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/0067270X.2023.2203551
Gonzalo J. Linares Matás
Abstract
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引用次数: 0
Using the radiocarbon dates of Central Africa for studying long-term demographic trends of the last 50,000 years: potential and pitfalls 利用中非的放射性碳年代来研究过去5万年的长期人口趋势:潜力和陷阱
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/0067270X.2023.2215649
B. Clist, J. Denbow, Raymond Lanfranchi
ABSTRACT This paper presents the first review of biases impacting Pleistocene and Holocene radiocarbon dates from Central Africa. Based on the pooling of the research expertise of the co-authors, twenty-four biases are listed, explained and documented and their impact on any radiocarbon date corpus demonstrated. To achieve this, a new corpus has been created of 1764 radiocarbon and TL assays from 601 archaeological sites published in the literature. Each date has been checked for its context. The irregular dynamics of research in space and time seriously impact the end result of previous analyses aiming to achieve a regional understanding of past demographic fluctuations. While peaks in the number of dates from the late Holocene seem to correspond to a positive demographic trend, it is suggested that the declines identified cannot be of any such use for the time being and that today’s picture does not presently support claims of a population “crash” at a regional or local level for any time period. The numbers are obscured by overall research deficits identifiable throughout the region. The maps of the dated sites presented offer good evidence of this and illustrate the vast expanses where no archaeological research has yet been carried out. The number of radiocarbon dates in Central Africa is more an indicator of the effort archaeologists have put into understanding a settlement than it is of ancient demographics. Successive waves of incoming people since c. 3500–3000 cal. BP, the two most important ones known since the 1990s, have created a cultural mosaic of coexisting technological groups. The last 40 years of research have revealed the inner complexity of these waves, some of which avoided parts of the region for centuries, thereby creating an irregular cultural mosaic of land use that is outlined by patterning in the radiocarbon dates.
摘要本文首次回顾了影响中非更新世和全新世放射性碳测年的偏差。在汇集了共同作者的研究专长的基础上,列出、解释和记录了24种偏差,并证明了它们对任何放射性碳日期语料库的影响。为了实现这一目标,已经创建了一个新的语料库,其中包括来自601个考古遗址的1764个放射性碳和TL分析。已经检查了每个日期的上下文。研究在空间和时间上的不规则动态严重影响了以往旨在实现对过去人口波动的区域理解的分析的最终结果。虽然从全新世晚期开始的日期数量的峰值似乎与一个积极的人口趋势相对应,但有人认为,目前确定的下降不能有任何这样的用途,而且目前的情况并不支持在任何时期内区域或地方层面上的人口“崩溃”的说法。这些数字被整个地区可识别的总体研究赤字所掩盖。这些有年代的遗址的地图为这一点提供了很好的证据,并说明了尚未进行考古研究的广阔地区。中非放射性碳测年的数量更多地是考古学家为了解一个定居点所付出的努力的一个指标,而不是古代人口统计学的指标。自公元前3500-3000年以来,连续不断的移民潮(自20世纪90年代以来已知的最重要的两次移民潮)创造了共存的技术群体的文化马赛克。过去40年的研究揭示了这些波浪的内在复杂性,其中一些波浪几个世纪以来一直避开该地区的某些地区,从而形成了一种不规则的土地使用文化马赛克,这是通过放射性碳年代的模式来概述的。
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引用次数: 1
From settlement patterns to memory of place among Holocene hunter-gatherers at Sai Island, Middle Nile Valley 从中尼罗河谷赛岛全新世狩猎采集者的定居模式到地点记忆
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/0067270X.2023.2198851
Vincenzo Spagnolo, E. Garcea
ABSTRACT Persistent places are the locations where people aggregate, utilise and reuse natural or built features and develop their social identities and interactions. A network of persistent places forms interconnected persistent settlement patterns, which create a humanly made or storied landscape with a shared community-based memory of place. Although it has been demonstrated that persistent settlement patterns long preceded the onset of Neolithic farming villages, the Levant has received the most attention regarding this perspective. At the same time, Africa still needs to be addressed. This paper provides an illustrative case study of persistent settlement patterns created by Holocene hunter-gatherers in the Middle Nile Valley of Sudan. It employs geostatistical patterning and visual mapping of an extensive collection of different classes of artefacts (lithic industry, hammerstones, ground stone tools and pottery) from a well-preserved Khartoum Variant site on Sai Island and correlates them to complex architectural features exposed on an archaeological surface (Level 1) at site 8-B-10C dating to the early fifth millennium cal. BC. The combination of multiple in-depth geostatistical analyses of a complex habitation system successfully documents an exceptionally preserved planned intra-site settlement organisation maintained over several generations, revealing a memory of place.
持久场所是人们聚集、利用和再利用自然或建筑特征并发展其社会身份和互动的场所。持久的地点网络形成了相互联系的持久的聚落模式,创造了一个具有共享的社区记忆的人造或传奇景观。尽管已经证明,在新石器时代农业村庄出现之前,持久的定居模式就已经存在,但黎凡特地区在这方面受到的关注最多。与此同时,非洲问题仍然需要解决。本文提供了一个关于苏丹中尼罗河谷全新世狩猎采集者创造的持久定居模式的说明性案例研究。它采用地质统计学模式和视觉地图,对来自西岛一个保存完好的喀土穆变体遗址的大量不同类别的人工制品(石器工业、锤石、地面石器和陶器)进行了绘制,并将它们与8-B-10C遗址考古表面(1级)上暴露的复杂建筑特征联系起来,该遗址可追溯到公元前五千年早期。对一个复杂的居住系统进行了多次深入的地质统计分析,成功地记录了一个保存了几代人的遗址内定居组织,揭示了对这个地方的记忆。
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引用次数: 1
A new interpretation of the military settlements of the northern Nguni 对恩古尼北部军事定居点的新解释
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/0067270X.2023.2208483
Renier H. van der Merwe, K. Fowler, K. Sadr
ABSTRACT The migration of the various northern Nguni groups during the nineteenth century is associated with a period of increased and extensive conflict throughout southern Africa. Central to the success of the nineteenth-century northern Nguni kingdoms was the utilisation of a social organisational system known as the regimental system. These regiments were housed in military settlements that would form the core of the various kingdoms’ administrative and military systems. From examining the various military settlements of the northern Nguni kingdoms, two different settlement variations can be observed. The first variant was utilised by the Zulu and Matabele with the second one used by the Ngoni and Swazi. This study advances a new hypothesis relating the nature and origins of these two variants. It is argued that they are more than reflections of the separate historical development of each northern Nguni kingdom and that they result instead from regional developments that occurred within the KwaZulu-Natal province of South Africa. The communities that utilise each variant can be linked both historically as well as geographically, with a very distinct geographical divide detectable between them. The hypothesis presented here therefore argues that these variants are reflective of at least two different and simultaneous regimental systems with different corresponding military settlements.
19世纪,北部各恩古尼部落的迁徙与整个非洲南部冲突的增加和广泛的时期有关。19世纪北部恩古尼王国成功的核心是利用了一种被称为军团系统的社会组织系统。这些军团被安置在军事定居点,这些定居点将形成各个王国行政和军事系统的核心。通过检查北部恩古尼王国的各种军事定居点,可以观察到两种不同的定居点变化。第一种变种被祖鲁人和马塔贝莱人使用,第二种变种被恩戈尼人和斯威士兰人使用。本研究提出了一个关于这两种变异的性质和起源的新假设。有人认为,它们不仅仅是每个北部恩古尼王国各自历史发展的反映,而是南非夸祖鲁-纳塔尔省内部发生的区域发展的结果。使用每种变体的社区可以在历史上和地理上联系起来,在它们之间可以发现非常明显的地理划分。因此,本文提出的假设认为,这些变体至少反映了两种不同的、同时存在的团制,具有不同的相应军事定居点。
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引用次数: 0
East Africa’s human environment interactions: historical perspectives for a sustainable future 东非人与环境的相互作用:可持续未来的历史视角
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/0067270x.2023.2208479
Samuel Lunn-rockliffe
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引用次数: 2
Iron metallurgy in northeastern Madagascar: a study of Rasikajy metallurgical production between the 11th and 15th century 马达加斯加东北部的铁冶金:11至15世纪之间拉斯卡伊冶金生产的研究
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0067270X.2023.2180635
M. Morel
In medieval times, a population the so-called Rasikajy was settled on the northeastern coast of Madagascar. This population was in contact with the Indian Ocean trading network, as attested by the presence of imported goods from China, India or Persia in some tombs in the necropolis of Vohémar, excavated in the first half of the 20th century. This population remains under-studied and little is known about their material culture or their way of life. The presence of iron slag in northeastern Madagascar has long been documented in archaeological literature, but no in-depth study had been carried out. The aims of this doctoral project were therefore to describe and better understand these metallurgical remains and the associated technical tradition. Three excavation campaigns and four additional survey campaigns were carried out between 2017 and 2021, completely renewing our knowledge on this area of Madagascar. Approximately 150 slag heaps spread over twenty locations have been described, representing about 450 tons of slag. However, these sites are concentrated in the southern half of the study area, thus defining a spatially delimited metallurgical district. The metallurgical production could be dated by radiocarbon dating to between the 11th and 14th century CE. Before this period, the Rasikajy already knew and used iron tools, but they imported this metal via the Indian Ocean trade. The combined approach of fieldwork and laboratory work has enabled the reconstruction of metallurgical practices, despite the fragile and poorly preserved remains. The Rasikajy technical tradition used a furnace in the form of a simple elliptical bowl dug directly into the sandy substratum, without any clay lining. No clay superstructure could be identified either. However, small walls were built of loose sand, sometimes reinforced with a few stone blocks. A single tuyere, made of stone or clay, was set into this sandy wall and connected to bellows. Lateritic ores, in the form of ferruginous concretions with remarkably high iron content, were reduced in these small structures. When an excess of slag was produced for the capacity of the bassin, the slag was drained off through a small channel dug in the sand. This technical tradition is observed throughout the metallurgical district. However, each site is slightly different, which shows a local adaptation of the technique, probably depending on the availability of raw materials, e.g. to make the tuyere. An detailed chemical (XRF) and mineralogical (XRD, optical microscopy and SEM-EDS) study revealed a high variability in slag composition. This variability is partly due to a high contamination of sand, which is the construction material of the furnace. Mass balance calculations also show that iron production was irregular from one smelting operation to another. In some cases smelting operations even failed, producing no iron at all. The technique appears to be poorly controlled, although the structure of the furnace c
在中世纪,一群被称为拉斯卡伊人的人定居在马达加斯加东北海岸。20世纪上半叶发掘出的沃哈萨玛墓地的一些坟墓里,有来自中国、印度或波斯的进口商品,证明了这一人口与印度洋贸易网络有联系。对这一群体的研究还不够充分,对他们的物质文化和生活方式知之甚少。早在考古文献中就有马达加斯加东北部存在铁渣的记载,但没有进行深入的研究。因此,这个博士项目的目的是描述和更好地理解这些冶金残留物和相关的技术传统。2017年至2021年间进行了三次挖掘活动和四次额外的调查活动,彻底更新了我们对马达加斯加这一地区的认识。大约有150个矿渣堆分布在20个地点,约有450吨矿渣。然而,这些地点集中在研究区域的南半部,从而定义了一个空间上划分的冶金区。通过放射性碳测定,冶金生产可以追溯到公元11世纪到14世纪之间。在此之前,拉斯卡伊人已经知道并使用铁制工具,但他们通过印度洋贸易进口了这种金属。实地工作和实验室工作相结合的方法,使冶金实践得以重建,尽管脆弱和保存不良的遗骸。拉斯卡伊的技术传统是把一个简单的椭圆形碗形的炉子直接挖进沙质底层,没有任何粘土衬里。也找不到粘土上层建筑。然而,小墙是用松散的沙子建造的,有时用一些石块加固。沙墙里有一个由石头或粘土制成的单一风口,与风箱相连。红土矿石在这些小结构中被还原成铁含量非常高的含铁凝块。当产生的矿渣超过了水池的容量时,矿渣通过在沙子中挖的小通道排出。这一技术传统在整个冶金区都得到遵守。然而,每个地点都略有不同,这表明了技术的局部适应,可能取决于原材料的可用性,例如制造风口。详细的化学(XRF)和矿物学(XRD,光学显微镜和SEM-EDS)研究表明,矿渣成分具有很高的变异性。这种变化部分是由于沙子的高污染,这是熔炉的建筑材料。质量平衡计算也表明,铁产量在不同的冶炼工序之间是不规律的。在某些情况下,冶炼作业甚至失败,根本生产不出铁。这种技术似乎控制得很差,尽管熔炉的结构肯定不允许完全控制每一个冶炼操作。然而,这种差异使我们相信冶金学家不是专业工人,只是在金属用完的时候偶尔生产铁。这显然不是大规模生产,而是小规模生产,偶尔会有冶炼活动,以满足当地的铁需求。最后,对这种不同寻常的技术传统的起源进行了反思。由于拉斯卡伊人与印度洋上的其他族群有接触,技术转让可能已经发生。在这种情况下,在印度洋的其他地方也可以找到类似的技术。到目前为止,在考古、历史或人种学资料中还没有类似的技术记录。因此,拉斯卡伊人有可能从锻造技术中重新发明了一种基本的冶炼技术。
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引用次数: 0
The exploitation, processing and use of softstone in northern Madagascar and its links to the Indian Ocean world, 800–1500 CE 公元800-1500年,马达加斯加北部软石的开采、加工和利用及其与印度洋世界的联系
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0067270X.2023.2189392
The
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引用次数: 1
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Azania-Archaeological Research in Africa
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