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Long-term Outcomes of People With DSM Psychotic Disorder NOS. DSM 精神障碍 NOS 患者的长期疗效。
Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-02-16 eCollection Date: 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/schizbullopen/sgad005
Line Widing, Carmen Simonsen, Thomas Bjella, Magnus Johan Engen, Camilla Bärthel Flaaten, Erlend Gardsjord, Beathe Haatveit, Elisabeth Haug, Siv Hege Lyngstad, Ingrid Hartveit Svendsen, Ruth Kristine Vik, Kristin Fjelnseth Wold, Gina Åsbø, Torill Ueland, Ingrid Melle

Introduction: The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM)-IV diagnostic category "Psychotic disorder not otherwise specified" (PNOS) is seldom investigated, and we lack knowledge about long-term outcomes. We examined long-term symptom severity, global functioning, remission/recovery rates, and diagnostic stability after the first treatment for PNOS.

Methods: Participants with first-treatment PNOS (n = 32) were reassessed with structured interviews after 7 to 10 years. The sample also included narrow schizophrenia spectrum disorders (SSD, n = 94) and psychotic bipolar disorders (PBD, n = 54). Symptomatic remission was defined based on the Remission in Schizophrenia Working Group criteria. Clinical recovery was defined as meeting the criteria for symptomatic remission and having adequate functioning for the last 12 months.

Results: Participants with baseline PNOS or PBD had lower symptom severity and better global functioning at follow-up than those with SSD. More participants with PNOS and PBD were in symptomatic remission and clinical recovery compared to participants with SSD. Seventeen (53%) PNOS participants retained the diagnosis, while 15 participants were diagnosed with either SSD (22%), affective disorders (19%), or substance-induced psychotic disorders (6%). Those rediagnosed with SSD did not differ from the other PNOS participants regarding baseline clinical characteristics.

Conclusions: Long-term outcomes are more favorable in PNOS and PBD than in SSD. Our findings confirm diagnostic instability but also stability for a subgroup of participants with PNOS. However, it is challenging to predict diagnostic outcomes of PNOS based on clinical characteristics at first treatment.

导言:对《精神障碍诊断与统计手册》(DSM)-IV 诊断类别 "未另作规定的精神病性障碍"(PNOS)的研究很少,我们对其长期疗效也缺乏了解。我们研究了 PNOS 首次治疗后的长期症状严重程度、整体功能、缓解率/恢复率以及诊断稳定性:方法:对首次接受 PNOS 治疗的患者(n = 32)在 7 至 10 年后通过结构化访谈进行了重新评估。样本中还包括狭义精神分裂症谱系障碍(SSD,n = 94)和精神病性双相情感障碍(PBD,n = 54)。症状缓解的定义基于精神分裂症缓解工作组的标准。临床康复是指符合症状缓解的标准,并在过去 12 个月中功能正常:与 SSD 患者相比,基线 PNOS 或 PBD 患者的症状严重程度较低,随访时的整体功能较好。与 SSD 患者相比,有更多 PNOS 和 PBD 患者的症状得到缓解,临床功能得到恢复。17名 PNOS 患者(53%)保留了诊断结果,而 15 名患者被诊断为 SSD(22%)、情感障碍(19%)或药物所致精神障碍(6%)。在基线临床特征方面,被重新诊断为 SSD 的患者与其他 PNOS 患者没有区别:结论:与 SSD 相比,PNOS 和 PBD 患者的长期预后更佳。我们的研究结果证实了诊断的不稳定性,但也证实了 PNOS 患者亚群的稳定性。然而,根据首次治疗时的临床特征来预测 PNOS 的诊断结果具有挑战性。
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引用次数: 0
Popular media, war propaganda and retroactive continuity: The construction of the enemy in Marvel comics (1942–1981) 大众传媒、战争宣传与追溯连续性:漫威漫画中敌人的建构(1942-1981)
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-02-14 DOI: 10.1177/17506352231151871
Antonio Pineda, Jesús Jiménez-Varea
The construction of the enemy is a technique whose potential effects are of outmost consequence for the relationships between the media, war and propaganda. In World War II, in addition to the official media, psychological warfare also relied on non-official propaganda conveyed through comic books whose levels of hatred for the enemy are hardly matched. This article aims to shed light on how superhero and war comic books mirror the construction and depiction of World War II enemies in American culture. The authors’ research compares the original wartime comics published by Marvel Comics with the representation of the war enemy conveyed by Marvel between the 1960s and the early 1980s. To test whether changes occurred, the authors conduct a diachronic content analysis of comic-book covers from both periods.
构建敌人是一种技术,它的潜在影响对媒体、战争和宣传之间的关系有着极其重要的影响。在第二次世界大战中,除了官方媒体之外,心理战还依赖于通过漫画书传播的非官方宣传,这些漫画书对敌人的仇恨程度难以匹敌。本文旨在阐明超级英雄和战争漫画书是如何反映美国文化中对二战敌人的建构和描绘的。作者的研究将漫威漫画公司在20世纪60年代至80年代初出版的原版战争漫画与漫威漫画公司所传达的战争敌人形象进行了比较。为了检验是否发生了变化,作者对这两个时期的漫画封面进行了历时性的内容分析。
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引用次数: 0
Media framing of the Intifada of the Knives 刀具起义的媒体框架
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-01-28 DOI: 10.1177/17506352221149554
Dalia Attar, G. King
Research examining coverage of Western media on the Palestinian–Israeli conflict shows an imbalance in reporting the news and favoritism towards an Israeli government interpretation of the story. This article aims to examine how the so-called Intifada of the Knives (IK) was framed in Western print newspapers. The research also examines the representation of Palestinians and Israelis during that period. Media Framing Analysis (MFA) is deployed to present a detailed examination of 16 articles that appeared in prominent British, American, Canadian, and Australian print newspapers during that period. Findings show that negative frames were more dominant than positive frames. Overall, the articles framed the Intifada as a religious dispute and empathized more with Israelis who were described as victims while Palestinians were framed as terrorists or anti-Semitic. Little or no background was given as to why Palestinians opted for such actions against Israelis.
对西方媒体对巴以冲突报道的研究表明,报道新闻和偏袒以色列政府对故事的解释存在不平衡。本文旨在研究所谓的刀具起义(IK)是如何在西方印刷报纸上被框定的。该研究还调查了这一时期巴勒斯坦人和以色列人的代表性。本文采用媒体框架分析(MFA)对这一时期出现在英国、美国、加拿大和澳大利亚的著名纸质报纸上的16篇文章进行了详细分析。研究结果表明,消极框架比积极框架更具优势。总的来说,这些文章将起义描述为一场宗教争端,并更多地同情被描述为受害者的以色列人,而被描述为恐怖分子或反犹太主义者的巴勒斯坦人。关于巴勒斯坦人为什么选择对以色列人采取这种行动的背景资料很少或根本没有。
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引用次数: 2
Finding peace journalism: An analysis of Pakistani media discourse on Afghan refugees and their forced repatriation from Pakistan 寻找和平新闻:巴基斯坦媒体关于阿富汗难民及其被迫从巴基斯坦遣返的话语分析
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-01-28 DOI: 10.1177/17506352221149559
Ayesha Jehangir
This study investigates media coverage of Afghan refugees by English-language media in Pakistan and explores how coverage is shaped by a shift in the political stance of the Pakistani state and establishment towards Afghanistan. The author examines how Afghan refugees, their forced repatriation from Pakistan, and the subsequent conflict between Pakistan and Afghanistan were framed in both long-form and short-form media coverage over three years. Using Galtung’s Peace and War Journalism Model to inform the Critical Discourse Analysis, this study finds that conflict-escalatory frames dominated media coverage, and media stance changed over time to reflect state policy on the forced repatriation of over three million Afghan refugees in Pakistan. Findings reveal that the coverage in all four publications was highly politicized and inflammatory, the voice of Afghan refugees was significantly missing from coverage, while the Pakistani government and military elite were predominantly used as news sources. Based on the findings, the author argues that pressures from the Pakistani state and military establishment are key reasons why media coverage of Afghan refugees frequently contained negative frames of terrorism and ethnonationalism. Sporadic employment of limited peace-oriented framing was, however, observed in some of the coverage.
本研究调查了巴基斯坦英语媒体对阿富汗难民的报道,并探讨了巴基斯坦国家和机构对阿富汗的政治立场的转变如何影响报道。作者研究了阿富汗难民、他们被迫从巴基斯坦遣返,以及随后巴基斯坦和阿富汗之间的冲突是如何在三年来的长篇和短篇媒体报道中被框框起来的。利用Galtung的和平与战争新闻模型为批判性话语分析提供信息,本研究发现,冲突升级框架主导了媒体报道,媒体立场随着时间的推移而改变,以反映巴基斯坦对300多万阿富汗难民被迫遣返的国家政策。调查结果显示,所有四份出版物的报道都高度政治化和煽动性,阿富汗难民的声音在报道中明显缺失,而巴基斯坦政府和军方精英主要被用作新闻来源。根据调查结果,作者认为,来自巴基斯坦国家和军事机构的压力是媒体对阿富汗难民的报道经常包含恐怖主义和民族主义负面框架的关键原因。但是,在一些报道中观察到零星地采用有限的面向和平的框架。
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引用次数: 0
De-enemizing the enemy in the contemporary truce film 当代停战电影中的敌人去敌人化
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.1177/17506352221143322
Marzena Sokołowska-Paryż
The author’s interest resides in war films which re-humanize the enemy so as to question the militaristic philosophy and politics of a given military conflict. Her discussion focuses on the truce film as a notable subgenre of the war film which, characteristically, transcends both historical and nationalistic paradigms. The analysis of Kya Dilli Kya Lahore and Camp X-Ray, as examples of two subvariants of the truce film, serve to underscore the narrative and cinematic strategies used to construct the effect of the interchangeability of the enemy protagonists, therefore ostentatiously undoing traditional state and army enforced forms of ‘distancing’ (see Grossman, On Killing: The Psychological Cost of Learning to Kill in War and Society, 1995). The questions to be posed include where, when and why truce films are produced, how do they correlate to the prevalent definitions of the war film genre and, finally, to what extent can they be seen as potentially constructing a ‘prosthetic memory’ (Alison Landsberg, ‘Memory, Empathy, and the Politics of Identification’, 2009)?
作者的兴趣在于战争电影,这些电影将敌人重新人性化,从而质疑军事冲突中的军国主义哲学和政治。她的讨论集中在停战片作为战争片的一个显著的亚类型,其特点是超越了历史和民族主义的范式。对《基亚·迪利·基亚·拉合尔》和《x光营》的分析,作为休战电影的两个亚变体的例子,强调了叙事和电影策略用于构建敌人主角的可互换性的效果,因此炫耀地取消了传统的国家和军队强制的“距离”形式(见格罗斯曼,关于杀戮:在战争和社会中学习杀戮的心理成本,1995)。要提出的问题包括停战电影是在哪里、何时以及为什么制作的,它们如何与战争电影类型的流行定义相关联,最后,它们在多大程度上可以被视为潜在地构建了“假体记忆”(Alison Landsberg,“记忆、同理心和认同的政治”,2009)?
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引用次数: 0
The Ocular Politics of Targeting: Disembodiment and the Perpetrator Gaze in the War on Terror 目标性政治:反恐战争中的分离与行凶者的凝视
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-11-08 DOI: 10.1177/17506352221134264
Jessica Auchter
This article analyses the politics of seeing as a way to examine the elision of civilian casualty in the War on Terror. The author particularly focuses on the ambiguities and paradoxes at play in this discussion: the question of distance, the question of visibility and the role of the body. In doing so, she tells the story of how terrorism has emerged as a form of violence that centralizes bodies, focused on the figure of the innocent victim whose body has been destroyed by the body of another, even as the technology of drone strikes also operates by exploding bodies, but through the purported precision of techno-military operations. Such technology re-categorizes civilian death as collateral damage, defining these deaths as technological effects rather than as biological, embodied ones. This acts to disembody dead civilians even as increased attention is being given to soldier bodies (both dead and injured). In this sense, the author is not arguing that civilian death has become disembodied by virtue of the distancing caused by the drone apparatus. Rather, she seeks to tell a more complicated story of how the drone gaze functions as a perpetrator gaze, and who and what it sees.
本文分析了“视之政治学”,以此来考察反恐战争中对平民伤亡的省略。作者特别关注讨论中的模棱两可和矛盾:距离问题,可见性问题和身体的作用。在这样做的过程中,她讲述了恐怖主义是如何成为一种集中尸体的暴力形式的故事,专注于无辜受害者的身体被另一个人的身体摧毁的形象,尽管无人机袭击的技术也通过爆炸尸体来运作,但却是通过所谓的技术军事行动的精确。这种技术将平民死亡重新归类为附带损害,将这些死亡定义为技术影响,而不是具体的生物影响。这是在对士兵尸体(死亡和受伤)给予更多关注的同时,对死去的平民的肢解。从这个意义上说,提交人并不是说,由于无人机装置造成的距离,平民的死亡已经脱离了实体。相反,她试图讲述一个更复杂的故事,讲述无人机的目光是如何作为犯罪者的目光发挥作用的,以及它看到了谁和什么。
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引用次数: 0
Damsels in distress: Fragile masculinity in digital war 困境中的少女:数字战争中脆弱的男子气概
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-10-18 DOI: 10.1177/17506352221130271
Elizaveta Gaufman
The Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 was a culmination of anti-Ukrainian rhetoric that Russian political elite and state-controlled media have been promoting at least since 2013. Apart from accusing Ukraine of being a Neo-Nazi state, pro-Kremlin commentators have espoused a heavily gendered rhetoric describing Ukraine as a loose woman in need of saving by its older brother. Gendered discourse was instrumentalized in Russian foreign policy not only through aggressive masculinity, but also through femininity. The latter, in contrast, sought to downplay the aggressive masculinity associated with fascism and consequently diminish Ukraine’s agency and status compared to Russia. This article offers a taxonomy of feminization rhetoric that shows how different types of gendered constructs influence the success of securitization process. Drawing on empirical material from Russian social networks during the first war in Ukraine in 2014–2016, this article argues against gender’s silencing role but, instead, its central role in influencing every stage of securitization process. Moreover, the author shows how feminization rhetoric paved the way to the legitimation of the current war.
俄罗斯于2022年2月24日全面入侵乌克兰,是俄罗斯政治精英和国家控制的媒体至少自2013年以来一直在宣传的反乌克兰言论的高潮。除了指责乌克兰是一个新纳粹国家外,亲克里姆林宫的评论人士还支持一种带有浓重性别色彩的言论,将乌克兰描述为一个需要其哥哥拯救的放荡女人。性别话语在俄罗斯外交政策中被工具化,不仅通过咄咄逼人的男性气质,也通过女性气质。相比之下,后者试图淡化与法西斯主义有关的咄咄逼人的男子气概,从而削弱乌克兰与俄罗斯相比的机构和地位。本文提供了一个女性化修辞的分类,显示了不同类型的性别建构如何影响证券化进程的成功。根据2014-2016年乌克兰第一次战争期间俄罗斯社交网络的经验材料,本文反对性别的沉默作用,而是认为性别在影响证券化过程的每个阶段都发挥了核心作用。此外,作者还展示了女性化的修辞如何为当前战争的合法化铺平了道路。
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引用次数: 8
The War on Terror beyond the barrel of a gun: The procedural rhetorics of the boardgame Labyrinth 枪杆子之外的反恐战争:桌面游戏《迷宫》的程序修辞
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-08-05 DOI: 10.1177/17506352221108824
Thomas Ambrosio, Jonathan Ross
Utilizing Bogost’s procedural rhetoric framework in his book Persuasive Games, this article examines Labyrinth, a boardgame that simulates the conflict between the United States and global terrorism. The authors systematically integrate ludology (rules/gameplay) and narratology (narratives/representations) to illustrate how Labyrinth was intentionally designed so that players became active participants in a narrative about how good governance undermines the sources of terrorism and the counterproductive nature of militarized counterterrorism, as well as bear witness to the agency of the Muslim world and the region’s political dynamism on the tabletop. This is a very different account of the War on Terror than has previously been studied in the literature, which has focused overwhelmingly on first-person shooter videogames and, in turn, has provided a very limited range of how this conflict can be represented in ludic form. However, Labyrinth is not alone, and the wargames that many players grew up with have given way to a variety of boardgames which approach complex historical or contemporary situations and environments beyond simply killing one’s enemies. This represents a diverse, but largely untapped, resource already in the public space and ready to be investigated. Media studies can therefore benefit from considering how boardgames similar to Labyrinth present alternative ways in which the ‘real world’ has been, and indeed can be, translated through popular culture objects.
本文利用Bogost在其著作《Persuasive Games》中的程序修辞框架,分析了模拟美国与全球恐怖主义之间冲突的桌面游戏《Labyrinth》。作者系统地整合了游戏学(规则/玩法)和叙事学(叙述/表现),以说明《迷宫》是如何有意设计的,从而让玩家积极参与到关于良好治理如何破坏恐怖主义的来源和军事化反恐的反生产性质的叙述中,以及在桌面上见证穆斯林世界的机构和该地区的政治活力。这是对反恐战争的一种截然不同的描述,与之前的文献研究不同,之前的文献主要集中在第一人称射击电子游戏上,而反过来,这种冲突在如何以有趣的形式呈现方面提供了非常有限的范围。然而,《迷宫》并不孤单,许多玩家伴随战争游戏长大的游戏已经让位于各种桌游,这些桌游处理复杂的历史或当代情境和环境,而不仅仅是杀死敌人。这代表了一种多样的,但在很大程度上尚未开发的资源,已经在公共空间中,准备进行调查。因此,考虑到《迷宫》之类的桌游是如何呈现出“现实世界”已经或确实可以通过流行文化对象进行翻译的另一种方式,媒体研究可以从中受益。
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引用次数: 0
The Kosovo war and the Washington Post: Bombings and alignments 科索沃战争与《华盛顿邮报》:轰炸与结盟
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-07-29 DOI: 10.1177/17506352221078015
Astrid A Fleischer
This article explores the alignments on the Kosovo war during the spring of 1999 in the Washington Post newspaper. How did the Washington Post represent the events during Operation Allied Force, NATO’s war against Yugoslavia? How did reporters align themselves with the narrated events? What linguistic and other means signal alignments in the Washington Post discourse on the war? The examined linguistic structures (evaluative vocabulary and agent inclusion/exclusion), the identified themes (in particular, demonization of the Serbs), and the lack of critical voices suggest an alignment with NATO and US government official discourse. The article concludes that the Washington Post did not challenge the dominant national discourse during the Kosovo war.
这篇文章探讨了1999年春天《华盛顿邮报》对科索沃战争的看法。《华盛顿邮报》是如何描述盟军行动(北约对南斯拉夫的战争)中的事件的?记者是如何使自己与所叙述的事件保持一致的?在《华盛顿邮报》关于战争的论述中,哪些语言和其他手段表明了立场?研究的语言结构(评价词汇和主体包容/排除),确定的主题(特别是塞尔维亚人的妖魔化),以及缺乏批评声音表明与北约和美国政府的官方话语一致。这篇文章的结论是,《华盛顿邮报》在科索沃战争期间没有挑战占主导地位的国家话语。
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引用次数: 0
Corrigendum to “Book review: British Media and the Rwandan Genocide” “书评:英国媒体与卢旺达种族灭绝”的勘误表
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-07-23 DOI: 10.1177/17506352221116957
{"title":"Corrigendum to “Book review: British Media and the Rwandan Genocide”","authors":"","doi":"10.1177/17506352221116957","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/17506352221116957","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45719,"journal":{"name":"Media War and Conflict","volume":"16 1","pages":"491 - 491"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45125056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
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Media War and Conflict
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