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‘We may have bad days . . . that doesn’t make us killers’: How military veterans perceive contemporary British media representations of military and post-military life “我们可能会有糟糕的日子。这不会让我们成为杀手:退伍军人如何看待当代英国媒体对军事和后军事生活的描述
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-07-21 DOI: 10.1177/17506352221113958
Katy Parry, Jenna Pitchford-Hyde
Over the last two decades of long wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the media’s attention on military veterans in the UK has been characterized by a series of shifts: from a focus on combat operations; to initiatives to support transition to civilian life; and finally to a largely invisible presence of veteran issues in the mediated public sphere. This article presents findings from an online qualitative survey conducted with British veterans in 2020. The authors’ primary focus is on how veterans express their concerns when asked about varied televised representations of military and post-military experience. How did the respondents perceive differences across television genres (drama, news, reality TV), and how did this affect their engagement? How do they see their veteran identity reflected back at them through popular media culture? There is a growing research interest in ‘veteran studies’ from a range of disciplines, but the relationship between veteran identity and perceptions of (post)-military representations remains largely under-researched, at least in the UK context. One concern is that negative or misleading stereotypes of veterans among publics could hinder their successful reintegration into society, but the authors are interested in how veterans make sense of such representations across popular media culture, how they imagine the ‘general public’ audience in their reflections, and the nature of veteran identity they project within the survey responses. This study finds that anxieties about ‘mad, bad or sad’ stereotypical representations of veterans continue, but the diversity within its findings also reaffirms the importance of not treating veterans as a homogeneous group in research.
在过去20年的阿富汗和伊拉克战争中,英国媒体对退伍军人的关注出现了一系列变化:从关注战斗行动;支持向平民生活过渡的倡议;最后,退伍军人问题在被调解的公共领域中基本上是无形的存在。本文介绍了2020年对英国退伍军人进行的一项在线定性调查的结果。作者的主要焦点是退伍军人如何表达他们的担忧,当被问及对军事和退役经历的各种电视表现。受访者如何看待不同电视类型(戏剧、新闻、真人秀)的差异,这又如何影响他们的参与度?他们如何看待他们的老兵身份通过大众媒体文化反映在他们身上?在一系列学科中,对“退伍军人研究”的研究兴趣越来越大,但退伍军人身份与(后)军事表征的感知之间的关系仍然在很大程度上没有得到充分的研究,至少在英国是这样。其中一个担忧是,公众对退伍军人的负面或误导性刻板印象可能会阻碍他们成功地重新融入社会,但作者对退伍军人如何在流行媒体文化中理解这种表现感兴趣,他们如何在他们的反思中想象“普通公众”观众,以及他们在调查回应中投射的退伍军人身份的本质。这项研究发现,对退伍军人“疯狂、糟糕或悲伤”的刻板印象的焦虑仍在继续,但研究结果的多样性也重申了在研究中不将退伍军人视为一个同质群体的重要性。
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引用次数: 2
Death’s common sense: Casualty counts in war reportage from Syria and beyond 死亡常识:来自叙利亚及其他地区的战争报道中的伤亡人数
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-06-20 DOI: 10.1177/17506352221101269
Isaac Blacksin
In distilling war to the amount of bodily harms it causes, war becomes measurable, comparable, and intelligible in its journalistic depiction. Yet the self-evidence of casualty counts mystifies both the contingencies of numerical production and the discursive authority that numbers are employed to evoke. Utilizing two years of ethnographic research with the international press corps in Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon, this article argues that the importance of casualty counts may be less the statistical reality of war such numbers purport to deliver than it is the symbolism these numbers provide. The ongoing conflict in Syria provides a central case study, approached ethnographically through two registers. First, the author examines on-the-ground casualty counting, demonstrating that what cannot be counted of war yet affects those journalists tasked to quantify war. This circumstance throws into doubt the utility of numbers – and the authority of journalism – for distilling war’s reality. Second, he examines how data on total wartime deaths in Syria, collected by monitoring organizations, is acquired and reproduced by journalists. Here journalists must reckon with the translation of statistical uncertainty into symbolic truth. Finally, the author reflects on the particularity of casualty counts as a journalistic convention, and considers how this particularity is hidden behind a journalistic common sense.
在将战争提炼成它所造成的身体伤害的过程中,战争在新闻报道中变得可衡量、可比较和可理解。然而,伤亡人数的自明性使数字生产的偶然性和数字用来唤起的话语权威都变得神秘。通过对叙利亚、伊拉克和黎巴嫩的国际记者团进行了两年的民族志研究,本文认为,伤亡人数的重要性可能比这些数字所提供的象征意义更重要,而不是这些数字所声称的战争统计现实。正在进行的叙利亚冲突提供了一个中心案例研究,通过两个登记册来接近民族志。首先,作者考察了实地伤亡统计,证明了那些无法统计的战争影响了那些负责量化战争的记者。这种情况让人怀疑数字的效用——以及新闻报道的权威——是否能提炼出战争的真实情况。其次,他研究了监测组织收集的叙利亚战时总死亡人数数据是如何被记者获取和复制的。在这里,记者必须考虑将统计上的不确定性转化为象征性的事实。最后,笔者反思了伤亡统计作为一种新闻惯例的特殊性,并思考了这种特殊性是如何隐藏在新闻常识背后的。
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引用次数: 0
Exploring the use of #MyAnglophoneCrisisStory on Twitter to understand the impacts of the Cameroon Anglophone Crisis 探索Twitter上#MyAnglophoneCrisisStory的使用,以了解喀麦隆英语国家危机的影响
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-06-20 DOI: 10.1177/17506352221103487
Soomin Lee, Lynn Cockburn, J. Nganji
Since October 2016, Cameroon has been involved in a violent conflict known as the Anglophone Crisis. This study examines the impact of the hashtag #MyAnglophoneCrisisStory on Twitter in capturing and amplifying the stories of people affected by the crisis. Using R, the authors extracted and analyzed tweets using this hashtag that were posted between 21 October 2020 and 3 November 2020. Only tweets posted in English and French languages were included. To understand the content of the tweets, the authors inductively coded and manually analyzed a total of 1064 tweets, replies, and comments. A categorical analysis revealed the presence of three different types of tweets: ‘Story’, ‘Response to Story’, and ‘Awareness and Advocacy’. The ‘Story’ category had four distinct themes: (1) Senseless Loss of Life: Shot and Killed; (2) The Disappeared: Lost and Kidnapped; (3) On the Move/Elusive Safety: Escape, Displacement; and (4) Prevention and Trauma, Mental Health, and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder. This study supports the concept that even short tweets can have a significant impact and signals the need for more attention and research on this overlooked conflict. Future work can involve the use of more advanced analysis tools to conduct a more thorough examination of tweets.
自2016年10月以来,喀麦隆一直卷入一场被称为“英语国家危机”的暴力冲突。这项研究考察了Twitter上#MyAnglophoneCrisisStory标签在捕捉和放大受危机影响的人们的故事方面的影响。作者使用R提取并分析了2020年10月21日至2020年11月3日期间发布的使用该标签的推文。只包括用英语和法语发布的推文。为了理解推文的内容,作者归纳编码并手动分析了总共1064条推文、回复和评论。分类分析显示有三种不同类型的推文:“故事”、“对故事的回应”和“意识和倡导”。“故事”类别有四个不同的主题:(1)无谓的生命损失:被枪杀;(二)失踪者:失踪、绑架;(3)移动/难以捉摸的安全:逃逸、位移;(4)预防和创伤,心理健康和创伤后应激障碍。这项研究支持了即使是短推文也能产生重大影响的概念,并表明需要对这一被忽视的冲突进行更多的关注和研究。未来的工作可能涉及使用更高级的分析工具对推文进行更彻底的检查。
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引用次数: 3
The platformization of military communication: The digital strategy of the Israel Defense Forces on Twitter 军事通信的平台化:以色列国防军在推特上的数字战略
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-06-07 DOI: 10.1177/17506352221101257
Alessandra Massa, Giuseppe Anzera
Platforms are conditioning the way public communication is conducted while presenting themselves as neutral connectors. Social media logic encompasses norms, strategies, mechanisms and economies acting at the intersection between online platforms and society. Military communication is adapting itself to communicative and socio-technical innovations dictated by online platforms and social network sites. Armies are currently using digital media and online platforms in at least two different ways: a promotional one, based on the ‘normalization’ of militarism, and a conflictual one, based on the display and management of conflicts. In this article, the authors apply qualitative content analysis to investigate the platformed strategy of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) Twitter account. Results show how the IDF embraces platformization and uses social media logic to develop a coherent narrative, projecting an attractive image, establishing an international positioning and defining international interlocutors. The institution of communicative formats, the multiplication of themes and representational artefacts, and a re-defined aesthetics of army and violence are enabled by social media logic. Tweets from the IDF follow a dual path: they contribute to normalizing militarism and act on the conflictual display of current affairs.
平台正在调节公共通信的进行方式,同时将自己呈现为中性连接器。社交媒体逻辑包括在线平台和社会交叉点的规范、战略、机制和经济。军事通信正在适应在线平台和社交网站所要求的通信和社会技术创新。军队目前至少以两种不同的方式使用数字媒体和在线平台:一种是基于军国主义“正常化”的宣传方式,另一种是以展示和管理冲突为基础的冲突方式。在本文中,作者应用定性内容分析来调查以色列国防军推特账户的平台化策略。结果显示,以色列国防军如何接受平台化,并利用社交媒体逻辑发展连贯的叙事,投射出有吸引力的形象,确立国际定位,并定义国际对话者。社交媒体逻辑促成了交流形式的制度、主题和具象艺术品的倍增,以及重新定义的军队和暴力美学。以色列国防军的推文遵循双重路径:它们有助于军国主义正常化,并对时事的冲突表现采取行动。
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引用次数: 2
Media reverberations on the ‘red line’: Syria, metaphor and narrative in news media “红线”上的媒体回响:叙利亚、新闻媒体中的隐喻和叙事
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-03-24 DOI: 10.1177/17506352221078014
Federica Ferrari
This study uses a CADS (Corpus Assisted Discourse Studies) approach to identify a series of axes around which degrees of persuasion can be mapped in debates about international affairs. The author investigates how US and UK news media reported Obama’s use of the term ‘red line’ to describe the potential transgression if Syrian leader Assad used chemical weapons on civilians, which Assad then did. The article examines the connotational, argumentational and rhetorical behaviour of ‘red line’ across news media in the period 4–28 September 2013. In a corpus-assisted analysis of ‘red line’, six discoursal factors emerged as persuasive axes at work: (1) leader’s image; (2) ideological positioning, even in mutual intervention; (3) persuasion consistency; (4) factual investigation; (5) factual interpretation reporting; and (6) evaluated metaphor development. These axes proactively work at the crossroads of metaphor and narrative as transformative and mutually interactive agents in discoursal change. The analysis also identified other subcategories of research potential, plus correlated lexis and concepts such as ‘weakness’ vs ‘strength’. The study’s significance is to ground reflection on the function of metaphor and narrative in steering sense-making in diplomatic practice and to highlight their pragmatic force and dynamics – here in the news genre.
本研究使用CADS(语料库辅助话语研究)方法来确定一系列轴,在关于国际事务的辩论中,可以围绕这些轴绘制说服度。作者调查了美国和英国新闻媒体是如何报道奥巴马使用“红线”一词来描述叙利亚领导人阿萨德对平民使用化学武器的潜在违规行为的,阿萨德随后也这样做了。本文考察了2013年9月4日至28日期间新闻媒体中“红线”的内涵、争论和修辞行为。在语料库辅助的“红线”分析中,六个话语因素作为说服轴发挥作用:(1)领导者形象;(2) 意识形态定位,甚至在相互干预中;(3) 说服一致性;(4) 事实调查;(5) 事实解释报告;(6)隐喻发展评价。这些轴心在隐喻和叙事的十字路口积极发挥作用,成为话语变化中的变革和相互互动的推动者。该分析还确定了研究潜力的其他子类别,以及相关的词汇和概念,如“弱点”与“优势”。本研究的意义在于反思隐喻和叙事在外交实践中指导意义的作用,并强调它们在新闻类型中的语用力和动态性。
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引用次数: 1
Conflict in the international system in the time of Trump: Strategic narratives in White House daily newsletters 特朗普时代的国际体系冲突:白宫每日通讯中的战略叙事
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-03-15 DOI: 10.1177/17506352221082610
Faith Leslie, Laura Roselle
During the Trump administration, official daily newsletters served as an important form of communication between the President and his constituents. These newsletters provided an overview of how the Trump Administration perceived conflict in the international system, the role and characteristics of the United States and other actors, and policy priorities. These newsletters, 1600 Daily, West Wing Reads, and Resolute Reads, provided a unique and important data source for understanding the Trump administration’s strategic narratives on the international system, especially in the realm of conflict. This article analyzes 810 daily newsletters from March 2017 to March 2020 to assess the administration’s narratives about the international system and several areas of conflict including relations with North Korea, Russia, and China. As the past four years of the Trump presidency saw tensions increase in many areas of American foreign policy, it is necessary to understand the narratives that shaped the Trump administration’s combative approach to diplomacy. The authors find that the strategic narratives of the Trump administration took a unilateral, transactional, and zero-sum approach to foreign policy. The newsletters reflected a prioritization of conflict with long-held allies and a focus on competition with enemies who undermine US dominance in the international system, mainly China and Russia. Within this discussion of foreign policy, this research additionally found a significant emphasis on trade policy, set within a conflictual, mercantilist framework. These newsletters set out conflictual strategic narratives that sought to shape the international system.
在特朗普政府时期,官方每日通讯是总统与其选民之间的重要沟通形式。这些通讯概述了特朗普政府如何看待国际体系中的冲突、美国和其他行为者的作用和特点以及政策优先事项。这些时事通讯,1600 Daily、West Wing Reads和Resolute Reads,为理解特朗普政府对国际体系的战略叙事,特别是在冲突领域,提供了一个独特而重要的数据来源。本文分析了2017年3月至2020年3月的810份每日通讯,以评估政府对国际体系和几个冲突领域的叙述,包括与朝鲜、俄罗斯和中国的关系。随着特朗普总统任期的过去四年,美国外交政策的许多领域的紧张局势加剧,有必要理解塑造特朗普政府好斗外交方式的叙事。作者发现,特朗普政府的战略叙事采取了单边、交易和零和的外交政策。这些通讯反映了与长期盟友的冲突的优先顺序,以及与破坏美国在国际体系中主导地位的敌人(主要是中国和俄罗斯)的竞争。在这场关于外交政策的讨论中,这项研究还发现,在一个矛盾的重商主义框架内,贸易政策受到了极大的重视。这些时事通讯提出了旨在塑造国际体系的冲突性战略叙事。
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引用次数: 1
Multilingual public diplomacy: Strategic communication of Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) in Twitter during Operation Guardian of the Walls 多语言公共外交:以色列国防军(IDF)在墙的守护者行动期间在Twitter上的战略沟通
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-03-09 DOI: 10.1177/17506352221082608
José Manuel Moreno-Mercado, Adolfo Calatrava-García
Operation Guardian of the Walls was the most serious military conflict between the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) and Palestinian armed groups since 2014. This article aims to explore the Organized Persuasive Communication (OPC) made by IDF, in English, Spanish and French, during the 11 days of the escalation of the war. For this purpose, it has resorted to techniques typical of computational science, specifically the unsupervised machine learning Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) and sentiment analysis (multilingual). The data show that there are no significant differences between a range of official Twitter accounts giving a process of information uniformity. The results of the study allow us to know the scope of IDF’s communication within the framework of the so-called new Israeli diplomacy. In addition, this text attempts to demonstrate the usefulness of text mining and Natural Language Processing (NLP) to strategic studies and international relations.
“墙的守护者”行动是2014年以来以色列国防军与巴勒斯坦武装团体之间最严重的军事冲突。本文旨在探讨以色列国防军在战争升级的11天里,用英语、西班牙语和法语进行的有组织的说服性沟通(OPC)。为此,它采用了典型的计算科学技术,特别是无监督机器学习潜狄利克雷分配(LDA)和情感分析(多语言)。数据显示,一系列官方Twitter账户之间没有显著差异,给出了一个信息统一的过程。这项研究的结果使我们能够了解以色列国防军在所谓的以色列新外交框架内的传播范围。此外,本文试图证明文本挖掘和自然语言处理(NLP)对战略研究和国际关系的有用性。
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引用次数: 3
Book review: Javier Uriarte, The Desertmakers: Travel, War, and the State in Latin America 书评:哈维尔·乌里亚特,《沙漠制造者:拉丁美洲的旅行、战争和国家》
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-02-21 DOI: 10.1177/17506352221081574
W. G. Lovell
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Amit Pinchevski, Transmitted Wounds: Media and the Mediation of Trauma 书评:阿米特·平切夫斯基,《传播的创伤:媒介与创伤的调解》
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-02-08 DOI: 10.1177/17506352221077480
Gretchen Hoak
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引用次数: 1
Book review: John Nathaniel Clarke, British Media and the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda 书评:约翰·纳撒尼尔·克拉克,英国媒体与1994年卢旺达针对图西族的种族灭绝
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-02-04 DOI: 10.1177/17506352211073201
C. Bond
This book challenges the narrative that the British media failed to alert the international community to the genocide in Rwanda in 1994, analysing coverage in the British broadsheets – The Times, The Financial Times, The Guardian, The Independent, The Economist and The Daily Telegraph, in particular – and mapping it out with data on the frequency and nature of the coverage across four phases: (1) pre-crisis, (2) genocide, (3) refugee crisis, and (4) post-crisis. The book examines the relationship between media coverage, parliamentary debate and political decision making in Britain, and the impact the print and broadcast media did or did not have on the British government and its response to the crisis in Rwanda. Conversely, it examines to what extent parliamentary debate was reflected in the media and the important ‘dual movement’ between the two. Dividing coverage into six types – field reporting, political reporting, editorials, analysis, letters to the editor, and other types of story – leads John Clarke to question commonly held perceptions: one is that there was more British reporting on the exodus of mostly Hutu refugees from Rwanda to Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of the Congo) at the tail end of the genocide in July 1994 than there was during the genocide of the Tutsi minority in April, May and June. In a chart, Clarke shows that the amount of field reporting was almost equal in both phases, while it was political reporting and other types of comment on Rwanda that grew during the refugee crisis to create this impression. Similarly, he points out that past criticism that the evacuation of foreigners, especially of Europeans, received disproportionate media attention at the start of the genocide, does not hold up, with only 13 of the 778 stories published in the British press during this phase focusing on the evacuation (less than 2%). Clarke’s methodology shows us the importance of examining assumptions and the use of quantitative and qualitative analysis in doing so. Other thematic content is analysed and discussed, as well as concepts key to the reporting of the crisis – military intervention, humanitarian intervention and tribalism. Here, another argument is challenged, one held by academic Linda Melvern that, when it came to tribalism, ‘The use of this cliché 1073201 MWC0010.1177/17506352211073201Media, War & ConflictBook review book-review2022
这本书对英国媒体未能提醒国际社会注意1994年卢旺达种族灭绝的说法提出了质疑,分析了英国大报的报道——《泰晤士报》、《金融时报》、《卫报》、《独立报》、《经济学人》和《每日电讯报》,特别是——并用四个阶段的覆盖频率和性质数据进行绘制:(1)危机前、(2)种族灭绝、(3)难民危机和(4)危机后。这本书探讨了英国媒体报道、议会辩论和政治决策之间的关系,以及印刷和广播媒体对英国政府及其应对卢旺达危机的影响。相反,它考察了议会辩论在多大程度上反映在媒体上,以及两者之间重要的“双重运动”。将报道分为六种类型——实地报道、政治报道、社论、分析、给编辑的信,以及其他类型的故事——这让约翰·克拉克质疑了人们普遍持有的看法:一种看法是,与4月、5月和6月对图西少数民族的种族灭绝相比,英国对1994年7月种族灭绝结束时大部分胡图族难民从卢旺达逃往扎伊尔(现刚果民主共和国)的报道更多。克拉克在一张图表中显示,两个阶段的实地报道数量几乎相等,而在难民危机期间,政治报道和其他类型的对卢旺达的评论才给人留下了这种印象。同样,他指出,过去关于外国人,特别是欧洲人的撤离在种族灭绝开始时受到媒体过度关注的批评是站不住脚的,在这一阶段英国媒体发表的778篇报道中,只有13篇关注撤离(不到2%)。克拉克的方法向我们展示了审查假设的重要性,以及在这样做时使用定量和定性分析。分析和讨论了其他主题内容,以及报告危机的关键概念——军事干预、人道主义干预和部落主义。在这里,另一个论点受到了质疑,学者Linda Melvern认为,当谈到部落主义时,“这种陈词滥调的使用1073201 MWC0010.1177/175063521211073201媒体、战争与冲突书评2022
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引用次数: 0
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Media War and Conflict
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