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Messiness in photography, war and transitions to peace: Revisiting Bosnia: Uncertain Paths to Peace 摄影中的混乱、战争和向和平的过渡:重访波斯尼亚:通往和平的不确定之路
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-02-04 DOI: 10.1177/17506352211072463
R. Bellmer, F. Möller
During and after the wars in ex-Yugoslavia, Bosnia was a laboratory for new photographic approaches to war, violence and civilian suffering. Among these approaches, Fred Ritchin and Gilles Peress’s online photo essay, Bosnia: Uncertain Paths to Peace (1996), emphasized interpretive openness, plurality of meaning, narrative non-linearity and audience interaction, thus redefining as merits what photojournalism had formerly regarded as liabilities. The project convincingly represented the ongoing conflict’s multilayeredness and the vicissitudes of the transition to peace: on a day-to-day level, ambivalence ruled and alliances shifted; chaos, confusion and unpredictability prevailed. The project’s users experience the conflict’s messiness through the website’s overall organization which inhibits easy orientation, thus reproducing the conflict’s disorder. In the grids, in particular, non-sequitur panel-to-panel transitions illustrate the conflict’s lack of sense as it is traditionally understood. The project is an important precursor to current war photography, aiming to acknowledge the messiness of violent conflict rather than reducing it to simple but misleading narratives.
在前南斯拉夫战争期间和之后,波斯尼亚是研究战争、暴力和平民苦难的新摄影方法的实验室。在这些方法中,Fred Ritchin和Gilles Peress的在线摄影文章《波斯尼亚:通往和平的不确定之路》(1996)强调了解释的开放性、意义的多样性、叙事的非线性和观众互动,从而重新定义了摄影新闻业以前视为负债的价值。该项目令人信服地代表了正在进行的冲突的多层次性和向和平过渡的变迁:在日常层面上,矛盾心理占主导地位,联盟发生变化;混乱、混乱和不可预测性盛行。该项目的用户通过网站的整体组织体验到冲突的混乱,这抑制了轻松的定向,从而再现了冲突的混乱。特别是在网格中,不符合逻辑的面板到面板的转换说明了冲突缺乏传统意义。该项目是当前战争摄影的重要先驱,旨在承认暴力冲突的混乱,而不是将其简化为简单但误导性的叙事。
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引用次数: 0
Drone affective politics against state impunity: The case of 43 disappeared students in Ayotzinapa, Mexico 无人机情感政治反对国家有罪不罚:墨西哥阿约齐纳帕43名失踪学生案
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.1177/17506352211066175
Marcela Suárez Estrada
This article analyzes some implications of new drone aesthetics involved in affective politics against state impunity in social conflicts. Whereas the literature on media, war and conflict has been centered around the war aesthetics of military drones, the author argues that civilian drones can mobilize affective politics – expressed, for example, in the aestheticization of shame, rage and the subversion of fear – as a means of political communication with and against the state. Further, she proposes that the present focus on drone aesthetics should be expanded to also account for the political affects that aesthetic sensory perceptions mobilize. Drawing on actor-network theory and new materialism, the article takes the disappearance of 43 students in Ayotzinapa (Mexico) as an exemplary case of state impunity in the context of the war against drugs and social conflict. By means of a digital ethnography of the social collective project Rexiste, the author analyzes its public interventions deploying a civil drone named ‘Droncita’, which sought to generate an aesthetics of affect against state impunity. The article contributes toward expanding investigation of (civilian) drone aesthetics and the mobilization of affective politics in the literature on war and social conflicts and collective action.
本文分析了新的无人机美学在社会冲突中涉及的情感政治与国家有罪不罚的一些含义。虽然关于媒体、战争和冲突的文献一直围绕军用无人机的战争美学展开,但作者认为,民用无人机可以调动情感政治——例如,通过对羞耻、愤怒和恐惧的审美化来表达——作为与国家或反对国家的政治沟通手段。此外,她建议,目前对无人机美学的关注应该扩大,以考虑审美感官知觉调动的政治影响。本文运用行动者网络理论与新物质主义,以墨西哥Ayotzinapa 43名学生失踪案,作为反毒品战争与社会冲突背景下国家逍遥法外的典范案例。通过社会集体项目Rexiste的数字民族志,作者分析了其公共干预措施,部署了一架名为“Droncita”的民用无人机,该无人机试图产生一种反对国家逍遥法外的情感美学。这篇文章有助于扩大对(民用)无人机美学的研究,以及在战争、社会冲突和集体行动的文献中调动情感政治。
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引用次数: 0
Post-regime-change Afghan and Iraqi media systems: Strategic ambivalence as technology of media governance 政权更迭后的阿富汗和伊拉克媒体系统:作为媒体治理技术的战略矛盾心理
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.1177/17506352211062749
M. Salih
This article investigates the governance of post-US invasion Afghan and Iraqi media systems by analyzing provisions pertinent to public broadcasting, licensing, and defamation in 14 laws and policy documents in the two nations. The author argues that the results point to a regime of regulatory ambivalence whereby state authorities have established an ontologically incongruent complex of legal and policy structures characterized by a simultaneous cohabitation of democratic and authoritarian tendencies. This ambivalence, born of struggles and contestations between state authorities, domestic civil societies and external supporters and donors, is a deliberate technology of media governance. The authoritarian tendencies of this regulatory regime have implications for media/journalists’ self-regulation as they are designed to curtail the agency of media institutions and journalists, and assert government control over speech and the flow of information.
本文通过分析两国14项法律和政策文件中与公共广播、许可和诽谤有关的条款,调查了美国入侵后阿富汗和伊拉克媒体系统的治理情况。作者认为,研究结果表明了一种监管矛盾的制度,国家当局在这种制度中建立了一种本体论上不协调的法律和政策结构复合体,其特征是民主和独裁倾向同时并存。这种矛盾心理源于国家当局、国内民间社会以及外部支持者和捐助者之间的斗争和争论,是一种蓄意的媒体治理技术。这种监管制度的独裁倾向对媒体/记者的自我监管产生了影响,因为它们旨在限制媒体机构和记者的代理权,并维护政府对言论和信息流的控制。
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引用次数: 0
Portrait of liberal chaos: RT’s antagonistic strategic narration about the Netherlands 自由混乱的画像:RT对荷兰的对抗性战略叙事
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-12-29 DOI: 10.1177/17506352211064705
Aiden Hoyle, Helma van den Berg, B. Doosje, Martijn Kitzen
Hostile political actors can use antagonistic strategic narration as a means of marring the image of targeted states in the international arena. The current article presents a content analysis of narratives about the Netherlands that were published by Russian state-sponsored media outlet RT between 2018 and 2020, capturing a period of heightened tension between the states. The authors distil and describe six overarching narratives used to portray the Netherlands as a state of liberal chaos. They analyse them using a framework of strategies underpinning Russian state-sponsored media’s narration, and interpret their strategic functions within the context of recent Dutch–Russian relations. Finally, they provide directions for future research, such as expanding on nuances within Russian media’s negative portrayals of different states or exploring the possible psychological responses this narration may elicit in the Dutch domestic audience.
敌对的政治行为者可以使用对抗性的战略叙事作为在国际舞台上破坏目标国家形象的手段。本文对俄罗斯国有媒体RT在2018年至2020年期间发表的关于荷兰的叙述进行了内容分析,捕捉了两国之间紧张局势加剧的时期。作者提炼并描述了用来将荷兰描绘成一个自由主义混乱国家的六种总体叙事。他们用支撑俄罗斯国家赞助媒体叙事的战略框架来分析它们,并在最近荷俄关系的背景下解释它们的战略功能。最后,它们为未来的研究提供了方向,例如扩展俄罗斯媒体对不同国家的负面描述中的细微差别,或探索这种叙述可能在荷兰国内观众中引起的心理反应。
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引用次数: 4
Iconic war images and the myth of the ‘good American Soldier’ 标志性的战争图像和“优秀美国士兵”的神话
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-12-09 DOI: 10.1177/17506352211059130
Megan MacKenzie
This article explores the ‘good American soldier’ as a gendered ideal type shaped by, and reproductive of, myths about American military success, romantic notions of small-town working and white America, notions of heterosexual virility, and ableist stereotypes about personal resilience. Drawing from an analysis of 10 years of media coverage of an iconic image dubbed the ‘Marlboro Marine’, the article outlines three specific myths linked to the ‘good American soldier’, in order to provide an insight into ideals of militarized masculinity and the gendered myths that shape American nationalism and identity. In developing this analysis, the article extends existing work on military masculinities by introducing the ‘good American soldier’ ideal type and explores the multiple myths associated with this ideal type. The article also demonstrates how a media narrative analysis that covers an extended period of time makes it possible to observe shifting narratives associated with the ‘good American soldier’.
这篇文章探讨了“好美国士兵”作为一种性别理想类型,由关于美国军事成功的神话、小镇工作和白人美国的浪漫观念、异性恋男性气概的观念以及关于个人韧性的能人刻板印象塑造并复制。这篇文章分析了10年来媒体对一个被称为“万宝路海军陆战队”的标志性形象的报道,概述了与“优秀美国士兵”有关的三个具体神话,以深入了解军事化男子气概的理想以及塑造美国民族主义和身份认同的性别神话。在进行这一分析的过程中,文章通过引入“优秀美国士兵”的理想类型来扩展现有的关于军人男子气概的工作,并探索与这种理想类型相关的多重神话。这篇文章还展示了一种涵盖较长时间的媒体叙事分析是如何使人们能够观察到与“优秀美国士兵”相关的叙事变化的。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Salomi Boukala, European Identity and the Representation of Islam in the Mainstream Press: Argumentation and Media Discourse 书评:Salomi Boukala,《欧洲身份与伊斯兰在主流媒体中的代表:争论与媒体话语》
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/17506352211052722
Wenting Zhao
European Identity and the Representation of Islam in the Mainstream Press can be placed in a body of research in discourse studies that has emerged since the outset of the European integration project (Wodak and Boukala, 2015). This research studies European identity – whether it is possible, what challenges it faces and discourses of inclusion and exclusion. European Identity and the Representation of Islam in the Mainstream Press looks, in particular, at the discursive constructions of European identity during a period when there have been waves of migration into Europe, particularly of people from Muslim countries, creating newer waves of what have been characterized as popular nationalist discourses (Wodak, 2015). This body of research can be characterized as having two overlapping domains of focus. One of these is how people narrate grassroots identities through interactions (Zappettini, 2019). The other is about the role of institutions and the discourse of identity they seek to impose on people (Wodak and Fairclough, 1997). Boukala’s contribution fits into the second of these, looking at the representation of European identities as expressed in different national news outlets in Greece, France and Britain. This is clearly seen as highly relevant at present, with another important recent volume by Galpin (2017) covering similar ground. Both of these books explore how different national media represent the legitimacy of the EU project in the face of new challenges. In particular, Boukala asks to what extent the place of Muslim people within the EU, often represented as alien to European culture, ideas and traditions, has provided any kind of rallying point to foster an ‘Us’. Boukala takes up from a trajectory of work on national news media across the EU (Krzyżanowski, 2009; Triandafyllidou et al., 2009). Here, there is a sense that domestic news outlets consistently suppress or challenge the possibility of providing any kind of pan-European interpretations of events. Rather than unity, there has been a pattern of consistent contestation. And what is striking for Boukala is how consistently representations of the EU are strongly characterized by what she calls the ‘blame game’ (p. 6) where the union becomes the cause of all kinds of ills. 1052722 MWC0010.1177/17506352211052722Media, War & ConflictBook review research-article2021
欧洲认同和伊斯兰教在主流媒体中的表现可以放在欧洲一体化项目开始以来出现的话语研究的研究体系中(Wodak和Boukala, 2015)。这项研究研究了欧洲的身份认同——是否可能,它面临什么挑战,以及包容和排斥的话语。《欧洲认同与伊斯兰教在主流媒体中的表现》尤其关注欧洲认同的话语建构,这一时期出现了移民潮,特别是来自穆斯林国家的移民潮,创造了被称为流行民族主义话语的新浪潮(Wodak, 2015)。这一研究体系的特点是有两个重叠的重点领域。其中之一是人们如何通过互动来叙述基层身份(Zappettini, 2019)。另一个是关于制度的作用和他们试图强加给人们的身份话语(Wodak和Fairclough, 1997)。Boukala的贡献符合第二点,他研究了欧洲身份在希腊、法国和英国不同国家新闻媒体上的表现。这显然被认为是高度相关的,Galpin(2017)最近出版的另一本重要著作也涵盖了类似的内容。这两本书都探讨了不同的国家媒体在面对新的挑战时如何代表欧盟项目的合法性。特别是,Boukala提出了这样一个问题:在欧盟内部,经常被视为与欧洲文化、思想和传统格格不入的穆斯林,在多大程度上为培育“我们”提供了某种集结点?Boukala从欧盟国家新闻媒体的工作轨迹出发(Krzyżanowski, 2009;Triandafyllidou et al., 2009)。在这里,有一种感觉是,国内新闻媒体一直在压制或挑战对事件进行任何泛欧解读的可能性。而不是团结,一直是一种持续争论的模式。而令Boukala吃惊的是,欧盟的一贯表现是她所谓的“指责游戏”(第6页)的强烈特征,在这种游戏中,欧盟成为了各种弊病的根源。1052722 mwc0010 .1177/17506352211052722媒体,战争与冲突书评研究-文章2021
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引用次数: 1
Active agency, access and power 主动代理,访问和权力
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/17506352211037318
Virpi Salojärvi, R. Jensen
In this special issue on active agency, access and power, we move beyond media representations of people, objects and events during war and conflict, which often underpin research at the intersection of Media and War Studies. We do so by focusing on active citizenry, participation and journalism in different communication networks, across societies and communities, and from a diversity of perspectives. More specifically, the individual contributions to this special issue explore, question and challenge – in different ways – how agency, access and power are negotiated through multiple media discourses, technologies, outlets and everyday practices during war and conflict. They articulate and emphasize the need for a plurality of voices and levels of participation in the interplay between social actors and technology, and they demonstrate how agency emerges in, and is shaped by, distinct media practices, institutions, emotions and affects in this context. Before we introduce the individual contributions that make up this special issue, we briefly engage with the key notions that underpin the debates they address. Agency is multi-faceted and, at times, ill-defined. Yet, here, agency is understood as
在这期关于能动性、获取和权力的特刊中,我们超越了媒体对战争和冲突期间的人、物体和事件的描述,这通常是媒体和战争研究交叉点研究的基础。我们通过关注活跃的公民、不同社会和社区的不同传播网络中的参与和新闻报道,并从不同的角度来做到这一点。更具体地说,个人对这一特殊问题的贡献以不同的方式探索、质疑和挑战了在战争和冲突期间,如何通过多种媒体话语、技术、渠道和日常实践来协商代理、准入和权力。它们阐明并强调了在社会行动者和技术之间的相互作用中需要多种声音和参与程度,并展示了在这种背景下,机构是如何在不同的媒体实践、制度、情绪和影响中产生并由其塑造的。在我们介绍构成这一特殊问题的个人贡献之前,我们先简要介绍一下它们所涉及的辩论所依据的关键概念。代理是多方面的,有时定义不清。然而,在这里,代理被理解为
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引用次数: 0
Dangerous or political? Kenyan youth negotiating political agency in the age of ‘new terrorism’ 危险还是政治?“新恐怖主义”时代的肯尼亚青年谈判政治机构
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/17506352211028406
M. H. Mohamed
This article examines how the online Kenyan press constructs ‘radicalization’ and how youth challenge these constructions. Using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) through NVivo, the author analyzed two corpora, one of news texts and the second composed of transcripts from two focus group discussions conducted with youth in Mombasa. The analysis shows the media persistently depoliticize youth by constructing them as a dangerous ‘Other’. In contrast, youth challenge this image by claiming political agency through (re)defining their identities using language and material practices. The construction of actors in discourses of radicalization highlights a specific understanding of radicalism and violence, and impacts framing of the Preventing/Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) agenda. The author concludes by showing the implications of the different constructions of youth identities and how youth legitimately enact agency within these bounds. This article raises crucial questions on the practices of meaning-making by individuals and media actors.
本文检视网路肯亚媒体如何建构“激进化”,以及年轻人如何挑战这些建构。通过NVivo的批评性话语分析(CDA),作者分析了两个语料库,一个是新闻文本,另一个是在蒙巴萨与年轻人进行的两次焦点小组讨论的抄本。分析表明,媒体通过将年轻人塑造成一个危险的“他者”,持续地将他们去政治化。相反,年轻人挑战这种形象,通过使用语言和物质实践(重新)定义他们的身份,要求政治代理。激进化话语中行动者的建构突出了对激进主义和暴力的具体理解,并影响了预防/打击暴力极端主义议程的框架。最后,作者展示了青年身份的不同结构的含义,以及青年如何在这些范围内合法地制定代理。本文提出了关于个体和媒介行为者意义制造实践的关键问题。
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引用次数: 0
Victims or intruders? Refugee portrayals in the news in Turkey, Bulgaria and the UK 受害者还是入侵者?土耳其、保加利亚和英国新闻中的难民形象
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/17506352211013482
Emel Ozdora-Aksak, C. Connolly-Ahern, D. Dimitrova
News shapes audiences’ views of people and events beyond their immediate physical environment. Since the mass migration of refugees from Syria represents one of the worst humanitarian crises in modern history, its news coverage necessarily shaped the way global audiences understood the crisis. This qualitative study employs critical discourse analysis (CDA), specifically Van Leeuwen’s Discourse and Practice: New Tools for Critical Discourse Analysis (2008) as a social practice approach, to reveal and compare the discursive strategies used in the print media coverage of the Syrian refugees in three European countries: Turkey, Bulgaria and the UK. The findings show significant differences in the discourse used to describe the refugees and different approaches in terms of contextualization, spaces and actions depicted in the media coverage in each country. The study reveals the ongoing dialogue between journalistic practice and political decision making in three countries impacted to varying extents by the ongoing crisis.
新闻塑造了观众对人和事件的看法,而不是直接的物理环境。由于叙利亚难民的大规模移民是现代史上最严重的人道主义危机之一,其新闻报道必然影响了全球观众对这场危机的理解。本定性研究采用批判性话语分析(CDA),特别是Van Leeuwen的《话语与实践:批判性话语分析的新工具》(2008)作为一种社会实践方法,揭示和比较了土耳其、保加利亚和英国三个欧洲国家的叙利亚难民平面媒体报道中使用的话语策略。研究结果显示,在描述难民的话语中存在显著差异,在每个国家的媒体报道中,在情境化、空间和行动方面采取了不同的方法。该研究揭示了三个国家的新闻实践与政治决策之间正在进行的对话,这三个国家在不同程度上受到了持续危机的影响。
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引用次数: 5
Forensic conflict studies: Making sense of war in the social media age 法医冲突研究:理解社交媒体时代的战争
IF 1.3 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-08-04 DOI: 10.1177/17506352211037325
Jakob Hauter
Online media is a blessing and a curse for academic research on war. On the one hand, the internet provides unprecedented access to information from conflict zones. On the other hand, the prevalence of disinformation can make it difficult to use this information in a transparent way. This article proposes digital forensic process tracing as a methodological innovation to tackle this challenge and make case study research on the causes of war fit for the social media age. It argues that two important features of process-tracing methodology – source criticism and Bayesian updating – are well developed in theory but are rarely applied to the study of armed conflict. Digital forensic process tracing applies these features to online media sources by drawing on the journalistic practice of open source intelligence (OSINT) analysis. This article uses the case of the war in eastern Ukraine’s Donbas region to illustrate the usefulness of the proposed methodology.
网络媒体对战争学术研究来说是福也是祸。一方面,互联网提供了前所未有的从冲突地区获取信息的途径。另一方面,虚假信息的普遍存在使得以透明的方式使用这些信息变得困难。本文提出数字法医过程追踪作为一种方法论创新,以应对这一挑战,并使关于战争原因的案例研究适合社交媒体时代。它认为,过程追踪方法的两个重要特征——来源批评和贝叶斯更新——在理论上得到了很好的发展,但很少应用于武装冲突的研究。数字取证过程追踪通过借鉴开源情报(OSINT)分析的新闻实践,将这些特征应用于在线媒体来源。本文以乌克兰东部顿巴斯地区的战争为例,说明所提出的方法的实用性。
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引用次数: 5
期刊
Media War and Conflict
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