Pub Date : 2022-12-06DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2022.2152796
M. O’Brien
ABSTRACT The transition from economic protectionism to free trade in the late-1950s saw the Irish government embark on a project to improve the state’s image abroad. Up to that point, the state had endured a tempestuous relationship with British newspapers and the adoption of free trade necessitated a new rapport to encourage positive coverage of the industrialisation project. The key components of this strategy were the courting of British newspapers through state sponsorship of special supplements, facilitating visits by British journalists to industrial sites, and providing interview access to senior ministers. Such actions constituted the state’s first exercise in nation branding and represented a sea change in how it interacted with British media. This article offers an analysis of this project to project an image of a modern, industrial Ireland for overseas consumption. It finds that the project was only partly successful: while much coverage highlighted the state’s economic modernisation, this was often accompanied by commentary that was critical of the lack of social change. It also finds that the tensions present in this initial nation branding project also characterised later nation branding projects.
{"title":"Cultivating ‘the heavies or opinion-forming press’: nation branding, Irish economic development and the British press, 1958–1966","authors":"M. O’Brien","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2022.2152796","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2022.2152796","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The transition from economic protectionism to free trade in the late-1950s saw the Irish government embark on a project to improve the state’s image abroad. Up to that point, the state had endured a tempestuous relationship with British newspapers and the adoption of free trade necessitated a new rapport to encourage positive coverage of the industrialisation project. The key components of this strategy were the courting of British newspapers through state sponsorship of special supplements, facilitating visits by British journalists to industrial sites, and providing interview access to senior ministers. Such actions constituted the state’s first exercise in nation branding and represented a sea change in how it interacted with British media. This article offers an analysis of this project to project an image of a modern, industrial Ireland for overseas consumption. It finds that the project was only partly successful: while much coverage highlighted the state’s economic modernisation, this was often accompanied by commentary that was critical of the lack of social change. It also finds that the tensions present in this initial nation branding project also characterised later nation branding projects.","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"256 - 277"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48916348","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-26DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2022.2148243
Richard Hargy
ABSTRACT The close bonds of cooperation between the US and UK are highly institutionalised and are exemplified across a range of closely aligned areas of mutual interests. These are namely intelligence, nuclear and military collaboration. The Anglo-American Special Relationship, however, has been severely strained by events over the last seventy years. This article will examine the validity of any special relationship that may exist between the US and UK. In doing so it will reveal how State Department-led intervention in Northern Ireland between 2003 and 2007 strained the workings of this alliance even as it enjoyed a resurgence under George W. Bush and Tony Blair during the Global War on Terror. It will also establish how the unusual organisational framework and decision-making process at the State Department, vis-à-vis Northern Ireland, exacerbated transatlantic relations. The autonomous freedom to direct US foreign policy in the region brought the George W. Bush administration's Northern Ireland special envoys into direct diplomatic conflict with the most senior actors inside the British government. This article will expand on the extent of this fall-out and provide original first-hand accounts on how diplomatic relations between these old allies became so fraught.
{"title":"What ‘special relationship'? How the state department's intervention in Northern Ireland 2003–2007 strained the Anglo-American alliance","authors":"Richard Hargy","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2022.2148243","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2022.2148243","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The close bonds of cooperation between the US and UK are highly institutionalised and are exemplified across a range of closely aligned areas of mutual interests. These are namely intelligence, nuclear and military collaboration. The Anglo-American Special Relationship, however, has been severely strained by events over the last seventy years. This article will examine the validity of any special relationship that may exist between the US and UK. In doing so it will reveal how State Department-led intervention in Northern Ireland between 2003 and 2007 strained the workings of this alliance even as it enjoyed a resurgence under George W. Bush and Tony Blair during the Global War on Terror. It will also establish how the unusual organisational framework and decision-making process at the State Department, vis-à-vis Northern Ireland, exacerbated transatlantic relations. The autonomous freedom to direct US foreign policy in the region brought the George W. Bush administration's Northern Ireland special envoys into direct diplomatic conflict with the most senior actors inside the British government. This article will expand on the extent of this fall-out and provide original first-hand accounts on how diplomatic relations between these old allies became so fraught.","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"231 - 255"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48110134","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-31DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2022.2139579
Martin O’Donoghue
{"title":"Ireland’s new traditionalists: Fianna Fáil republicanism and gender, 1926–1938","authors":"Martin O’Donoghue","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2022.2139579","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2022.2139579","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41972148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-26DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2022.2138351
Martin Peter Newman
ABSTRACT This article examines the 1974–79 Labour Government’s attempt to introduce comprehensive education in Northern Ireland. The policy found support in, and drew criticism from, different elements within both Protestant and Catholic groups which, although transcending the usual community divide, hardly made the Government’s task any easier. In fact, it carried the risk of antagonising elements from both sides. Claims that the Labour Government acted with ‘fiery zeal’ over the introduction of comprehensive education, in contrast with its efforts on integrated schooling, are misplaced. Proceeding cautiously, but initially with the intention of introducing legislation before the next general election, Labour never even reached the stage of issuing a White Paper. Its caution developed into near stasis, as its policy of local consultation superseded the need to act within the electoral cycle. The guiding principle soon became ‘local planning, for local people, for local circumstances’. Consequently, despite its genuine commitment to the policy of comprehensivisation, Labour’s only achievement in office would be its promise to replace the 11-plus examination, something which remained a mere pledge.
{"title":"Going local, heading nowhere: the 1974–79 Labour Government’s attempt to introduce comprehensive schooling in Northern Ireland","authors":"Martin Peter Newman","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2022.2138351","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2022.2138351","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the 1974–79 Labour Government’s attempt to introduce comprehensive education in Northern Ireland. The policy found support in, and drew criticism from, different elements within both Protestant and Catholic groups which, although transcending the usual community divide, hardly made the Government’s task any easier. In fact, it carried the risk of antagonising elements from both sides. Claims that the Labour Government acted with ‘fiery zeal’ over the introduction of comprehensive education, in contrast with its efforts on integrated schooling, are misplaced. Proceeding cautiously, but initially with the intention of introducing legislation before the next general election, Labour never even reached the stage of issuing a White Paper. Its caution developed into near stasis, as its policy of local consultation superseded the need to act within the electoral cycle. The guiding principle soon became ‘local planning, for local people, for local circumstances’. Consequently, despite its genuine commitment to the policy of comprehensivisation, Labour’s only achievement in office would be its promise to replace the 11-plus examination, something which remained a mere pledge.","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"210 - 230"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42035302","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2022.2128621
L. Keenan, Claire McGing
ABSTRACT Ireland’s Decade of Centenaries, beginning in 2012, has seen the commemoration of a period of significant social and political transformation. For scholars of gender and politics, it also provides the opportunity to take stock of women’s path to greater political representation (ultimately aided by the introduction of a candidate gender quota in 2016) and to highlight key areas where more work needs to be done in order to understand how women can enjoy greater inclusion and participation, as well as representation of their interests, going forward. This symposium provides an overview of what we know about the causes of women’s underrepresentation in Irish political life so far, before addressing some of these areas where our understanding is as yet underdeveloped. In doing so, it contributes to the developing knowledge of the Irish case. Overall, the symposium highlights diverse forms of women’s political participation in the Republic of Ireland.
{"title":"‘An unfinished democracy’: gender and political representation in the Republic of Ireland","authors":"L. Keenan, Claire McGing","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2022.2128621","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2022.2128621","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Ireland’s Decade of Centenaries, beginning in 2012, has seen the commemoration of a period of significant social and political transformation. For scholars of gender and politics, it also provides the opportunity to take stock of women’s path to greater political representation (ultimately aided by the introduction of a candidate gender quota in 2016) and to highlight key areas where more work needs to be done in order to understand how women can enjoy greater inclusion and participation, as well as representation of their interests, going forward. This symposium provides an overview of what we know about the causes of women’s underrepresentation in Irish political life so far, before addressing some of these areas where our understanding is as yet underdeveloped. In doing so, it contributes to the developing knowledge of the Irish case. Overall, the symposium highlights diverse forms of women’s political participation in the Republic of Ireland.","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"37 1","pages":"467 - 476"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43251320","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-13DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2022.2118719
T. Turner, L. Ryan
ABSTRACT Using data from the European Social Survey we test whether a period of unemployment in Ireland shapes individuals’ core political ideological beliefs towards the left of the political spectrum and whether the experience of unemployment prompts people to vote for left-leaning parties. Results indicate that unemployment is linked with more leftward core political ideological beliefs and is associated with a tendency to vote for left-leaning parties. A central implication of our findings is that the sizeable increase in the extent of unemployment, as a consequence of the restrictions due to the COVID pandemic, may well have fundamental political ramifications influencing the political ideology and values of an unprecedented number of people. Right and centre-right parties in order to remain popular in recent times have tended to shift their policies leftward. The potential implications of the high unemployment during the recent pandemic may reinforce this trend.
{"title":"Shaping political orientations: testing the effect of unemployment on ideological beliefs and voting behaviour","authors":"T. Turner, L. Ryan","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2022.2118719","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2022.2118719","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Using data from the European Social Survey we test whether a period of unemployment in Ireland shapes individuals’ core political ideological beliefs towards the left of the political spectrum and whether the experience of unemployment prompts people to vote for left-leaning parties. Results indicate that unemployment is linked with more leftward core political ideological beliefs and is associated with a tendency to vote for left-leaning parties. A central implication of our findings is that the sizeable increase in the extent of unemployment, as a consequence of the restrictions due to the COVID pandemic, may well have fundamental political ramifications influencing the political ideology and values of an unprecedented number of people. Right and centre-right parties in order to remain popular in recent times have tended to shift their policies leftward. The potential implications of the high unemployment during the recent pandemic may reinforce this trend.","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"189 - 209"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48409555","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-23DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2022.2112847
P. Finnegan
{"title":"Unfinished business: the politics of ‘dissident’ Irish republicanism","authors":"P. Finnegan","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2022.2112847","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2022.2112847","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"289 - 290"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43780288","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-08DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2022.2109118
P. Bothwell
{"title":"‘The Age-Old Struggle’: Irish republicanism from the battle of the Bogside to the Belfast Agreement, 1969–1998","authors":"P. Bothwell","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2022.2109118","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2022.2109118","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"287 - 289"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47496431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-08DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2022.2109117
Niamh Hourigan
choices too: compliance with prison authorities had been understood as a synonym for capitulation, particularly in the 1970s. However, after 1981, the republican frontal assault on the jail regime was gradually replaced by a more strategic approach: ‘pragmatism began to dismantle some of the tactical blinkers and hindrances of ideology.’ (p. 956). There were opportunities for ‘sly and elusive subversion’, although this was a fine line to tread. McConville persuasively argues that there was an analogous process of policy learning and accommodation both inside and outside the prisons in the late 1980s and early 1990s, though progress was slow and by no means linear. Ultimately, McConville has produced a body of work which will surely be a touchstone for future scholars. Despite the prohibitive price tag for individual readers, every serious institutional library should have a copy of the trilogy.
{"title":"The politics of Irish primary education: reform in an era of secularization","authors":"Niamh Hourigan","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2022.2109117","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2022.2109117","url":null,"abstract":"choices too: compliance with prison authorities had been understood as a synonym for capitulation, particularly in the 1970s. However, after 1981, the republican frontal assault on the jail regime was gradually replaced by a more strategic approach: ‘pragmatism began to dismantle some of the tactical blinkers and hindrances of ideology.’ (p. 956). There were opportunities for ‘sly and elusive subversion’, although this was a fine line to tread. McConville persuasively argues that there was an analogous process of policy learning and accommodation both inside and outside the prisons in the late 1980s and early 1990s, though progress was slow and by no means linear. Ultimately, McConville has produced a body of work which will surely be a touchstone for future scholars. Despite the prohibitive price tag for individual readers, every serious institutional library should have a copy of the trilogy.","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"285 - 287"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43716339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2022.2097552
Sinéad C. M. Harrington
{"title":"Northern Ireland – Republic of Ireland Comparative Data 2021","authors":"Sinéad C. M. Harrington","doi":"10.1080/07907184.2022.2097552","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2022.2097552","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45746,"journal":{"name":"Irish Political Studies","volume":"37 1","pages":"460 - 465"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42612363","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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