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The future is not what it used to be: the failure of bipolarisation 未来已今非昔比:两极化的失败
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-03-07 DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2022.2043083
Z. Enyedi, F. Bértoa
ABSTRACT Arguably, the most fundamental question one can ask about a party system is whether it is bipolar or not. Based on theoretical conjectures and on tendencies one observed during the 1990s and early 2000s, as well as reflecting the position of the academic community at the time (e.g. [Bale, T. (2003). Cinderella and Her ugly sisters: The mainstream and extreme right in Europe's bipolarising party systems. West European Politics, 26(3), 67–90; Müller, W., & Fallend, F. (2004). Changing patterns of party competition in Austria: From multipolar to bipolar system. West European Politics, 27(5), 801–835]), Peter Mair had a clear prediction: the future of party politics would be bipolar. Using the Who Governs Europe dataset [Casal Bértoa, F., & Enyedi, Z. (2021a). Party system closure: Party alliances, government alternatives, and democracy in Europe. Oxford: Oxford University Press], the article examines the validity of Mair's predictions. Notwithstanding certain exceptions (e.g. Bulgaria, Luxembourg, Serbia), the article demonstrates that the tendency towards increasingly bipolarised party politics has failed to materialise. Next to the description of empirical patterns the article provides suggestions on how to improve our conceptual apparatus of party system analysis.
摘要可以说,关于政党制度,人们能问的最基本的问题是它是否具有两极性。基于理论推测和在20世纪90年代和21世纪初观察到的趋势,以及反映当时学术界的立场(例如[Beller,T.(2003)。《灰姑娘和她的丑陋姐妹:欧洲两极政党体系中的主流和极右翼》。《西欧政治》,26(3),67-90;Müller,W.和Fallend,F.(2004)。《奥地利政党竞争的变化模式:从多极到两极体系》。《欧洲政治》,27(5),801–835]),彼得·梅尔有一个明确的预测:政党政治的未来将是两极的。文章使用“谁治理欧洲”数据集[Casal Bértoa,F.,&Enyedi,Z.(2021a)。政党制度关闭:欧洲的政党联盟、政府替代方案和民主。牛津:牛津大学出版社],检验了梅尔预测的有效性。尽管有某些例外(例如保加利亚、卢森堡、塞尔维亚),文章表明,政党政治日益两极分化的趋势未能实现。在对经验模式进行描述的基础上,本文对如何改进我国政党制度分析的概念机制提出了建议。
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引用次数: 2
A period of contention? The politics of post-crisis activation reform and the creeping marketisation of public employment services 一段时间的争论?危机后激活改革的政治和公共就业服务的市场化
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2022.2044313
M. Murphy, M. McGann
ABSTRACT Public employment services (PES) have undergone significant change since 2011, reshaping the roles of the market, state, and community sector within Ireland’s mixed economy of welfare. The post-crisis years saw the replacement of FÁS with a new network of one-stop-shop Intreo activation services, and the procurement of new employment services for the long-term unemployed through competitive tendering and Payment-by-Results. This process of marketisation is now being extended to other PES currently delivered by community organisations under block grants, such as Local Employment Services and Job Clubs. We position Ireland’s PES landscape as a strategic action field wherein various providers compete with one another for position, power and resources during episodes of contention. Applying this lens to the ongoing reform of activation policy and PES institutions, the paper considers how the recent trajectory of PES marketisation has remained politically contentious. It examines the strategies of various providers and policy actors in shaping the politics of reform, focusing especially on the position of community organisations within the field and the degree to which they have been able to strategically mobilise against marketisation. Lessons are drawn about the nature of Irish politics and policy reform.
摘要自2011年以来,公共就业服务(PES)发生了重大变化,重塑了市场、国家和社区部门在爱尔兰混合福利经济中的角色。危机后的几年里,用一站式Intreo激活服务的新网络取代了FÁS,并通过竞争性招标和按结果支付为长期失业者采购了新的就业服务。这一市场化过程现在正在扩展到目前由社区组织根据整笔拨款提供的其他PES,如当地就业服务和就业俱乐部。我们将爱尔兰的PES景观定位为一个战略行动领域,在这一领域,各种供应商在竞争中相互竞争地位、权力和资源。将这一视角应用于正在进行的激活政策和PES机构改革,本文考虑了PES市场化的近期轨迹如何在政治上仍然存在争议。它考察了各种提供者和政策参与者在塑造改革政治方面的战略,特别关注社区组织在该领域的地位,以及他们能够在多大程度上战略性地动员起来反对市场化。我们从爱尔兰政治和政策改革的性质中汲取了教训。
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引用次数: 0
Intra-party decision-making in contemporary Europe: improving representation or ruling with empty shells? 当代欧洲的党内决策:提高代表性还是空壳执政?
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2022.2046430
S. Scarrow, P. Webb, Thomas Poguntke
ABSTRACT Political observers agree that parties in European parliamentary democracies are more likely than previously to give party members opportunities to vote in decisions about party policies or personnel. Observers are less agreed about the implications of these apparent procedural trends. Some, including Peter Mair, saw them as evidence of the hollowing-out of party democracies; others have seen them as enhancing citizens’ opportunities for meaningful political participation. Because this is ultimately an empirical question as well as a normative one, these radically conflicting interpretations make it crucial to examine which interpretation is best supported by usage to date This is the task we undertake in this article. We use data from the Political Party Database Project (PPDB) to investigate the extent to which parties in 26 European countries have adopted and employed intra-party ballots. We also ask whether there is evidence that such procedures are changing intra-party relationships. We find that balloting of party members is indeed widely used, but it is by no means universal. We find much less support for the implication that such ballots are associated with less competitive contests, or that the new devices are generally used in ways that devalue party-member bonds.
政治观察家一致认为,欧洲议会民主制的政党比以前更有可能给党员投票决定政党政策或人事的机会。观察员们对这些明显的程序趋势的影响不太一致。包括彼得·梅尔(Peter maair)在内的一些人将其视为党派民主空心化的证据;其他人则认为,它们增加了公民有意义的政治参与机会。因为这最终是一个经验问题,也是一个规范问题,这些根本冲突的解释使得检验哪种解释最能得到迄今为止用法的支持至关重要。这是我们在本文中承担的任务。我们使用政党数据库项目(PPDB)的数据来调查26个欧洲国家的政党采用和使用党内投票的程度。我们还想知道,是否有证据表明这些程序正在改变党内关系。我们发现党员投票确实是广泛使用的,但绝不是普遍使用的。我们发现很少有人支持这种暗示,即这种选票与竞争不那么激烈的竞选有关,或者这种新设备通常被用于削弱党员之间的联系。
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引用次数: 1
The cartel party - the end of democratic party evolution? 卡特尔政党-民主党派演变的终结?
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-02-28 DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2022.2043084
R. Katz
ABSTRACT Contrary to some interpretations, the cartel party model was never assumed to be an equilibrium end-state. Rather, it was postulated, on the one hand, that cartelization would lead to its own opposition in the form now identified as anti-party-system parties, and on the other hand, that this development would lead to further adaptation on the part of the cartel parties themselves. But is this continuing evolution leading to parties that are more democratic, either in their internal operation or in their contribution to the wider political system? While a number of empirical trends are evident, whether they represent ‘democratic evolution’ depends in large measure upon how one understands democracy itself.
与某些解释相反,卡特尔方模型从未被假设为均衡的最终状态。相反,它的假设是,一方面,卡特尔化将导致其自身的反对派,以现在被确定为反政党制度的政党的形式,另一方面,这种发展将导致卡特尔政党本身进一步适应。但是,这种持续的演变是否会导致政党在其内部运作或对更广泛的政治体系的贡献方面更加民主?虽然一些经验趋势是显而易见的,但它们是否代表“民主进化”在很大程度上取决于人们如何理解民主本身。
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引用次数: 1
Into the void: the collapse of Irish party democracy 进入虚空:爱尔兰政党民主的崩溃
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-02-28 DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2022.2043082
R. Kenneth Carty
ABSTRACT For most of the twentieth century the Irish party system was stable and unchanging, centred on Fianna Fáil, Europe’s most electorally successful political party. That system suddenly collapsed in 2011 when Irish electoral politics became unusually volatile, ending decades of one-party dominance and leaving democratic elections unable to provide for government choice and accountability. This paper traces this transformation of the party system, unmasking the altered dynamics of the country’s electoral competition, through a focus on its long-dominant natural party of government. It concludes by considering the challenges and prospects for Ireland’s party democracy.
在20世纪的大部分时间里,爱尔兰的政党制度都是稳定不变的,以爱尔兰共和党Fáil为中心,该党是欧洲选举中最成功的政党。这一制度在2011年突然崩溃,当时爱尔兰的选举政治变得异常动荡,结束了数十年的一党统治,使民主选举无法提供政府选择和问责制。本文通过关注长期占主导地位的自然政府政党,追溯了政党制度的这种转变,揭示了该国选举竞争的变化动态。最后,它考虑了爱尔兰政党民主的挑战和前景。
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引用次数: 0
Northern Ireland a generation after Good Friday: lost futures and new horizons in the ‘long peace’ 耶稣受难日后的北爱尔兰:在“长期和平”中失去的未来和新的视野
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-02-22 DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2022.2042147
A. Hall
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引用次数: 1
Accounting for the past: the role of public apologies in Ireland 解释过去:公开道歉在爱尔兰的作用
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-12-28 DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.2020255
Anna Bryson, Muiris MacCarthaigh
ABSTRACT Demands for accountability are a prominent feature of contemporary public life. Although much academic attention has focused on perceived denials of accountability and blame avoidance in various political, administrative and transitional justice contexts, there has been much less analysis of blame acceptance and efforts to provide accountability. This paper explores attempts to provide such accountability through the medium of public apologies. It considers accountability as an iterative process that is intrinsically linked to perceptions by target audiences. Our analysis draws on a survey of 1007 citizens across the island of Ireland and public attitudes to apologies reflected in focus groups with a stratified sample of the general population. We find that the public appetite for apologies is strong and that they are generally valued as a core element of accountability provision. Public evaluations of such apologies are nonetheless modulated by a range of intersecting variables. In the concluding section we consider these various dynamics and reflect on how viewing public apologies as a complex dialogic process can inform broader conceptual understandings of accountability.
对问责的要求是当代公共生活的一个突出特征。虽然许多学术界的注意力集中在各种政治、行政和过渡时期司法情况下的否认责任和逃避责任,但对接受责任和提供责任的努力的分析却少得多。本文探讨了通过公开道歉的媒介提供这种问责的尝试。它认为问责制是一个反复的过程,与目标受众的看法有着内在的联系。我们的分析基于对爱尔兰岛1007名公民的调查,以及公众对道歉的态度,这些态度反映在对普通人群进行分层抽样的焦点小组中。我们发现,公众对道歉的需求是强烈的,它们通常被视为问责制条款的核心要素。然而,公众对这种道歉的评价受到一系列相互交织的变量的影响。在结论部分,我们将考虑这些不同的动态,并反思如何将公开道歉视为一个复杂的对话过程,从而为更广泛的问责制概念理解提供信息。
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引用次数: 1
Political change in Europe: the role of political entrepreneurs 欧洲的政治变革:政治企业家的角色
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-12-16 DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.2010988
Catherine E. De Vries
ABSTRACT European democracies are undergoing major changes. The major parties of the left and the right that have dominated politics for decades are losing ground, and voting behaviour is more volatile and governments are becoming less stable. The nature of political competition is also changing: the socio-economic cleavages that used to dominate party competition and party ties are becoming less relevant, and new salient issues have emerged, such as immigration, the environment and European integration. How do we explain these changes in European politics? Drawing on a recent book co-authored with Sara Hobolt, Catherine E. de Vries argues that political entrepreneurs provide an important lens through which to understand political change in Europe.
欧洲民主国家正在经历重大变革。几十年来主导政治的左翼和右翼主要政党正在失去优势,投票行为更加不稳定,政府变得越来越不稳定。政治竞争的性质也在发生变化:过去主导政党竞争和政党关系的社会经济分裂正变得不那么重要,新的突出问题已经出现,如移民、环境和欧洲一体化。我们如何解释欧洲政治的这些变化?凯瑟琳·e·德弗里斯(Catherine E. de Vries)在最近与萨拉·霍博尔特(Sara Hobolt)合著的一本书中指出,政治企业家为理解欧洲的政治变革提供了一个重要视角。
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引用次数: 0
Building sustainable peace through environmental cooperation in the island of Ireland: modelling transboundary conservation 通过爱尔兰岛的环境合作建立可持续和平:跨界保护模式
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-11-30 DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.2011230
June-Sun Hwang
ABSTRACT As Brexit becomes reality, concerns are growing over environmental degradation due to differences in environmental policies on both sides of the border. At the same time, post-conflict peace occupied by neoliberal ideas remains fragile. However, there is no research that explores the nexus between environmental cooperation and peacebuilding in the Irish context. To narrow this loophole, first, this essay engages with the theory of environmental peacebuilding and sheds light on the role of environmental cooperation as an instrument for peacebuilding in post-conflict societies. Then, it proposes three models for environmental peacebuilding that likely fit in the Irish context. While not singling out one most feasible model, the paper concludes that the island of Ireland already has institutional arrangements and resources to implement any of the proposed models. Building a sustainable peace requires an approach to not only facilitate good relationships between divided human communities, but also resolve the human-nature conflict.
随着英国脱欧成为现实,由于两国环境政策的差异,人们对环境恶化的担忧日益加剧。与此同时,新自由主义思想占据的冲突后和平仍然脆弱。然而,在爱尔兰的背景下,没有研究探讨环境合作与和平建设之间的联系。为了缩小这一漏洞,本文首先探讨了环境建设和平的理论,并阐明了环境合作作为冲突后社会建设和平的工具的作用。然后,它提出了三种可能适合爱尔兰背景的环境和平建设模式。虽然没有挑出一种最可行的模式,但论文得出的结论是,爱尔兰岛已经有了实施任何拟议模式的制度安排和资源。建立可持续的和平需要一种方法,不仅要促进分裂的人类社区之间的良好关系,还要解决人与自然的冲突。
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引用次数: 1
The dissatisfied and the engaged: citizen support for citizens’ assemblies and their willingness to participate 不满者和参与者:公民对公民集会的支持及其参与意愿
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/07907184.2021.1974717
Colm D. Walsh, Johan A. Elkink
ABSTRACT Ireland is a setting where citizens’ assemblies (CAs) have played a prominent role, driving considerable policy change and impactful referendum initiatives. Irish citizens are therefore particularly likely to be aware of the potential of such deliberative processes. We examine citizen’s support for political reforms towards more deliberation, as well as their potential willingness to engage. We find that support and participation are driven by citizens who are dissatisfied with the regime, or who are particularly likely to be politically engaged. While the former tend to support most types of political reforms, the latter are in particular driven towards more deliberative modes of politics. Our findings furthermore suggest that participation rates in CAs will be lower among some cohorts of society than others and correlated with factors such as education, political interest, and perceived corruption.
摘要爱尔兰是公民大会发挥重要作用的地方,推动了重大的政策变化和有影响力的公民投票倡议。因此,爱尔兰公民特别可能意识到这种审议程序的潜力。我们考察了公民对政治改革的支持,以及他们参与的潜在意愿。我们发现,支持和参与是由对政权不满或特别可能参与政治的公民推动的。虽然前者倾向于支持大多数类型的政治改革,但后者尤其倾向于更审慎的政治模式。我们的研究结果进一步表明,在社会的某些群体中,CA的参与率将低于其他群体,并与教育、政治利益和感知腐败等因素相关。
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引用次数: 7
期刊
Irish Political Studies
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