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North American Aviation’s dramatic transformation and the influence of Moral Re-Armament in 1941-1945 1941-1945年北美航空业的戏剧性转变及道德重组的影响
IF 0.7 4区 管理学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-07 DOI: 10.1080/0023656x.2023.2243442
Eric B. Dent, Craig Randall
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引用次数: 0
Making iron, producing space! How coerced work defined a Swedish early modern ironmaking region 制造铁,创造空间!强迫劳动如何定义瑞典早期现代炼铁地区
IF 0.7 4区 管理学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1080/0023656x.2023.2243444
G. Rydén
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引用次数: 1
Data driven: truckers technology, and the new workplace surveillance 数据驱动:卡车司机技术,以及新的工作场所监控
IF 0.7 4区 管理学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-28 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2023.2237702
P. Arun, Avdhesh Kumar
provides a detailed account of how data drive the work of truckers and the trucking industry in the U
详细介绍了数据如何推动美国卡车司机和卡车运输行业的工作
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引用次数: 8
Deindustrialization of Detroit: the push of organized labor 底特律的去工业化:有组织劳工的推动
IF 0.7 4区 管理学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-19 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2023.2237904
J. Battista
ABSTRACT This article takes a step in identifying a more accurate economic history of deindustrialization. Following the extension of the timeline of deindustrialization and its divorce from the 1970s, this article examines the reasons for production facility relocation our of Detroit, prior to the 1970s. Given that the process of deindustrialization occurred prior to 1970, the reasons must be reevaluated. To this end, this article examines one of the lesser investigated reasons that auto corporations moved their production facilities out of Detroit; organized labor. It shows that organized labor was one of the driving factors of production facility relocation. This article makes use of multiple collections housed in the Reuther Archives at Wayne State University in relation to organized labor, as well as union density data. This article details how and why production facilities were pushed out of Detroit in an effort to evade organized labor.
摘要本文为更准确地确定去工业化的经济史迈出了一步。随着去工业化时间线的延长及其与20世纪70年代的分离,本文探讨了底特律生产设施搬迁的原因。鉴于去工业化进程发生在1970年之前,必须重新评估其原因。为此,本文探讨了汽车公司将生产设施迁出底特律的一个较少调查的原因;有组织的劳动。研究表明,有组织的劳动是生产设施搬迁的驱动因素之一。本文利用了韦恩州立大学Reuther档案馆中的多个与有组织劳工有关的藏品,以及工会密度数据。这篇文章详细介绍了生产设施是如何以及为什么被赶出底特律,以逃避有组织的劳工。
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引用次数: 0
Wage gap between the State and non-State sectors in China: a study from the perspective of the Housing Provident Fund Scheme 中国国有和非国有部门的工资差距:基于住房公积金计划视角的研究
IF 0.7 4区 管理学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-17 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2023.2233909
Zimian He, Hua-dong Jiang, Panpan Gao
ABSTRACT As an important component of China’s social security system, the housing provident fund (HPF) scheme has seen its fairness called into question. Based on the data from the China Household Finance Survey in 2017, this paper uses the least squares method and the unconditional quantile regression and decomposition method to study the wage gap between the state and non-state sectors from the perspective of the HPF. Its findings suggest that the HPF is an important component of the state-sector wage premium. That is, whether wages include the HPF affects the direction and significance of the sectoral wage gap. A closer look reveals that in the state sector, low-income workers benefit less from the HPF scheme than middle- and high-income workers. The breakdown of the wage gap within the state sector indicates that the wage premium for the middle- and high-income bracket and for the high-income bracket are mainly credited to the differences in individual characteristics of state-sector workers, while the wage premium obtained by the middle- and low-income bracket takes the form of the sectoral wage level, which benefits from the HPF system to some extent.
摘要住房公积金作为我国社会保障体系的重要组成部分,其公平性受到质疑。基于2017年中国家庭金融调查的数据,本文采用最小二乘法和无条件分位数回归分解法,从HPF的角度研究了国有和非国有部门的工资差距。研究结果表明,HPF是国有部门工资溢价的重要组成部分。也就是说,工资是否包括HPF会影响部门工资差距的方向和意义。仔细观察会发现,在国有部门,低收入工人从HPF计划中受益的人数少于中高收入工人。对国有部门内部工资差距的细分表明,中高收入阶层和高收入阶层的工资溢价主要归因于国有部门工人个人特征的差异,而中低收入阶层获得的工资溢价采取部门工资水平的形式,这在一定程度上得益于HPF系统。
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引用次数: 0
Navigating Global Labour Studies with Bourdieu: insights from Romania’s seafaring history 与布迪厄一起导航全球劳工研究:来自罗马尼亚航海历史的见解
IF 0.7 4区 管理学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-12 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2023.2225437
Antoine Roger
ABSTRACT Research in Global Labour Studies is mostly based on the work of Karl Polanyi. It aims to demonstrate that a ‘disembedding’ process is leading to the formation of a global ‘labour market’. This analytical scheme does not consider the historical struggles over the definition of the legitimate skills and qualifications needed for a profession; it does not allow one to study the confrontations over the training of workers that take place at the intersection of global logics and local constraints. Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of field allows a better understanding of these power relations. This leads us to consider that national fields still weigh heavily, in combination with a transnational field. An empirical investigation of the training of seafarers in Romania exemplifies the potential contributions of this approach.
摘要全球劳工研究主要基于波兰尼的研究成果。它旨在证明一个“去嵌入”的过程正在导致全球“劳动力市场”的形成。这一分析方案没有考虑到关于职业所需合法技能和资格定义的历史斗争;它不允许研究在全局逻辑和局部约束的交叉点上发生的关于工人培训的对抗。皮埃尔·布迪厄的场概念使我们能够更好地理解这些权力关系。这使我们认为,国家领域与跨国领域结合在一起仍然很重要。对罗马尼亚海员培训情况的实证调查表明了这种做法的潜在贡献。
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引用次数: 0
British trade unionism in the 1980s reassessed. are recurring assumptions about union membership and strikes flawed? 20世纪80年代,英国工会主义得到了重新评估。反复出现的关于工会成员和罢工的假设有缺陷吗?
IF 0.7 4区 管理学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-07 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2023.2229252
Edward Blissett
ABSTRACT This article questions the hypothesis, put forward by several historians and IR academics, that the 1980s decline in British union membership and strike frequency, was driven by major industrial defeats, a cultural shift away from collectivism, and the adverse effects of the Conservative Government’s anti-union legislation. In contrast, this paper argues that international economic developments, most notably the globalisation of manufacturing production, along with the British Conservative Government’s economic policies, which resulted in mass unemployment in heavily unionised areas of the economy, were the principal reasons for the declines in union membership and strike frequency during the 1980s. In support of this theory, my article draws upon extensive contemporaneous research, which I conducted when I worked in the Industrial Relations Research Unit at the University of Warwick in the late 1980s. This research illustrates how strike frequency and union membership fell in the early and mid-1980s, before membership stabilized, and the frequency of strikes relative to the number of unionised workplaces increased, during the short-lived economic upturn of the late 1980s.
摘要本文对几位历史学家和IR学者提出的假说提出质疑,即20世纪80年代英国工会成员和罢工频率的下降是由重大工业失败、从集体主义的文化转变以及保守党政府反工会立法的不利影响所驱动的。相比之下,本文认为,国际经济发展,尤其是制造业生产的全球化,以及英国保守党政府的经济政策,导致经济中工会密集地区的大规模失业,是20世纪80年代工会成员和罢工频率下降的主要原因。为了支持这一理论,我的文章借鉴了我20世纪80年代末在华威大学劳资关系研究室工作时进行的广泛的同期研究。这项研究表明,在20世纪80年代初和中期,在会员稳定之前,罢工频率和工会会员人数是如何下降的,而在80年代末短暂的经济好转期间,罢工频率相对于工会工作场所的数量是如何增加的。
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引用次数: 0
“In consequence of considering herself to be free”. Freedom and (im)mobility in the trans-imperial Caribbean space of the 19th century "因为她认为自己是自由的"19世纪跨帝国的加勒比地区的自由和(非)流动性
IF 0.7 4区 管理学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/0023656x.2023.2230904
Matilde Flamigni
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引用次数: 1
The regulation of international migration in the Cold War: a synthesis and review of the literature 冷战时期国际移民的管制:文献综述
IF 0.7 4区 管理学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2023.2237924
Sara Bernard
ABSTRACT For a long time, research on international migration during the Cold War maintained that a rigid distinction existed between political emigration, generated by the ideological conflict between liberalism and communism, and labour migration, which was determined by transformations in the capitalist world economy. This article challenges that assumption on several grounds. It starts from the premise that the Cold War was primarily a competition between the capitalist and communist projects of development. It ascribes to this rivalry the establishment of the international system regulating migration as a terrain of ideological confrontation in the early postwar period, and its evolution into one of convergence over development strategies since the 1970s. It reviews both the literature on labour migration to/in Western Europe and the recent studies exploring how socialist Europe also relied on foreign labour recruitment to achieve development. It brings these findings in conversation with research that examines the expansion of economic cooperation between Eastern and Western Europe during the long 1970s. It shows that, in this context, the distinction between economic migrant and political refugee continued to justify the erection of wired walls, this time between an enlarging European Union and the Global South.
摘要长期以来,对冷战时期国际移民的研究认为,自由主义和共产主义意识形态冲突导致的政治移民与资本主义世界经济转型导致的劳动力移民之间存在着严格的区别。这篇文章从几个方面对这一假设提出了质疑。它的出发点是,冷战主要是资本主义和共产主义发展项目之间的竞争。它将这种竞争归因于战后早期规范移民的国际体系的建立,将其视为意识形态对抗的领域,并将其演变为20世纪70年代以来发展战略趋同的领域。它回顾了有关西欧劳动力迁移的文献,以及最近探索社会主义欧洲如何也依靠外国劳动力招聘来实现发展的研究。它将这些发现与研究东欧和西欧在漫长的20世纪70年代扩大经济合作的研究相结合。它表明,在这种情况下,经济移民和政治难民之间的区别继续证明了建立有线墙的正当性,这一次是在扩大的欧洲联盟和全球南方之间。
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引用次数: 0
“A phobia of numbers?” the labour movement and social surveys in the German Empire “怕数字?”"德意志帝国的劳工运动和社会调查
IF 0.7 4区 管理学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2023.2230905
P. Reick
ABSTRACT Historians have long studied how statistical offices and parliamentary bodies made use of surveys to explore the lives of workers, and, in so doing, how they produced new social categories and strategies for political intervention in the process. Less attention has been paid to the role that surveys played in the history of the early labour movement. Drawing on extensive discussions in socialist and trade-union periodicals, this article explores how the labour movement in the German Empire perceived, responded to, and used social surveys. The article is divided into three parts. The first part discusses labour’s critical response to the growing number of surveys on working-class life by middle-class reformers, social researchers, and the state. The second part studies what appeared to be the only logical consequence of their critique, namely the independent gathering and analysis of data. The third part finally analyses why, despite the large number of independent surveys launched by party functionaries and local trade unions, participation among ordinary workers remained strikingly low. In the conclusion, the article shows that this might have stemmed not only from disinterest and inertia but also from how the labour leadership conceived of and presented the benefits of social surveys.
历史学家长期以来一直在研究统计部门和议会机构如何利用调查来探索工人的生活,以及在此过程中,他们如何产生新的社会类别和政治干预策略。很少有人注意到调查在早期劳工运动的历史中所起的作用。借鉴社会主义和工会期刊上的广泛讨论,本文探讨了德意志帝国的工人运动如何感知、回应和使用社会调查。本文分为三个部分。第一部分讨论了工党对中产阶级改革者、社会研究人员和国家对工人阶级生活的越来越多的调查的批判性回应。第二部分研究了他们批判的唯一逻辑结果,即对数据的独立收集和分析。第三部分最后分析了为什么尽管中共官员和地方工会开展了大量独立调查,普通工人的参与率仍然低得惊人。在结论中,文章表明,这可能不仅源于不感兴趣和惰性,还源于工党领导层如何构思和呈现社会调查的好处。
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Labor History
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