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Emancipation as an illusion: a review of factory management policies in the Soviet Union and China 解放是一种幻觉:对苏联和中国工厂管理政策的回顾
4区 管理学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1080/0023656x.2023.2260758
Ruiyang Hu
ABSTRACTThe emergence of industrial capitalism in the 19th century undoubtedly changed production processes in factories, and mass production theories and practices emerged for the first time in human history. Pioneers, namely Taylor and Ford, had revolutionary factory production and management innovations under industrial capitalism. However, the basic rights of workers, along with those of large factories, have been largely neglected. Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Gramsci began to formulate theories and practices of workers’ emancipation based on the mass production of industrial capitalism. As the two most important socialist countries on Earth, the Soviet Union and China have practiced emancipatory policies at the factory level based on the Marxist ideal. Through a triangular comparison model, this article examines whether the Soviet Union and China have achieved their ideals of worker emancipation. This article proposes a theory of workers’ emancipation, mainly based on the Marxist ideal, while Soviet and Chinese practices are compared horizontally. In the end, the article concludes that both the ideals of the Soviets and Chinese on workers’ emancipation have not been fully achieved despite both having some contributions to worker emancipation; the failure of achieving the emancipatory ideal rendered both countries’ claims on emancipation as mere ‘illusions.’KEYWORDS: Marxismlabor historyworkers emancipationfactory managementthe Soviet UnionChina AcknowledgmentsThe author would like to express special thanks of gratitude to the following scholars and organizations: Prof. Chun Lin, Dr. Hans Steinmuller, Dr. William Matthews, Dr. Andrea Pia at London School of Economics; Prof. Zhouwang Chen, Prof. Zhiguang Yin, Zhiqiang Sun, Shi Quan, Yuhua Li, Zekun Ge, and Dahao Yu at Fudan University; Colleagues of Mang Ren Mo Xiang Committee, editors of Labor History and Taylor & Francis, and above all my beloved girlfriend Mo Xu for their selfless help during drafting, writing and editing of this paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. This is known as the ‘price-wage’ system. Under such system, workers who produce more products would get more wages as rewards. This system will be introduced later in the text.Additional informationFundingThe author reports there is no funding to declare.Notes on contributorsRuiyang HuHu, Ruiyang (the author) is a PhD Candidate at the Department of Political Science, School of International Relations and Public Affairs, Fudan University in Shanghai, People’s Republic of China. His research focuses on labour history of socialist nations, Chinese politics, modern political thought, and Marxism. The author obtained his bachelor’s degree with distinction at University of Toronto in summer 2020. The author obtained his first master degree (Master of Arts) with merit at University College London in winter 2021, and his second master degree (Master of Science) with merit at Lon
摘要19世纪工业资本主义的出现无疑改变了工厂的生产过程,人类历史上第一次出现了大规模生产的理论和实践。泰勒和福特等先驱者在工业资本主义下进行了革命性的工厂生产和管理创新。然而,工人的基本权利以及大型工厂的基本权利在很大程度上被忽视了。马克思、恩格斯、列宁、葛兰西开始以工业资本主义的大生产为基础,形成工人解放的理论和实践。苏联和中国作为世界上最重要的两个社会主义国家,在马克思主义理想的基础上,实行了工厂一级的解放政策。本文通过一个三角比较模型来考察苏联和中国是否实现了工人解放的理想。本文提出了一个工人解放的理论,主要基于马克思主义的理想,并横向比较了苏联和中国的实践。最后,文章得出结论:苏中两国的工人解放理想虽然都对工人解放有一定贡献,但都没有完全实现;实现解放理想的失败使得两国对解放的要求仅仅是“幻想”。关键词:马克思主义;劳动历史;工人解放;工厂管理;苏联;中国;复旦大学陈周旺教授、尹志光教授、孙志强教授、权石教授、李玉华教授、葛泽坤教授、于大浩教授;芒仁墨香委员会的同事们,《劳动史》和《泰勒与弗朗西斯》的编辑们,尤其是我深爱的女友墨旭,感谢他们在本文的起草、写作和编辑过程中给予我的无私帮助。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。这就是所谓的“价格工资”体系。在这种制度下,生产更多产品的工人将获得更多的工资作为奖励。本系统将在本文后面介绍。作者报告没有需要申报的资金。作者简介:本文作者是上海复旦大学国际关系与公共事务学院政治学系博士研究生。主要研究领域为社会主义国家劳工史、中国政治、现代政治思想和马克思主义。作者于2020年夏季在多伦多大学以优异成绩获得学士学位。作者于2021年冬季在伦敦大学学院获得第一个硕士学位(文学硕士),并于2022年冬季在伦敦政治经济学院获得第二个硕士学位(理学硕士)。
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引用次数: 0
‘The universal rhythm of justice’: the Argentine Supreme Court and labor law before, during, and after Peronism “正义的普遍节奏”:庇隆主义之前、期间和之后的阿根廷最高法院和劳动法
4区 管理学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1080/0023656x.2023.2247287
Juan F. Gonzalez-Bertomeu
ABSTRACTThe birth of labor law in Argentina is as intricate as it is fascinating. The emergence of a regulatory mosaic in the country occurred in the shadow of extreme institutional instability and ideological change. This process included the country’s first military coup; the rise of J.D. Perón, under whose aegis labor protections gushed; and the fierce backlash against his regime. In this story, the Supreme Court played a somewhat secondary but significant role, which this article, at the intersection of legal history and judicial politics, explores. The article uses an original dataset of 539 Court decisions in labor disputes from 1935 to 1960. It draws on descriptive statistics, a discussion of the main trends in the Court’s decision making, and network analysis. What emerges from the study is a saga of increasing protection of workers’ rights, punctuated by episodic retraction that did not amount to a denial of them. The Court under Perón was prominent in the vindication of workers’ rights. Even under the more restrictive periods before and after Perón, however, the Court recognized labor law as an emerging field for the protection of workers. While the Court’s work displays this combination of oscillation and permanence in its substantive output, it shows a more radical break in a more symbolic respect. After the coup that deposed Perón, the Court was adamant about neglecting the Perón Court’s role and intervention. This shows that legal ideology can manifest itself in diverging ways, particularly in times of regime and judicial instability. It can emerge in justices’ substantive opinions, but also in the recognition of their previous colleagues’ work.KEYWORDS: Argentine labor lawPeronismlabor law adjudicationSupreme Court of Argentinaregime instability Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. For recent reviews of works focused on Latin America, see González-Ocantos (Citation2019) and González-Bertomeu (Citation2019).2. For a summary of these discussions concerning Latin America, see ibid.3. The employer could contract insurance.4. The La Plata University, nationalized in 1905 by J.V. González, who then became its president, featured as lectures key figures in the field of labor law, prominently including Alfredo Palacios, Leónidas Anastasi, and Alejandro Unsain (Palacio, Citation2013, 2–4).5. In 1945, the Supreme Court also refused to swear in the members of a newly created national appeals court in the north of the country, ruling that the military government’s decision to create this body exceeded its declared objectives (Tanzi, Citation2005a, 18).6. Since 1994, the Senate must consent again when a federal judge turns 75, and every five years thereafter.7. The demand – partly fueled by the government’s hesitancy to condemn the now defeated Axis during World War II – was based on the statute regulating temporary succession in the absence of both the president and vice-president. The Sup
Terán说天主教教义是“国家的法律”。1944年,法院撤销了(圣地亚哥德尔埃斯特罗)一个地方办事处因违反劳工条例而征收的罚款。它认为,办事处声称的保护被压迫工人的目标不能证明它所犯的许多程序上的违规行为是正当的(Compagno, 1944;格鲁比斯克,Citation2016) 16。Pellet lasta引用了1946年司法部长与大法官Sagarna之间的一段对话,后者建议这样的批准是方便的(2001,117)。在此案中,最高法院由卡萨雷斯法官和两名上诉法官组成,因为Perón被任命者是在18年8月才加入最高法院的。最高法院明确赋予法院的法定解释与立法同等的效力,这在一个深植于民法传统的国家是不寻常的。这个数据集有7个这样的决定。在第3阶段,法院将听取针对下级法院新判决的案件的类似上诉。法院站在雇主一边(Martínez, 1956)。在法院认为是武断的另一项决定中,上诉法院传唤原告提议的两名证人,重新审理了一宗已被驳回的案件(Koruza, 1947年)。这一主张也在《论子》中提出(Citation2006, 53-4)。Tanzi (citation2006,21)批评了这一决定。然而,正如所指出的,即使Perón法院也推翻了一些原本有利于工人的决定,因为这些决定是武断的。然而,在Sosa(1957)一案中,法院似乎拒绝审查下级法院裁定新条例可追溯适用的裁决。法院还重申了在前一时期(如Guarducci, 1948年)所宣布的观点,即如果解雇费是按照现有的判例法支付的,则解雇后判例法的变化并不赋予要求重新调整的权利(如Arias, 1956年;26.维拉德兹,1956)[驳回雇员的索赔]。法院也在区分直接执行的宪法条款和需要立法激活的条款。在第1.28段所涉期间,法院尚未广泛使用“任意性”原则。同样,Tanzi (citation2006,53)引用了实际总统洛纳尔迪的承诺,即“保持社会成就”。他批评最高法院在少数几个案件中对劳动法持敌对态度。在González Bertomeu(即将出版,2023)中尝试了与不同主题和部分不同时期相关的类似策略。考虑到所讨论的论点的相似程度,该网络没有引入任何细微差别。鉴于三个受观察的法院在相对较短的时间内采取行动,法院不成比例地引用最近判决的倾向可以忽略不计。这种趋势已经在美国的背景下进行了讨论(Black & Spriggs, Citation2013)。成立两年半的Post-Perón第一法院在数据集中(116个)的6个判决中引用了成立8年的Perón法院的判决。相比之下,前者在43项决定中引用了自己,而63项决定中没有引用任何内容。这些引文不是相互排斥的。Justice J. Oyhanarte (Pellet lasta, Citation2001, 192);《中国科学》(英文版),2002年第1期。在数据集中,Post-Perón II法院(以Oyhanarte法官为代表)在大约50项判决中引用了Post-Perón I法院,但实际上它从未引用Perón Court.34。出处同上,88 - 9;《塑造政治舞台》,486 - 6页。其他信息撰稿人说明juan F. Gonzalez-Bertomeu juan F. Gonzalez-Bertomeu隶属于阿根廷布宜诺斯艾利斯布宜诺斯艾利斯大学Gioja研究所Conicet
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引用次数: 0
Exploring the power of networks and knowledge: how social capital and education drive the success of Chinese migrant workers in the labor market 探索网络和知识的力量:社会资本和教育如何推动中国农民工在劳动力市场上的成功
4区 管理学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-21 DOI: 10.1080/0023656x.2023.2259324
Zhengyi Yang, Yu Wang
ABSTRACTThis study explores the relationships between social capital, education, income, and job stability in Chinese migrant workers, an under-researched area. Our findings reveal strong positive links between social capital, formal education duration, income, and job stability for migrant workers. Importantly, we distinguish between male and female migrants, unveiling gender-specific differences in the impact of social capital and education on income and job stability. Male migrant workers benefit from both social capital and formal education, while female migrant workers primarily gain from formal education. Regarding job stability, only the formal education duration of female migrant workers demonstrates a noteworthy correlation. Additionally, our analysis examines generational disparities, showing that formal education positively affects all migrant workers, with more pronounced advantages among younger individuals. Furthermore, our study emphasizes the role of social capital in increasing income for migrant workers in the manufacturing and construction sectors, while also enhancing job stability among those in the construction and service sectors. Formal education emerges as a positive factor for both income and job stability across manufacturing, construction, and service domains among migrant workers.KEYWORDS: Social capitalemploymentincomejob stabilityChinese migrant workerseducationemployment sector Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1. Due to limitations in data, ‘service’ in this context encompasses wholesale/retail trade and residential services/repair. ‘service’ elsewhere in this paper also includes transportation/warehousing/postal services and accommodation/catering.Additional informationFundingSupported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China [No. 72203240 and No. CSQ21003]Notes on contributorsZhengyi YangZhengyi Yang is an associate professor in economic management. Her research interests are focused upon the labor economic history of migrant workers in China.Yu WangYu Wang is an assistant professor of operations management. His research interests center on the tradeoffs between capacity, service quality, and service accessibility in the healthcare industry.
摘要本研究探讨了社会资本、教育、收入与农民工就业稳定性之间的关系,这是一个研究较少的领域。我们的研究结果揭示了社会资本、正规教育持续时间、收入和农民工工作稳定性之间存在很强的正相关。重要的是,我们区分了男性和女性移民,揭示了社会资本和教育对收入和工作稳定性影响的性别差异。男性农民工受益于社会资本和正规教育,而女性农民工主要受益于正规教育。在工作稳定性方面,只有女性农民工的正规教育年限表现出显著的相关性。此外,我们的分析考察了代际差异,表明正规教育对所有农民工都有积极影响,年轻人的优势更为明显。此外,我们的研究强调了社会资本在增加制造业和建筑业农民工收入方面的作用,同时也增强了建筑业和服务业农民工的工作稳定性。在制造业、建筑业和服务业中,正规教育成为农民工收入和工作稳定性的积极因素。关键词:社会资本、就业收入、工作稳定、中国农民工、诱惑、就业部门披露声明作者未发现潜在利益冲突。由于数据的限制,这里的“服务”包括批发/零售贸易和住宅服务/维修。本文其他地方的“服务”还包括运输/仓储/邮政服务和住宿/餐饮。附加信息国家自然科学基金资助项目[No. 1];72203240和编号:[CSQ21003]作者简介杨正毅,经济管理专业副教授。主要研究方向为中国农民工劳动经济史。王宇,运营管理助理教授。他的研究兴趣集中在医疗保健行业容量、服务质量和服务可及性之间的权衡。
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引用次数: 0
Labour inspection after the civil war in Spain. Regulatory interventionism and abstentionist labour inspection performance 西班牙内战后的劳工监察。监管干预主义与缺席主义劳动监察绩效
4区 管理学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-20 DOI: 10.1080/0023656x.2023.2260754
Marcial Sánchez-Mosquera
ABSTRACTThis paper focuses on something not previously addressed by the literature, labour inspection in Spain in the first decades of the Franco dictatorship. Despite the Franco dictatorship’s fascist-style approach of regulatory interventionism, this research shows a relapse into an abstentionist conception of labour inspection that led to worker vulnerability. The study has not only found, as was already known, normative similarities with the contemporaneous Italian and German dictatorships, but also similar (although more severe) limitations to the functioning of the inspection service. The slight improvement registered from 1947 onwards and the effort to achieve a limited equivalence with Western democracies also failed to notably improve working conditions, occupational safety and worker protection. The Labour Inspectorate suffered from understaffing and a lack of resources up to the very end of the dictatorship, something which the incipient democracy then inherited. These human and material resource shortages continue to be a problem and are currently debated in Spain.KEYWORDS: FascismFrancoismindustrial relationslabour inspectoratelabour institutionsSpain AcknowledgmentsI would like to thank Professor Richard Croucher his helpful suggestions and comments at the beginning of this research. His whole work will always be a source of inspiration in the field of industrial relations.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. Archivo de Cámara Oficial de Comercio, Industria y Navegación de Sevilla (AGCOCISNS. CÁMARA) 109, 111, 136 and 199.2. Servicio Central de Inspección del Ministerio de Trabajo, Memorias Estadística de la Labor Realizada por el Cuerpo Nacional de Inspectores de Trabajo, 1943–1956. Madrid: Ministerio de Trabajo.3. Archivo Histórico del Ministerio de Trabajo, 199.360–199.392, 198.725–198.730.4. AGCOCISNS. CÁMARA, 109.5. Servicio de Inspección de Trabajo, Nómina, escalafón y escalas de la Inspección de Trabajo en 1974. Madrid: Ministerio de Trabajo.Additional informationFundingThe author received financial support for the research for the research project Los Determinantes Institucionales del Funcionamiento del Mercado de Trabajo en España (1939–2017). Un Estudio en Perspectiva Comparada en el Marco de la Europa del Sur (Ref.: RTI2018-099188-A-I00) funded by MCIN/AEI/10.13039/501100011033/and FEDER Una manera de hacer Europa.Notes on contributorsMarcial Sánchez-MosqueraMarcial Sánchez-Mosquera is an associate professor at the University of Seville. He holds a PhD in Applied Economic Analysis and History and Economic Institutions. His research interests include economic history, economic and labour institutions, labour market, social dialogue, and social and economic actors. He has published the results of his research in European Journal of Industrial Relations, Economic and Industrial Democracy, The Economic and Labour Relations Review, Revista de Historia Industrial/Industrial Hi
摘要本文的重点是以前没有解决的文献,在佛朗哥独裁统治的头几十年西班牙的劳动检查。尽管佛朗哥独裁统治的监管干预主义是法西斯式的,但这项研究表明,劳工检查的缺席主义概念的复发导致了工人的脆弱性。这项研究不仅发现,正如已经知道的那样,在规范上与同时期的意大利和德国独裁政权相似,而且在检查事务处的运作方面也有类似的(虽然更严重的)限制。自1947年以来略有改善,并努力实现与西方民主国家有限的等同,但也未能显著改善工作条件、职业安全和工人保护。直到独裁统治末期,劳工监察局一直遭受人手不足和资源匮乏的困扰,这是后来初现雏形的民主所继承的。这些人力和物质资源短缺仍然是一个问题,目前正在西班牙进行辩论。关键词:法西斯主义;弗朗索瓦主义;劳资关系;劳动监察;他的全部作品将永远是劳资关系领域的灵感源泉。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。Cámara塞维利亚官方商业和工业档案馆Navegación (AGCOCISNS.)CÁMARA) 109、111、136和1992 .2。Inspección特拉巴霍劳动部长中央服务处,纪念馆Estadística特拉巴霍国家监察员大会,1943-1956年。马德里:Ministerio de trabajo。档案馆Histórico特拉巴霍部长,199.360-199.392,198.725-198.730.4。AGCOCISNS。卡马拉,109.5。Inspección de Trabajo服务,Nómina, escalafón与Inspección de Trabajo escalas de la Inspección de Trabajo, 1974年。马德里:交通部长。作者获得了研究项目Los Determinantes instituionales del funccionamiento del Mercado de Trabajo en España的研究资金支持(1939-2017)。unestudio en Perspectiva Comparada en el Marco de la Europa del Sur (Ref.: RTI2018-099188-A-I00)由MCIN/AEI/10.13039/501100011033/和FEDER Una manera de hacer Europa资助。作者简介:smarcial Sánchez-MosqueraMarcial Sánchez-Mosquera,塞维利亚大学副教授。他拥有应用经济分析和历史与经济制度博士学位。他的研究兴趣包括经济史、经济和劳动制度、劳动力市场、社会对话、社会和经济行为者。他的研究成果发表在《欧洲工业关系杂志》、《经济与工业民主》、《经济与劳动关系评论》、《工业历史评论》和《劳动关系杂志》等刊物上。
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引用次数: 0
Labour agitation, newspaper press and radical nationalism in Nigeria: analysis of the Enugu Colliery Shootings 尼日利亚的劳工骚动、报纸和激进民族主义:对埃努古煤矿枪击事件的分析
4区 管理学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-18 DOI: 10.1080/0023656x.2023.2259320
Shina Alimi
ABSTRACTIn the analysis of decolonization process and nationalist struggles for political independence of Africa, labour agitations and the press activism for human rights are common features. But most studies have treated labour crisis and the press activism during the period of decolonization as mere subsets of the linear narrative of independence movement. Drawing on the empirical data of the Enugu Colliery Shootings incident, this paper examined labour agitation as an independent event and reviewed the area of overlap with the nationalist struggles. It re-examined the Colliery Shootings beyond the preponderant nationalist view that lumped every social, economic and political protest of the decolonization period as a single metanarrative of nationalist movements. Lastly, the roles of Nigerian newspapers as mediators in the crises between the labour unions and the colonial government, and the nationalists with the colonial government were appraised. The paper argued that, despite the interconnection of labour agitations with nationalist movements of the period, the former was both characteristically independent and coincidental with the latter. Similarly, not all human rights agitations by the newspapers were independence-focused. Finally, the nationalists, through networking process, benefited from labour agitations and press activism by expanding and molding local protests as independence movements.KEYWORDS: Colliery Shootingslabour agitationpress agitationradical nationalism AcknowledgmentsI thank the editor and the two anonymous reviewers of this paper. I also thank Prof. Saheed Aderinto and Dr Rouven Kuntsmann for their assistance in the collection of archival documents for this paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationNotes on contributorsShina AlimiShina Alimi is currently a Senior Lecturer at the Department of History, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria. His research focuses on social and political history of Africa. He was a recipient of the 2022 Lagos African Cluster Centre postdoctoral Fellowship at the Institute of African and Diaspora Studies, University of Lagos. He is a non-residential Catalyst Fellow of the Centre of African Studies, University of Edinburgh, Scotland. His on-going research project sits at the intersection of death, space and material culture in Africa. His most recent article is titled “A Tale of Two Cities”: Cemetery Heterotopia and Spatial Relations in Lagos City, OMEGA-Journal of Death and Dying, 2022 journals.sagepub.com/home/ome
在对非洲非殖民化进程和民族主义争取政治独立斗争的分析中,劳工运动和争取人权的新闻行动是共同的特征。但大多数研究将非殖民化时期的劳工危机和新闻行动主义仅仅视为独立运动线性叙事的子集。根据埃努古煤矿枪击事件的经验数据,本文将劳工运动作为一个独立的事件进行考察,并回顾了与民族主义斗争重叠的领域。它超越了主流的民族主义观点,重新审视了煤矿枪击事件,这种观点将非殖民化时期的每一次社会、经济和政治抗议都归结为民族主义运动的单一元叙事。最后,对尼日利亚报纸在工会与殖民政府、民族主义者与殖民政府之间的危机中所扮演的调解人角色进行了评价。本文认为,尽管当时的劳工骚动与民族主义运动相互联系,但前者既具有独立的特点,又与后者巧合。同样,并非所有报纸的人权鼓动都以独立为中心。最后,民族主义者通过网络进程,通过扩大和塑造当地的抗议活动作为独立运动,从劳工骚动和新闻激进主义中受益。关键词:煤矿枪击案;劳工煽动;新闻煽动;激进民族主义感谢本文的编辑和两位匿名审稿人。我还要感谢Saheed Aderinto教授和Rouven Kuntsmann博士为本文收集档案文件提供的帮助。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。shina Alimi目前是尼日利亚伊莱伊夫奥巴费米·阿沃洛沃大学历史系的高级讲师。他的研究重点是非洲的社会和政治史。他是拉各斯大学非洲和散居侨民研究所2022年拉各斯非洲集群中心博士后奖学金获得者。他是苏格兰爱丁堡大学非洲研究中心的非住宅催化剂研究员。他正在进行的研究项目位于非洲死亡、空间和物质文化的交叉点。他最近的一篇文章题为“双城故事”:拉各斯市的墓地异托邦和空间关系,OMEGA-Journal of Death and Dying, 2022 journals.sagepub.com/home/ome
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引用次数: 0
Tukhta: labour and resistance in the audit regime of the Soviet Gulag 图赫塔:苏联古拉格审计制度中的劳动和抵抗
4区 管理学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-15 DOI: 10.1080/0023656x.2023.2253155
John Welsh
Working from the memoir literature of Soviet Gulag survivors, the article explores the curious practice of tukhta as contrived by the toiling zeks of the archipelago. In a labour regime tasked with accumulating surplus, destroying political dissent, and transforming the subjectivity of the imprisoned, tukhta proved to be a tactical means for resisting the logic of Gulag as an audit regime. The subtle labour control of numbers effected by Gulag demanded equally sophisticated practices of resistance on the part of the zeks subjected to its technique, and tukhta was one of those practices. When treated as a kind of phronesis, the informal and ethical quality to the practice of tukhta can be appreciated in a way that more formal social scientific epistemology and historical method would miss. Perhaps the most salient counter-conduct to be found in the experiences of Gulag’s orchestration of labour control, tukhta has the potential to reveal a great deal about audit regimes generically beyond the historical bounds of Soviet Russia. Historical inspiration for engaging audit regimes can therefore be derived from the ethico-political practice of tukhta, where otherwise there might just be pessimism, demoralization, and resigned acceptance to the awesome power of those regimes.
从苏联古拉格集中营幸存者的回忆录文学中,这篇文章探索了这个群岛上辛勤劳作的zeks所发明的奇怪的tukhta做法。在一个以积累盈余、消灭政治异议和转变被监禁者主体性为任务的劳动政权中,图赫塔被证明是一种抵抗古拉格作为审计政权的逻辑的战术手段。古拉格对数量的精细劳动控制要求受其技术影响的泽克人同样具有复杂的抵抗实践,而tukhta就是其中一种实践。当被视为一种实践时,tukhta实践的非正式和道德品质可以以一种更正式的社会科学认识论和历史方法可能会错过的方式得到理解。也许在古拉格劳动控制的经验中发现的最显著的反行为,tukhta有可能揭示大量关于超越苏联历史界限的审计制度。因此,参与审计制度的历史灵感可以从tukhta的伦理政治实践中获得,否则可能只有悲观主义,道德败坏和对这些政权的可怕权力的顺从。
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引用次数: 0
Working the salterns. Convict workers in the natural salt pans of Hambantota, in British colonial Sri Lanka 在盐沼工作。在英属斯里兰卡殖民地汉班托塔的天然盐田里,囚犯工人
4区 管理学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-13 DOI: 10.1080/0023656x.2023.2252768
Sanayi Marcelline
ABSTRACTIn the early 19th century, the British colonial state in Sri Lanka embarked on an experiment in deploying convict labour for salt collecting. ‘Criminals’ from all parts of the island region convicted mainly for robbery and vagrancy and sentenced to hard labour by various courts of justice, were sent to an isolated outpost in the district of Hambantota in the deep south of Sri Lanka to labour at a naturally formed saltern known as the Maha Levaya. Executive, judicial, and administrative actors of the state played a key role in mobilising and immobilising the convicts at the saltern in order to fulfil the dual functions of punishment and profit. This paper contends that the inter-regional and local practice of im/mobilizing convicts to worksites as seen in Hambantota was a micro-spatial process of punishment, exile and labour extraction that was integral to larger processes of social control and labour coercion. However, despite the attempts at confining the convict labour force at the saltern through military and judicial means, the men condemned to labour for salt resisted the conditions of servitude through multiple strategies ranging from flight to evasion.KEYWORDS: Saltconvict labourSri Lankalabour coercionsocial controlresistance, disciplined mobility Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. Between 1796–1825, the British used the rix dollar as currency in Sri Lanka. It was derived from the Dutch rijksdaalder and stuiver.2. Supreme Court, Criminal Jurisdiction Colombo Second Session, Citation1806, July 16, Sri Lanka National Archives, Record Group 81/464.3. The Supreme Court functioned in a circuit (holding sessions in various locations of the island) and had full criminal jurisdiction over the Maritime Provinces in Sri Lanka, while the Sitting Magistrate’s courts functioned in local areas such as districts.4. I use the term labour extraction to imply the means through which labour effort was extracted by means of supervision, discipline, technology, punishment (Maxwell-Stewart, Citation2015).5. The term site of labour coercion indicates a workplace such as a factory, plantation or mine as opposed to a field of coercion which would mean the study of labour relations in sites situated along the production, distribution and consumption chains of a single commodity (De Vitto et al., Citation2020, p.652)6. The Abolition of the Slave Trade Act came in 1807. For a comprehensive study of slavery a subaltern experience in early British colonial Sri Lanka see Wickramasinghe, N. 2021; For the British abolition of slavery in Sri Lanka see Wickramasinghe, C. 2010, pp. 315–335.7. Kangani is a Tamil word meaning supervisor or overseer.8. Letters from the Chief Secretary, Letters from Tho Eden to the Collector of Jaffna, 1828, November 18 and 27, Sri Lanka National Archives, Record Group 7/322, p. 158 and p. 162.9. The term ‘coolie’ is often associated with indentured contract labour migrants from Indi
托马斯·梅特兰致温德姆的信,引文1807,2月28日,斯里兰卡国家档案馆,记录组5/77.22。财政亭可马尔日记,约翰·乔治·克尔比给亚历克斯·卡德尔的信,引文1807,1月5日。盐剂日记,约瑟夫·史密斯给约翰·罗德尼的信,1807年2月1日,斯里兰卡国家档案馆,记录组6/92.24。盐剂日记,约瑟夫·史密斯给约翰·罗德尼的信,1807年1月3日,斯里兰卡国家档案馆,记录组6/92.25。盐剂日记,约瑟夫·史密斯给约翰·罗德尼的信,1807年2月4日,斯里兰卡国家档案馆,记录组6/92.26。盐剂日记。“下列囚犯名单,由盐代理人负责,”1807年8月1日,斯里兰卡国家档案馆,记录组6/92.27。盐剂日记。“以下囚犯名单,由盐代理人负责,”1807年2月28日,斯里兰卡国家档案馆,记录组6/92.28。首席秘书的信,约翰·迪恩给约瑟夫·史密斯的信,1807年11月19日。斯里兰卡国家档案馆,记录组7/71,第139.29页。盐剂日记,约瑟夫·史密斯给约翰·罗德尼的信,1807年11月25日,斯里兰卡国家档案馆,记录组6/92.30。《盐剂日记》,“各通道名称报告”,斯里兰卡国家档案馆,记录组6/92.31。大约24.9公斤。总督的快讯。弗雷德里克·诺斯致霍巴特勋爵,引文1802,9月10日,斯里兰卡国家档案馆,记录组5/1.33。《盐剂日记》,“各通道名称报告”,斯里兰卡国家档案馆,记录组6/92.34。盐剂日记,约瑟夫·史密斯给约翰·罗德尼的信,1807年3月15日,斯里兰卡国家档案馆,记录组6/92.35。《盐剂日记》,《各通道名称报告》,斯里兰卡国家档案馆,记录组6/92;首席秘书约翰·迪恩给约瑟夫·史密斯的信,1807年11月5日,斯里兰卡国家档案馆,记录组7/71.36。盐剂日记,约瑟夫·史密斯给约翰·迪恩的信,1807年7月6日,斯里兰卡国家档案馆,记录组6/92.37。盐剂日记,M. J.史密斯给J.盖伊的信,1813年8月17日,斯里兰卡国家档案馆,记录组6/92.38。总督罗伯特·布朗里格对利物浦的快讯,引文1812,8月22日,斯里兰卡国家档案馆,记录组5/91,快讯第15号。关于贡献者的说明sanayi MarcellineSanayi Marcelline MPhil。英国(Cantab)历史学博士,目前在荷兰莱顿大学攻读博士学位。她的研究兴趣包括18世纪末和19世纪初斯里兰卡的奴隶祖先,以及英国殖民斯里兰卡的自由和不自由劳工。
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引用次数: 0
Reconsidering labor coercion through the logics of Im/mobility and the environment 从流动与环境的逻辑重新思考劳动强制
4区 管理学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-11 DOI: 10.1080/0023656x.2023.2254245
Claudia Bernardi, Amal Shahid, Müge Özbek
The ‘new mobilities paradigm’ formulated in the early 2000s allowed scholars of labor to explore the possibilities of the concept of im/mobility as an interpretive framework for understanding processes of work and labor. This paper contributes to the continued cross-fertilization between mobility studies and labor studies by exploring the theoretical and methodological prospects of focusing on assemblages of temporal- spatial practices that simultaneously compel and confine movement. The article suggests that means, processes, and extent of labor coercion can be understood by analyzing how people are compelled to move or are confined to specific sites temporarily or permanently. It discusses how employing space and im/mobility as conceptual tools uncover the role of diffused, hierarchical layers through which labor coercion emerges. In this regard, environment emerges as a significant factor. The paper examines how mobility becomes a line of flight from sites/fields of coercion, or locks people into new forms of coercive relations; the legal/ formal or informal frameworks that regulate or govern labor im/mobility within specific sites; and how the logics of deployment and coercion overlap and mutually reinforce one another. Ultimately, it aims to contribute to the calls for non-linear, newly spatialized histories of labor processes and labor coercion.
21世纪初形成的“新移动性范式”允许劳动学者探索移动性概念作为理解工作和劳动过程的解释框架的可能性。本文通过探索关注同时强迫和限制运动的时空实践组合的理论和方法前景,为流动性研究和劳动研究之间的持续交叉施肥做出了贡献。本文认为,劳动胁迫的手段、过程和程度可以通过分析人们是如何被迫迁移或暂时或永久地限制在特定地点来理解。它讨论了如何利用空间和流动性作为概念工具,揭示了劳动强制产生的分散的、分层的作用。在这方面,环境成为一个重要因素。本文考察了流动性如何成为一条逃离强制场所/领域的路线,或将人们锁定在新形式的强制关系中;规范或管理特定场所内劳动力流动的法律/正式或非正式框架;以及部署和强制的逻辑是如何重叠并相互加强的。最终,它的目的是促进对非线性的、新空间化的劳动过程和劳动强制历史的呼吁。
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引用次数: 0
Shorter hours and productivity: evidence from bituminous coal 更短的工作时间和生产力:来自烟煤的证据
4区 管理学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-10 DOI: 10.1080/0023656x.2023.2252749
William M. Boal
At the turn of the twentieth century, advocates for shorter working hours often claimed that workers were so fatigued by the end of the workday, that shortening daily hours from ten to eight would have little effect on output. This study examines the record for U.S. coal mining, analyzing both state-level and mine-level panel data during the transition to the eight-hour day. The hypothesis of zero effect is easily rejected. Instead, output declined almost proportionately with hours, but advancing technology made up for the lost output fairly quickly. There is some evidence that employment increased when the eight-hour day was adopted, as unionists hoped, but the effect is not precisely measured.
在二十世纪之交,提倡缩短工作时间的人经常声称,工人们在工作日结束时非常疲劳,因此将每日工作时间从十小时缩短到八小时对产出几乎没有影响。本研究考察了美国煤炭开采的记录,分析了向八小时工作制过渡期间的州一级和矿井一级面板数据。零效应的假设很容易被否定。相反,产量几乎随时间成比例地下降,但先进的技术很快就弥补了损失的产量。有一些证据表明,正如工会成员所希望的那样,八小时工作制被采用后,就业人数有所增加,但效果并没有得到精确的衡量。
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引用次数: 0
Remembering Ludlow but Forgetting the Columbine: The 1927-1928 Colorado Coal Strike, by Leigh Campbell-Hale 记住勒德洛,忘记科伦拜恩:1927-1928年科罗拉多州煤矿罢工,利·坎贝尔-黑尔著
IF 0.7 4区 管理学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1080/0023656x.2023.2244152
Ji Wei
Remembering Ludlow but forgetting the Columbine: the 1927-1928 Colorado coal strike, by Leigh Campbell-Hale, Denver, University Press of Colorado, 2023, 332 pp. $47.00 (hardcover), ISBN: 9781646423019 Communities of Ludlow: collaborative stewardship and the Ludlow centennial commemoration commission, by Fawn-Amber Montoya and Karin Larkin (Editors), Louisville, Colorado, University Press of Colorado, 2022, 252 pp. $37.95 (hardcover), ISBN: 9781646422272
《怀念勒德洛但忘记科伦拜恩:1927-1928年科罗拉多州煤炭罢工》,Leigh Campbell Hale著,丹佛,科罗拉多大学出版社,2023年,332页,47.00美元(精装本),国际标准图书编号:9781646423019《勒德洛社区:合作管理和勒德洛百年纪念委员会》,Fawn Amber Montoya和Karin Larkin(编辑)著,科罗拉多州路易斯维尔,科罗拉多大学出版社,2022,252页,37.95美元(精装本),国际标准书号:9781646422272
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引用次数: 0
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Labor History
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