Labor History最新文献

英文中文

Manganese mining in Corral Quemado: extractivism Processes that resulted in manganese madness among miners (Coquimbo region, Chile, 1941–1969) Corral Quemado的锰矿开采:导致矿工锰疯狂的开采过程(智利科金博地区，1941-1969)

IF 0.7 4区管理学 Q1 HISTORY

Labor History

Pub Date : 2022-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2022.2111550

B. Arriaza, Damir Galaz-Mandakovic

ABSTRACT This study reviews the working conditions of the miners of Corral Quemado, near Andacollo in the Coquimbo region of northern Chile, during the extraction and processing of manganese between 1941 and 1969. The extractivism’s extraction techniques, mineral processing methods, and mining policies are presented and discussed. The poor working conditions in the mines led to significant manganese overexposure, resulting in a condition known as ‘manganese madness’ in the miners. Prolonged exposure to manganese causes several health complications that affect the central nervous system, resulting in psychomotor problems, body stiffness, involuntary movements, and facial spasms, in addition to psychological issues (compulsive behavior, emotional lability, and hallucinations, among others). Given that the negative effects of manganese poisoning, which were first reported in Europe in 1837, were already well known, the historiography and health condition of the Andacollo miners require attention. The Andacollo miners’ precarious working conditions and the manganese toxicity created lasting mining and economic issues, and left a permanent imprint on the miners’ bodies. At the time, miners’ dramatic working conditions and disabling injuries prompted a series of parliamentary petitions aimed at improving their working conditions. Graphical Abstract

摘要本研究回顾了1941年至1969年间，智利北部科昆博地区Andacolo附近Corral Quemado矿工在锰提取和加工过程中的工作条件。介绍并讨论了采掘主义的开采技术、选矿方法和采矿政策。矿井恶劣的工作条件导致了大量的锰过度暴露，导致矿工们出现了一种被称为“锰疯狂”的情况。长期接触锰会导致几种影响中枢神经系统的健康并发症，除了心理问题（强迫行为、情绪不稳定和幻觉等）外，还会导致精神运动问题、身体僵硬、不自主运动和面部痉挛。鉴于1837年首次在欧洲报道的锰中毒的负面影响已经众所周知，安达科洛矿工的历史和健康状况需要关注。Andacolo矿工不稳定的工作条件和锰的毒性造成了持久的采矿和经济问题，并在矿工的身体上留下了永久的印记。当时，矿工戏剧性的工作条件和致残性伤害引发了一系列旨在改善他们工作条件的议会请愿。图形摘要

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引用次数: 1

Global internationalism: An introduction 全球国际主义:导论

IF 0.7 4区管理学 Q1 HISTORY

Labor History

Pub Date : 2022-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2022.2139819

Josep Maria Antentas

ABSTRACT Internationalism is a very broad concept that can have several meanings and has a long history. Two conceptions of internationalism can be distinguished, a strong and a weak one. There are different types and forms of international solidarity. It can be understood as part of a politicization process in which identities are built and reconfigured as a result of political struggle and combines altruistic motives and mutual interest. International solidarity can be associated with the concept of translation used among other author by Gramsci. This special issue of Labor History aims to discuss internationalism, with a special emphasis on labor internationalism, blending historical and present-day analysis. ‘Internationalism’ is not a term commonly used in contemporary political discussion. As a virtue, it has a strong political and strategic meaning and internationalism, transnationalism and also terms such as global justice or global solidarity should not necessarily be considered as mutually exclusive.

国际主义是一个非常广泛的概念，可以有多种含义，历史悠久。国际主义有两种概念，一种是强的，一种是弱的。国际团结有不同的类型和形式。它可以被理解为政治化过程的一部分，在这个过程中，身份作为政治斗争的结果被建立和重新配置，并结合了利他主义动机和共同利益。国际团结可以与葛兰西在其他作者中使用的翻译概念联系起来。这期《劳动史》特刊旨在讨论国际主义，特别强调劳动国际主义，将历史和当今的分析相结合。“国际主义”不是一个在当代政治讨论中经常使用的术语。作为一种美德，它具有强烈的政治和战略意义，国际主义、跨国主义以及全球正义或全球团结等术语不一定被认为是相互排斥的。

引用次数: 1

What is known about the prevalence of household food insecurity in Canada during the COVID-19 pandemic: a systematic review. 对 COVID-19 大流行期间加拿大家庭粮食不安全流行情况的了解：系统回顾。

IF 2.2 4区管理学 Q1 HISTORY

Labor History

Pub Date : 2022-05-11 Epub Date: 2022-03-16 DOI: 10.24095/hpcdp.42.5.01

Leanne Idzerda, Geneviève Gariépy, Tricia Corrin, Valerie Tarasuk, Lynn McIntyre, Sarah Neil-Sztramko, Maureen Dobbins, Susan Snelling, Alejandra Jaramillo Garcia

Introduction: Household food insecurity (HFI) is a persistent public health issue in Canada that may have disproportionately affected certain subgroups of the population during the COVID-19 pandemic. The purpose of this systematic review is to report on the prevalence of HFI in the Canadian general population and in subpopulations after the declaration of the COVID-19 pandemic in March 2020.

Methods: Sixteen databases were searched from 1 March 2020 to 5 May 2021. Abstract and full-text screening was conducted by one reviewer and the inclusions verified by a second reviewer. Only studies that reported on the prevalence of HFI in Canadian households were included. Data extraction, risk of bias and certainty of the evidence assessments were conducted by two reviewers.

Results: Of 8986 studies identified in the search, four studies, three of which collected data in April and May 2020, were included. The evidence concerning the prevalence of HFI during the COVID-19 pandemic is very uncertain. The prevalence of HFI (marginal to severe) ranged from 14% to 17% in the general population. Working-age populations aged 18 to 44 years had higher HFI (range: 18%-23%) than adults aged 60+ years (5%-11%). Some of the highest HFI prevalence was observed among households with children (range: 19%-22%), those who had lost their jobs or stopped working due to COVID-19 (24%-39%) and those with job insecurity (26%).

Conclusion: The evidence suggests that the COVID-19 pandemic may have slightly increased total household food insecurity in Canada during the COVID-19 pandemic, especially in populations that were already vulnerable to HFI. There is a need to continue to monitor HFI in Canada.

导言：家庭粮食不安全（HFI）是加拿大一个长期存在的公共卫生问题，在 COVID-19 大流行期间，它可能会对某些亚群人口造成不成比例的影响。本系统综述旨在报告 2020 年 3 月宣布 COVID-19 大流行后，加拿大普通人群和亚人群中 HFI 的流行情况：方法：检索了 2020 年 3 月 1 日至 2021 年 5 月 5 日期间的 16 个数据库。由一位审稿人对摘要和全文进行筛选，并由第二位审稿人对纳入内容进行核实。仅纳入了报告加拿大家庭中 HFI 流行情况的研究。数据提取、偏倚风险和证据确定性评估由两名审稿人完成：在搜索到的 8986 项研究中，纳入了四项研究，其中三项在 2020 年 4 月和 5 月收集了数据。有关 COVID-19 大流行期间 HFI 发病率的证据非常不确定。在普通人群中，HFI（轻度到重度）的流行率介于 14% 到 17% 之间。与 60 岁以上的成年人（5%-11%）相比，18 至 44 岁工作年龄人口的 HFI（范围：18%-23%）更高。有子女的家庭（范围：19%-22%）、因 COVID-19 而失业或停止工作的家庭（24%-39%）和工作不稳定的家庭（26%）的 HFI 发生率最高：有证据表明，在 COVID-19 大流行期间，加拿大的家庭粮食不安全程度可能略有增加，特别是在已经容易受到 HFI 影响的人群中。有必要继续监测加拿大的 HFI。

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引用次数: 0

The birth of Soviet workers-dissidents 苏联异见工人的诞生

IF 0.7 4区管理学 Q1 HISTORY

Labor History

Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2022.2104827

M. Gabbas

ABSTRACT This article deals with the birth of workers-dissidents in the USSR in the late 1970s, through materials of the Radio Free Europe-Radio Liberty (RFE-RL) Research Institute held at the Budapest Open Society Archive. Soviet dissidents are usually regarded as intellectuals. However, beginning from the late 1970s, a small phenomenon of labour dissent arose within the Soviet Union, which also tried to found independent trade unions. These workers-dissidents had similarities as well as differences from intellectual dissidents. While intellectuals focused more on individual, civil and political rights, labour dissidents focused on socioeconomic rights. Contrary to what one may believe, the birth of this phenomenon was reported in relative detail by the British and American press. Soviet labour dissent was an important discursive field in the late Cold War. Anti-Communist Western trade unions and political parties mentioned Soviet repression against workers-dissident to emphasise one basic contradiction of the Soviet system. However, many leftist political parties and trade unions also showed solidarity with Soviet labour dissidents, criticizing the same contradiction. With hindsight, these widespread reactions show that the USSR was becoming ideologically isolated, because even many Western Communists and Socialists were no longer prone to justify its antidemocratic and repressive methods.

摘要本文通过布达佩斯开放社会档案馆举办的自由欧洲电台研究所的材料，讲述了20世纪70年代末苏联工人异见人士的诞生。苏联持不同政见者通常被视为知识分子。然而，从20世纪70年代末开始，苏联内部出现了一个小规模的劳工异议现象，苏联也试图建立独立的工会。这些持不同政见的工人与持不同政见者既有相似之处，也有不同之处。知识分子更关注个人、公民和政治权利，而劳工异见人士则关注社会经济权利。与人们可能相信的相反，英国和美国媒体对这一现象的产生进行了相对详细的报道。苏联劳工异议是冷战后期一个重要的话语领域。反共的西方工会和政党提到苏联对持不同政见的工人的镇压，以强调苏联制度的一个基本矛盾。然而，许多左翼政党和工会也声援苏联劳工异见人士，批评同样的矛盾。事后看来，这些广泛的反应表明，苏联在意识形态上正变得孤立，因为即使是许多西方共产党人和社会党人也不再倾向于为其反民主和镇压方法辩护。

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引用次数: 0

Strikers versus scabs: violence in the 1910-1914 British labour revolt 罢工与结痂：1910-1914年英国劳工起义中的暴力

IF 0.7 4区管理学 Q1 HISTORY

Labor History

Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2022.2103103

R. Darlington

ABSTRACT Over the last 200 years of British labour history there have been frequent examples of aggressive and sometimes violent mass picketing aimed at stopping non-striking scab or so-called ‘blackleg’ labour [sic]. Yet remarkably little detailed attention has been given within the field of British industrial relations or even labour history to the contributory causes, characteristic features, impact and broader implications of this violent dimension of the strikers/scabs relationship within industrial militancy. This paper attempts to fill the gap, focusing on one of the most intense and graphic illustrative time periods, the pre-First World War Labour Revolt between 1910-14. Drawing on an extensive range of secondary literature and new archival material, it explores the way in which working class violence as a form of active collective defence became justified by the way in which it was directly provoked by the employers’ encouragement and/or importation of scab labour, combined with the partisan intervention of police, troops, civil authorities and government as a means of attempting to defeat workers’ struggles. In challenging the legitimacy of public order and state power, such action encouraged a culture of community solidarity and self-defence that embraced many local supporters in the mass picketing against ‘blacklegs’.

摘要在过去200年的英国劳工史上，经常发生激进的、有时甚至是暴力的大规模纠察事件，目的是阻止不引人注目的结痂或所谓的“黑腿”劳工[原文如此]。然而，在英国劳资关系甚至劳工史领域，很少有人详细关注罢工者/结痂者在劳资关系中的暴力行为的成因、特征、影响和更广泛的影响。本文试图填补这一空白，重点关注最激烈、最生动的时期之一，即1910-14年的第一次世界大战前的劳工起义。它借鉴了大量的二手文献和新的档案材料，探讨了工人阶级暴力作为一种积极的集体防御形式是如何被证明是正当的，因为雇主鼓励和/或输入黑死病劳动力，再加上警察、军队、，民政当局和政府作为试图击败工人斗争的手段。在挑战公共秩序和国家权力的合法性时，这种行动鼓励了一种社区团结和自卫的文化，在反对“黑腿”的大规模纠察中，许多当地支持者都支持这种文化。

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引用次数: 0

Sex, sahibs and bodies: women workers in the tea plantations of colonial Assam 性别、性别和身体：阿萨姆邦殖民地茶园的女工

IF 0.7 4区管理学 Q1 HISTORY

Labor History

Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2022.2099535

B. Kalita, Dr. Rajib Handique, Dr. Alpana Borgohain

ABSTRACT The recent developments in the evolution of ‘labor history’ as an academic field have injected new direction into theories of Gender, Sex and Bodies. Incidents of sexual violence and gender oppression have long been a brutal part of human history. In contemporary times, plantation societies are finally receiving critical attention as historians embark on gendered reappraisals of history, especially in countries like India. This article sets out to retrieve several accounts of sexual violence in the tea plantations of Assam during the colonial period. It also shows how the colonial masters (Sahibs) of the tea gardens have oppressed/sexualized the bodies of men/women workers in the tea gardens of Assam. An attempt is also made to reconstruct the forgotten stories of two tea-garden working-class women, Mangri Orang alias Malati Mem and Durgi Bhumij alias Durgi Mem, who were sexually abused by the European tea planters. From their objectification as sexualized bodies, the duo later showed their abilities of agency when they joined India’s freedom struggle and transformed into freedom fighters. The paper analyzes the connections between oppressed/sexualized bodies of women tea plantation workers and the colonial capitalist patriarchy in the history of Assam.

“劳动史”作为一个学术领域的发展，为性别、性与身体理论注入了新的方向。性暴力和性别压迫事件长期以来一直是人类历史上残酷的一部分。在当代，随着历史学家开始对历史进行性别重新评估，尤其是在印度这样的国家，种植园社会终于受到了批判性的关注。本文旨在检索殖民时期阿萨姆邦茶园性暴力的几个账户。它还展示了茶园的殖民主人(Sahibs)如何压迫阿萨姆邦茶园男女工人的身体/性化。本书还试图重建两个被遗忘的茶园工人阶级妇女的故事，Mangri Orang(别名Malati Mem)和Durgi Bhumij(别名Durgi Mem)，她们被欧洲茶园种植者性侵犯。从她们被物化为性感的身体开始，二人后来加入印度的自由斗争，成为自由战士，显示出她们的能动性。本文分析了阿萨姆邦历史上茶园女工被压迫/性化的身体与殖民资本主义父权制之间的联系。

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引用次数: 1

COVID-19 and remote work inequality: Evidence from South Korea COVID-19与远程工作不平等:来自韩国的证据

IF 0.7 4区管理学 Q1 HISTORY

Labor History

Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2022.2111549

Taiwon Ha

ABSTRACT Even though remote work in South Korea was very unusual before the pandemic, the COVID-19 pandemic has facilitated remote work, so the ratio of remote workers to total employees increased from 0.5% in 2019 to 5.4% in 2021. In this regard, this study investigated determinants of remote work during the pandemic using the Economically Active Population Survey in 2019, 2020, and 2021 with a logistic regression. Since the Korean government did not impose a national lockdown and business owners introduced remote work voluntarily, this study can identify significant heterogeneity. First, younger, female, highly-educated, and high-earning workers are more likely to work remotely. Second, large firms tend to provide more remote work opportunities to their employees. Lastly, ICT, finance, and education sectors present high probabilities to remote work. In recent times, remote work has been considered an important trigger to alleviate long working hours and improve work-life balance in Korea; however, it is also necessary to relieve remote work inequality.

摘要尽管在疫情之前，远程工作在韩国非常罕见，但新冠肺炎疫情为远程工作提供了便利，因此远程工作者占员工总数的比例从2019年的0.5%上升到2021年的5.4%。在这方面，本研究使用2019年、2020年和2021年的经济活跃人口调查，通过逻辑回归，调查了疫情期间远程工作的决定因素。由于韩国政府没有实施全国封锁，企业主自愿引入远程工作，这项研究可以发现显著的异质性。首先，年轻、女性、受过高等教育、收入高的员工更有可能远程工作。其次，大公司倾向于为员工提供更多远程工作机会。最后，信息和通信技术、金融和教育部门很有可能进行远程工作。近年来，远程工作被认为是缓解韩国长时间工作和改善工作与生活平衡的重要因素；然而，也有必要缓解远程工作的不平等。

引用次数: 3

A fruitless exercise? The political struggle to compel corporations to justify factory closures in Canada 徒劳无功?迫使企业为关闭加拿大工厂辩护的政治斗争

IF 0.7 4区管理学 Q1 HISTORY

Labor History

Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/0023656x.2022.2098261

Steven High

ABSTRACT This paper examines the political history of the failed struggle to require companies to justify their plant closing decisions in Canada’s industrial heartland of Ontario. Demands for the public review of plant closing decisions began, locally, in the auto town of Windsor in the 1950s and 1960s and reached Toronto with the closure of Dunlop Tire in 1970. Another wave of closures struck in 1980, this time reaching deep into rural and small-town Ontario as well as larger industrial towns and cities, generalizing concern. The resulting Select Committee on Plant Shutdowns and Employee Adjustment, created by the Ontario legislature, took it upon itself to conduct the kind of public review of recent closures that was long demanded. Due to the strength of the political opposition to any interference with management rights, it was essential that proponents could point to precedents in Western Europe. Trade unionists also grounded their argument in favour of government regulation in the moral economy idea that long-service workers accrued a proprietary right to their jobs.

摘要本文探讨了在加拿大工业中心安大略省，要求企业为其关闭工厂的决定辩护的斗争失败的政治历史。20世纪50年代和60年代，当地汽车城温莎开始要求公众审查工厂关闭决定，1970年邓禄普轮胎公司关闭后，要求公众审查决定的呼声传到了多伦多。1980年，另一波关闭浪潮袭来，这一次深入安大略省的农村和小镇，以及较大的工业城镇，引发了普遍的担忧。由此产生的安大略省立法机构成立的工厂关闭和员工调整特别委员会自行对最近的关闭进行了长期要求的公开审查。由于政治上强烈反对对管理权的任何干涉，支持者必须指出西欧的先例。工会主义者还将他们支持政府监管的论点建立在道德经济学的基础上，即长期服务的工人对他们的工作享有所有权。

引用次数: 1

Workers of the empire, unite: radical and popular challenges to British imperialism, 1910s-1960s 帝国的工人们，团结起来:对英帝国主义的激进和普遍的挑战，1910 -1960

IF 0.7 4区管理学 Q1 HISTORY

Labor History

Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/0023656X.2022.2095666

Mohamed Chamekh

引用次数: 0

The compensation law and its antagonistic administration: The Indian coalfield of Raniganj, 1923-71 补偿法及其对抗性管理：1923-71年印度拉尼甘吉煤田

IF 0.7 4区管理学 Q1 HISTORY

Labor History

Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/0023656x.2022.2109010

Debasree Dhar, Dhiraj Kumar Nite

ABSTRACT This article elaborates on the stipulation and administration of the compensation law, in the Indian coalfield of Raniganj, between 1923 and 1971. It shows how enacting the Workmen’s Compensation Act of 1923–24 formed a major social insurance scheme in colonial and post-colonial India. Notwithstanding this, the litigious and antagonistic administration became its defining feature. This feature lowered the utility of the compensation law as a restitution measure for grieving families, and as an incentive for investment in workers’ safety, during its half- century-long operation. Grief-stricken families registered an increasing number of claims to avail of compensation benefits from the later 1920s. Concomitantly, the number of employers’ contestation against workers’ claims also remained significantly high till the 1950s. The cumbersome procedure of law enforcement for administering compensation benefits, alongside an array of discursive-cum-legal techniques devised by the colliery management, caused hurdles in the workers’ attempt to secure their claims. The favourable turnaround in workers’ effort to secure compensation benefits from the late 1950s resulted from an enabling simplification and streamlining brought to the compensation law. However, the complication and expenses of the legal procedure that workers endured in the Compensation Office and Civil Courts generally added to their miseries.

本文论述了1923年至1971年印度拉尼甘吉煤田补偿法的制定和实施。它展示了1923–24年颁布的《工人赔偿法》是如何在殖民地和后殖民地的印度形成一个主要的社会保险计划的。尽管如此，诉讼性和对抗性的行政成为其决定性特征。在长达半个世纪的运作中，这一特点降低了赔偿法作为补偿悲痛家庭的措施，以及作为对工人安全投资的激励的效用。自20世纪20年代末以来，悲痛欲绝的家庭登记了越来越多的索赔，以获得赔偿金。与此同时，直到20世纪50年代，雇主对工人索赔提出异议的人数也居高不下。管理赔偿金的繁琐执法程序，加上煤矿管理层设计的一系列话语和法律技巧，给工人争取索赔的努力带来了障碍。自20世纪50年代末以来，工人争取补偿福利的努力出现了有利的转变，这得益于对补偿法的简化和精简。然而，工人在赔偿办公室和民事法院所经历的法律程序的复杂性和费用通常增加了他们的痛苦。

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