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Engels’s Theory of Social Murder and the Spectacle of Fascism: A Critical Enquiry into Digital Labour and its Alienation 恩格斯的社会谋杀理论和法西斯主义的奇观:对数字劳动及其异化的批判性探讨
IF 1.8 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-11-27 DOI: 10.31269/triplec.v19i1.1214
A. Saha
In this paper, I shall attempt to respond to the charge that the digital labour theory, as developed by Christian Fuchs, doesn’t faithfully stick to the Marxist schema of the Labour Theory of Value by arguing that Marx’s critique of capitalism was based on the social and material cost of exploitation and the impact of capitalist exploitation of the working class. Engels’s analysis of The Condition of The Working Class in England links the various forms of violence faced by the working class to the bourgeois rule that props their exploitation. I shall argue, within the framework of Critical Social Media Studies, that the rapid advance of fascist and authoritarian regimes represents a similar development of violence and dispossession, with digital capitalism being a major factor catalysing the rifts within societies. It shall be further argued that much like the exploitative nature of labour degrades social linkages and creates conditions of that exaggerates social contradictions, the “labour” performed by social media users degenerates social relations and promotes a hyper-violent spectacle that aids and abets fascist and authoritarian regimes.
在本文中,我将试图回应这样一种指责,即由克里斯蒂安·富克斯(Christian Fuchs)发展的数字劳动理论,并没有忠实地坚持马克思主义的劳动价值论模式,我认为马克思对资本主义的批判是基于剥削的社会和物质成本以及资本主义剥削对工人阶级的影响。恩格斯对《英国工人阶级状况》的分析将工人阶级所面临的各种形式的暴力与支持剥削他们的资产阶级统治联系起来。我认为,在批判社会媒体研究的框架内,法西斯和专制政权的快速发展代表了类似的暴力和剥夺的发展,数字资本主义是催化社会内部裂痕的主要因素。应该进一步论证,就像劳动的剥削性质降低了社会联系并创造了夸大社会矛盾的条件一样,社交媒体用户所执行的“劳动”使社会关系退化,并促进了一种帮助和教唆法西斯主义和专制政权的极端暴力景象。
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引用次数: 0
The Political Economy of Working-Class Social Media Commerce: Digital Capitalism and the Engelsian Concept of Working-Class “Property” 工人阶级社交媒体商业的政治经济学:数字资本主义与恩格斯的工人阶级“财产”概念
IF 1.8 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-11-27 DOI: 10.31269/triplec.v19i1.1216
Suddhabrata Deb Roy
Social Media platforms, from being simply a mode of communication, have, recently, evolved into digital “marketplaces”, which have been facilitating the exchange of commodities within the working-class. In addition to the digitalisation of the medium of exchange value creation, which gives the worker a certain amount of regulated autonomy, this has also reinvigorated the debate about owning property and its utilisation for credit and profit generation by the working-class. The term, ‘Property’ in the paper, is not restricted to only real estate property but encompasses everything which has the potential to generate an exchange value for its owner. The paper generalises Engels’s ideas about property owned by the workers from two of his major works, “The Housing Question” and “The Condition of the Working-Class in England” and uses the same to analyse the political economy and growing popularity of social mediabased commerce among the working-class. Through data collected from the university town of Dunedin in Aotearoa New Zealand, a town with an extensive and established system of social media-based commerce, the paper puts forward the relevance of the Engelsian critique of the idea of uplifting the working-class simply by giving them control over the possession of property, in the age of digital capitalism. In doing so, the present paper talks about how digital capitalism utilises social media and its associated platforms for commercial exchange to keep the cycle of accumulation in the capitalist social system intact by further exploiting the working-class.
社交媒体平台,从单纯的一种沟通方式,最近已经演变成数字“市场”,促进了工人阶级内部的商品交换。除了交换价值创造媒介的数字化(赋予工人一定程度的受监管的自主权)之外,这也重新激发了关于拥有财产及其对工人阶级信贷和利润产生的利用的辩论。论文中的“财产”一词不仅限于房地产,还包括所有有可能为其所有者产生交换价值的东西。本文从恩格斯的两部主要著作《住房问题》和《英国工人阶级状况》中概括出恩格斯关于工人所有制的思想,并以此来分析政治经济和在工人阶级中日益流行的基于社会媒介的商业。通过从新西兰奥特罗阿的达尼丁大学城收集的数据,这是一个拥有广泛而成熟的基于社交媒体的商业体系的城镇,本文提出了恩格斯对数字资本主义时代仅仅通过赋予工人阶级对财产所有权的控制来提升工人阶级的想法的批评的相关性。在此过程中,本文讨论了数字资本主义如何利用社交媒体及其相关的商业交换平台,通过进一步剥削工人阶级来保持资本主义社会体系中积累的循环完整。
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引用次数: 1
Freedom, Distribution and Work from Home: Rereading Engels in the Time of the COVID-19-Pandemic 《自由、分配与在家工作:新冠肺炎大流行时期重读恩格斯
IF 1.8 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-11-27 DOI: 10.31269/triplec.v19i1.1225
Saayan Chattopadhyay, S. Pandit
The aim of this paper is to understand the emerging practices of work from home drawing from the works of Friedrich Engels. Situating the rising debate on work from home, particularly in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, this article revisits some of the texts by Friedrich Engels to understand the issues of distribution, freedom, necessity and work. The idea of work from home becomes especially critical in the context of a developing country like India, with its limited access to digital infrastructure, inadequate work-space at home, and precarious work conditions. However, the digital network and devices play a pivotal role under these conditions and often offer a promise of “new freedom” and flexibility. It is not just the middle-class professionals, but several other dimensions of work and labour are implicated within the idea of work from home under sudden economic and social disruption. The new organisation of production, assisted by capitalism, forges new relations of production, and new predicaments and Engels's thoughts on freedom, work and the condition of the working class become increasingly relevant to understand these shifts, particularly in neoliberal, developing country like India under nationwide lockdown.
本文的目的是从弗里德里希·恩格斯的作品中理解在家工作的新兴实践。鉴于关于在家工作的争论日益激烈,特别是在2019冠状病毒病大流行的背景下,本文回顾了弗里德里希·恩格斯的一些文本,以理解分配、自由、必要性和工作的问题。在印度这样的发展中国家,由于数字基础设施有限,家中工作空间不足,工作条件不稳定,在家工作的想法变得尤为重要。然而,数字网络和设备在这些条件下发挥着关键作用,并经常提供“新自由”和灵活性的承诺。不只是中产阶级的专业人士,在经济和社会突然崩溃的情况下,在家工作的想法涉及到工作和劳动力的其他几个方面。在资本主义的帮助下,新的生产组织形成了新的生产关系和新的困境,恩格斯关于自由、工作和工人阶级状况的思想,对于理解这些转变,特别是在新自由主义的发展中国家,如印度,在全国范围内封锁的情况下,变得越来越相关。
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引用次数: 6
A Guide to Understanding and Combatting Digital Capitalism 理解和对抗数字资本主义指南
IF 1.8 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-11-10 DOI: 10.31269/triplec.v18i2.1173
J. Rivera
This article offers a general description of digital capitalism, understood as a system in which social and economic dynamics revolve around digital corporations and their infrastructures. The aim of this analysis is to help develop strategies to counteract capitalism. It takes an historical perspective, considering capitalism as an evolving system driven by a continuous flight from the law of diminishing returns. Fixed Capital and General Intellect are addressed as key analytical concepts for understanding the role of technology in capitalism, particularly in the digital era. Subjectivity formation is also a key element, as capitalism needs to progressively improve its strategies of ideological manipulation in order to survive. In the conclusion, I present five strategic principles to counteract digital capitalism. These strategies were developed in the Grupo de Estudios Críticos de Madrid (GEC-Madrid), an interdisciplinary group created in 2018 by the National Museum Reina Sofia (Spain) in order to coordinate the cycle “Six Contradictions and the End of the Present”, a series of lectures and workshops with internationally recognized scholars, followed by research seminars to discuss their ideas. 
本文提供了数字资本主义的一般描述,将其理解为围绕数字公司及其基础设施的社会和经济动态的系统。这一分析的目的是帮助制定对抗资本主义的战略。它从历史的角度出发,认为资本主义是一个不断发展的体系,其驱动力是不断逃离收益递减规律。固定资本和一般智力是理解技术在资本主义中的作用的关键分析概念,特别是在数字时代。主体性的形成也是一个关键因素,因为资本主义为了生存需要逐步改进其意识形态操纵策略。在结论部分,我提出了抵制数字资本主义的五项战略原则。这些策略是在马德里Estudios Críticos (GEC-Madrid)中制定的,这是一个由西班牙雷纳索非亚国家博物馆于2018年创建的跨学科小组,旨在协调“六个矛盾和现在的终结”周期,与国际公认的学者进行一系列讲座和研讨会,随后举行研究研讨会,讨论他们的想法。
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引用次数: 6
Principles of Stacktivism 堆叠主义原则
IF 1.8 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-11-09 DOI: 10.31269/triplec.v18i2.1231
G. Lovink
Those that define internet standards shape our thinking and hold the key to our freedom of communication — no trivial task. Yet tech policy is seen as boring: delegated to engineers, lawyers that represent corporations, research universities and ministries. In the now-past age of globalization internet governance and the machines that decide over regulations, protocols and the use of patents was outsourced to technocrats with a few ‘global civil society’ NGOs agitating on the margins. However, in this age of 5G and TikTok conflicts, driven by calls for ‘techno sovereignty’, there is no more consensus (and running code). In short, we demand protocols, not platforms.[1] But who’s going to get us there? Meet the stacktivists.[2]
那些定义互联网标准的标准塑造了我们的思维,掌握着我们通信自由的关键——这不是一项微不足道的任务。然而,科技政策被认为是无聊的:被委派给工程师、代表企业的律师、研究型大学和部委。在过去的全球化时代,互联网治理和决定法规、协议和专利使用的机器被外包给技术官僚,少数“全球公民社会”非政府组织在边缘鼓动。然而,在这个5G和抖音冲突的时代,在“技术主权”的呼吁推动下,没有更多的共识(和运行代码)。简而言之,我们需要协议,而不是平台。[1]但谁能把我们送到那里呢?来见见堆栈主义者吧。[2]
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引用次数: 1
Public Communication and Power: Talking Capitalism, Theory and Critique with John McMurtry 公共传播与权力:与约翰·麦克默特里一起谈论资本主义、理论与批判
IF 1.8 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-10-13 DOI: 10.31269/triplec.v18i2.1215
J. Klaehn, D. Broudy, J. McMurtry
This interview with globally distinguished Canadian philosopher and author, John McMurtry, presents dialogue discussing capitalism, asymmetrical power relations, life capital, social theory, common life interest, life value, global problems, market theology, media, values of the market and free market ideology today in relation to public education, academia, intellectual fads and the broader intellectual culture in relation to enabling public understanding of meaning-making and power, totalising market culture, climate, dispossession, health, influence, energy, labour, income, slavery, corporate welfare, neo-liberalism, the global ecosystem, and inequalities of class and power.
这是对全球著名的加拿大哲学家和作家约翰·麦克默特里的采访,通过对话讨论资本主义、不对称的权力关系、生活资本、社会理论、共同的生活兴趣、生活价值、全球问题、市场神学、媒体、市场价值和自由市场意识形态与今天的公共教育、学术界、知识潮流和更广泛的知识文化之间的关系,使公众能够理解意义创造和权力。将市场文化、气候、剥夺、健康、影响力、能源、劳动力、收入、奴隶制、企业福利、新自由主义、全球生态系统以及阶级和权力的不平等综合起来。
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引用次数: 0
The Socialist Macro-Sect in the 'Digital Age': The Victorian Socialists' Strategy for Assembling a Counter-Public “数字时代”的社会主义宏观教派:维多利亚社会主义者集结反公众的策略
IF 1.8 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-10-09 DOI: 10.31269/triplec.v18i2.1210
I. Anderson
The Victorian Socialists (VicSocialists) are a socialist electoral organisation in Australia which has had some electoral success as a regional fourth party behind the Greens. This article seeks to address what kind of organisation the VicSocialists are, what communicative techniques the organisation employs in assembling a counterpublic or constituency, and what this case study illustrates in terms of the broader formation of counterpublics in the ‘digital age’. This article characterises the VicSocialists as a “macro-sect”, a new organisational form. The macro-sect is something more than a socialist micro-sect and less than a mass party, while optimistically conceiving of itself as a proto-mass party. The macro-sect strategy is distinct from another 21st-century party-form, the digital party. Unlike the digital parties, which tend to fetishise digital media, the VicSocialists treat digital media soberly as just one tool in the formation and mobilisation of counterpublics, a tool with serious limitations. Additionally, digital media is complementary with face-to-face communication (such as doorknocking) in important ways. A study of a parallel US macro-sect, the DSA, similarly found that activists were ambivalent about digital media, yet strongly used it for promotion. This commonality with the DSA suggests the international emergence of a new organisational form, with a distinct communicative strategy for forming counterpublics in the so-called ‘digital age’ – one which necessarily uses digital media, yet does not fetishise it.
维多利亚社会主义者(VicSocialists)是澳大利亚的一个社会主义选举组织,作为仅次于绿党的地区第四大党在选举中取得了一些成功。本文试图阐述VicSocialists是什么样的组织,该组织在召集反公众或选民时采用了什么样的沟通技术,以及这个案例研究在“数字时代”反公众的更广泛形成方面说明了什么。这篇文章将维州社会主义者描述为一个“宏观教派”,一种新的组织形式。宏观派与其说是社会主义的微观派,不如说是一个群众性政党,虽然乐观地认为自己是一个原始的群众性政党。宏观党派战略不同于21世纪的另一种政党形式——数字政党。与倾向于崇拜数字媒体的数字政党不同,VicSocialists冷静地将数字媒体视为形成和动员反公众的一种工具,一种具有严重局限性的工具。此外,数字媒体在重要方面与面对面交流(如敲门)相辅相成。一项对美国一个类似的宏观组织DSA的研究同样发现,活动人士对数字媒体持矛盾态度,但却强烈利用数字媒体进行宣传。与DSA的这种共性表明了一种新的组织形式在国际上的出现,在所谓的“数字时代”,有一种独特的沟通策略来形成反公众——一个必须使用数字媒体,但不迷恋它的人。
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引用次数: 0
Cosmolocalism: Understanding the Transitional Dynamics Towards Post-Capitalism 世界主义:理解后资本主义的过渡动力
IF 1.8 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-09-21 DOI: 10.31269/TRIPLEC.V18I2.1188
Alexandros Schismenos, Vasilis Niaros, Lucas Lemos
Over the last decades, the proliferation of ICTs and capitalist markets has created a new social-historical reality for communication, production and societal organisation, while social inequality has deepened. In this context, alternative forms of organisation based on the commons have emerged, challenging the core values of capitalism. Within this new form of egalitarian and transnational collaborative networks, a new concept of social coexistence has been proposed: cosmolocalism. This article presents the genealogy of cosmolocalism and compares it to previous conceptual universalist reconfigurations, namely cosmopolitanism and internationalism. While the current discourse on cosmolocalism focuses on production and distribution, its political dynamics and limitations remain unexplored. Our ultimate goal is to open a path of inquiry for further reflection and deliberation.
在过去的几十年里,信息通信技术和资本主义市场的扩散为通信、生产和社会组织创造了新的社会历史现实,同时社会不平等也在加深。在这种背景下,以公地为基础的其他组织形式出现了,挑战了资本主义的核心价值观。在这种平等主义和跨国合作网络的新形式中,提出了一种社会共存的新概念:世界主义。本文介绍了世界世界主义的谱系,并将其与以往概念上的普遍主义重构,即世界主义和国际主义进行了比较。虽然目前关于世界主义的论述侧重于生产和分配,但其政治动态和局限性仍未得到探索。我们的最终目标是为进一步的反思和审议开辟一条探索之路。
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引用次数: 8
The IT Industry and Employment in India: A Critical Reassessment 印度的信息技术产业和就业:一个关键的重新评估
IF 1.8 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-09-08 DOI: 10.31269/triplec.v18i2.1185
Aabid Firdausi Ms
The Indian IT industry has been regarded as a success of neoliberal economic reforms, driven by private initiative and export-oriented growth. Accordingly, employees of the IT industry that are symbolic of the ‘new India’ are seen as the aspirational new middle class, ‘different’ from the traditional working class. This article critically examines these claims. Firstly, it is argued that the development of the IT industry should be situated in the context of the larger development of capitalism in India. Secondly, through an analysis of narratives from interviews with workers during a period of industrial restructuring due to geopolitical concerns and technological change, the article attempts to understand workers’ perceptions of industrial dynamics as well as possibilities of collective resistance against the logic of capital.
印度IT业一直被视为新自由主义经济改革的成功,受到私人主动性和出口导向型增长的推动。因此,作为“新印度”的象征的IT产业的职员们被视为与传统的工人阶级“不同”的有抱负的新中产阶级。本文对这些说法进行了批判性的检验。首先,本文认为it产业的发展应置于印度资本主义发展的大背景下。其次,通过对因地缘政治问题和技术变革而导致的产业结构调整时期工人访谈的叙述进行分析,本文试图理解工人对产业动态的看法以及集体抵抗资本逻辑的可能性。
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引用次数: 2
Revisiting Latin American Media Democratisation Theories and the Populist Factor 重新审视拉美媒体民主化理论与民粹主义因素
IF 1.8 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-09-07 DOI: 10.31269/triplec.v18i2.1152
Edmundo E. Bracho-Polanco
This paper deals with the following question: How can Latin American media and communication theories help explain the mediatisation of populism and democracy? The article has a twofold goal: a) it contributes to the study of media, populism and democracy in the context of Latin America; b) it wants to raise awareness outside of Latin America about the richness of Latin American media and communication theory for the analysis of the mediation of populism and democracy. The article introduces and engages with a variety of theories from Latin America that deal with globalisation, dependency, cultural imperialism, hybridity, and mediation and reviews their potentials for explaining the mediatisation of populism and democracy. Theories or models of globalisation, dependency and cultural imperialism, and hybridity and mediation are reviewed analytically, as are some of their core critiques as drawn from various strands of thought, with emphasis on incorporating elements of populism theory. As interest grows in both academia and the media towards the ways populism is shaping the social and political spheres in the West, partly encouraged by the recent surge of populist leaders in Europe and the United States, past and current experiences and evaluation of Latin American populism can be constructive in understanding the phenomenon and its implications for communication, media and culture. This study finds that, following the political shifts in the twenty-first century, Latin American populism represents a paradigm that is articulated to an important degree through communicative specificities and which can add analytical rigor to competing media and communication theories in the region.
本文探讨以下问题:拉丁美洲的媒体和传播理论如何有助于解释民粹主义和民主的媒介化?这篇文章有两个目的:a)它有助于研究拉丁美洲背景下的媒体、民粹主义和民主;b)它希望提高拉丁美洲以外的人对拉丁美洲媒体和传播理论的丰富性的认识,以分析民粹主义和民主的调解。本文介绍并结合了拉丁美洲的各种理论,这些理论涉及全球化、依赖性、文化帝国主义、杂交性和调解,并回顾了它们解释民粹主义和民主的中介化的潜力。全球化、依赖和文化帝国主义、混合和调解的理论或模型被分析地回顾,他们的一些核心批评来自不同的思想流派,重点是结合民粹主义理论的元素。随着学术界和媒体对民粹主义如何塑造西方社会和政治领域的兴趣日益增长,部分受到最近欧洲和美国民粹主义领导人激增的鼓励,拉丁美洲民粹主义的过去和现在的经验和评估可以建设性地理解这一现象及其对传播,媒体和文化的影响。本研究发现,随着21世纪的政治转变,拉丁美洲民粹主义代表了一种范式,这种范式在很大程度上是通过传播特殊性来表达的,它可以为该地区竞争媒体和传播理论增加分析的严谨性。
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引用次数: 0
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