Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies最新文献

This article analyses AUKUS through the theoretical lens of neo-offensive realism, with its distinctive emphasis on the articulation between system-level and unit-level variables for understanding alliance formation and dynamics. In so doing, it examines both system-level, geostrategic developments that pre-dispose the AUKUS partners to collectively balance against China, and the unit-level national politics of those countries, which differentially shape engagement with and enthusiasm for AUKUS. Empirically, the article charts systemic changes in relative economic and military power between China and the AUKUS partners, drawing on data from the World Bank and the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. This is followed by an examination of those contradictory unit-level forces that tend towards the consolidation of AUKUS, while simultaneously generating political opposition. Here official documents from the defence agencies of all three participants are examined. Finally, the article considers the future of AUKUS.

I examine the changing nature and characteristics of China-Russia partnership in the context of their escalating rivalries with the US, using the two-level explanatory framework. This article begins with an investigation of the causal impact of the shifting global power balance on China-Russia relations at system-level level, followed by an analysis of various domestic factors that shape the two revisionist powersʼ individual strategic behaviours at unit-level level. I scrutinise three cases of Russia and Chinaʼs responses to external pressures, 2014–2018, 2018–2022, and 2022–2024. I demonstrate how Russiaʼs reduced room for manoeuvre led to making concessions towards China in such areas as energy and security, ultimately strengthening the ties between the two states. In turn, Moscowʼs lack of capabilities prevented it from supporting China in the areas of economic and technological competition with the US. I also briefly discuss the impact of Trumpʼs initial policy moves for the Sino-Russian relationship.

US-China competition in the Indo-Pacific is setting the stage for a new tale of alliance politics. To contain Beijingʼs expanding power and influence in the Indo-Pacific, Washington is currently leading several coalitions, namely the US-Japan Alliance, Quad, Squad, and AUKUS; To counter US balancing efforts, Beijing is now strengthening its own alliances especially the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and the China-Russia partnership. Using an integrative review approach, this article synergises the existing system- and unit-level theories into a “Power-Balancing Coalition Framework” (PBCF) for investigating the 21st century alliance politics. This framework hypothesises that system-level forces (i.e., relative power distribution across states/blocs of states) will dispose countries to “behave similarly” in terms of engaging a power-balancing coalition in a similar direction, on the one hand; it also hypothesises that unit-level forces (i.e., stateʼs geopolitical position, political-economic systems, and ideology) will domestically shape states to drive countries to “behave differently” in terms of engaging a power-balancing coalition in a different pace, on the other hand. Such a framework has the potential to shed light on state alliance behaviours not only in the Indo-Pacific but also all over the world.

This study provides an in-depth analysis of Chinaʼs film trade policies following its accession to the World Trade Organisation in 2001. It examines the factors behind the limited international success of Chinese films. Through a corpus-based critical discourse analysis of nine national policy documents (2001–2020), the research investigates how the Chinese government has aimed to develop its domestic film industry while maintaining strict control over cultural trade. It finds a strategic shift toward a state-regulated socialist cultural market, employing mechanisms such as censorship, licensing, import quotas, and state monopolisation to mitigate the influence of global trade liberalisation. The study also highlights the governmentʼs use of film festivals and exhibitions as tools for political propaganda, aligning them with foreign policy objectives and promoting official ideology. These practices underscore the tension between Chinaʼs aspirations for cultural soft power and its reliance on state control, which may hinder the global appeal of Chinese films.

The South China Sea crisis remains a major geopolitical flashpoint involving overlapping territorial claims, contested legal interpretations, and increasing external interventions. This article analyzes the historical development of state claims, the legal implications of the 2016 Permanent Court of Arbitration ruling, and the evolving roles of major powers, particularly the United States and India. Incorporating recent developments, including the Philippinesʼ renewed alliance with the United States under President Marcos Jr., expanded U.S. military presence, and Indiaʼs strategic engagement through energy cooperation and the Quad, the study highlights the complex interplay of law, diplomacy, and power politics. While UNCLOS provides a normative framework, enforcement challenges persist, and strategic competition continues to intensify. This study concludes that proactive diplomacy, regional cooperation, and adherence to international norms are essential for mitigating tensions and maintaining stability in the Indo-Pacific region.

Early childhood development sets the starting point for future health, learning, and wellbeing; hence, the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) recognise the importance of early childhood development in the global agenda. Therefore, we present evidence of the possible influence of prolonged biomass use for cooking on early childhood development at the household level using data from MICS 2018–19 for Kiribati. Results indicate a clear negative relationship between household exposure to biomass fuel usage and physical and cognitive childhood development indicators. In addition to this, respiratory diseases were significantly higher among the children of the household using biomass fuel, which points to the extent of the serious threat that biomass fuel usage poses to childhood development. These findings have important policy implications for promoting early childhood development in Kiribati, where the use of biomass for cooking is prevalent. The study recommends scaling up the use of clean cooking fuels in the region. For this, the government may consider prioritising the phase-wise introduction of affordable and cleaner fuel alternatives for low-income households primarily using biomass fuel. This will help protect vulnerable populations, particularly children, from adverse health effects of biomass fuel.

This paper presents a comprehensive framework for understanding how different national governance systems influence multinational corporationsʼ (MNCs) location choices for foreign direct investment (FDI). The framework moves beyond the binary classification of political regimes (democracy vs. autocracy) by integrating both political and economic governance into a two-dimensional analysis. The study proposes that autocratic capitalist regime is more effective in attracting FDI for developing countries, while democratic capitalist regime is more attractive for developed countries. Using comparative analysis of China and India (developing) and the US and the European Union (developed), the paper illustrates how the interaction between political and economic governance shapes FDI attractiveness of host countries. The findings contribute to international business and political economy literature by offering a more comprehensive understanding of how national governance systems impact FDI attractiveness, and provide valuable insights for policymakers aiming to enhance the host countryʼs FDI attractiveness.

Parentsʼ migration that leaves their children behind can have a large influence on their children. We explore the relationship between parental migration and learning outcomes of left-behind children aged 7–14 in Pacific Island Economies, particularly Fiji, Kiribati, Samoa, and Tonga, comparing children who live without at least one parent due to migration and children who live with both parents. We use propensity score matching on the Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey 6 data. We observe mixed findings of parental migration on childrenʼs learning outcomes, depending on the country, family structure, and gender. Our results show no significant differences between children of migrants and non-migrants in Fiji, Kiribati, and Tonga. In Samoa, children of migrants have significantly higher reading skills but struggle in mathematics. Samoaʼs strong extended family system appears to provide compensatory caregiving and educational support in the absence of parents. We also find that the effects in Samoa are isolated among girls. The role of extended family support, cultural norms, and gender dynamics are critical to understanding the findings. These insights have important implications for policies aiming to support left-behind children and leverage migration for human capital development.

Australiaʼs agricultural sector has experienced a remarkable resurgence in economic growth since the late 1970s, effectively reversing decades of stagnation following World War II. At the heart of this resurgence lies the pivotal role of agricultural total factor productivity (TFP) growth, which has been 1.4% a year accounting for more than two-thirds of the growth in agricultural output. Crucially, government interventions, encompassing a range of institutions, policies, and investments (IPIs), have significantly contributed to this transformation process. These IPIs include deregulation, substantial investments in research and development, and effective water management. This paper reviews agricultural development in Australia since the 1950s and the profound role of IPIs on agricultural TFP. By drawing valuable insights from the Australian experience, we shed light on the pivotal role that governments can play in fostering agricultural GDP growth, sustainability, and resilience within an ever-evolving global landscape.

This study examines Chinaʼs policy pathways for building a resilient supply chain from a dual perspective of competitiveness enhancement and spatial optimization. Specifically, China has implemented a multi-tiered industrial policy framework—‘Fix the Weak, Reinforce the Strong, and Forge the New’—to strengthen the autonomy of vulnerable industries while enhancing the competitiveness of leading and emerging sectors. Simultaneously, China has pursued a spatial optimization strategy focused on ‘market diversification’ and ‘globalised production’, aiming to build a supply chain that balances risk mitigation and efficiency enhancement. Through policy analysis and case studies, this paper systematically examines Chinaʼs approach to building a resilient supply chain, offering valuable insights for emerging economies in designing supply chain policies and promoting global supply chain reforms.