Governments are increasingly pursuing industrial policies with supply chain resilience as their stated objective. This paper examines the economic rationale, international implications and policy design challenges of supply chain resilience initiatives. Using a simulation-based approach, it analyses three policy instruments: export taxes, production subsidies and entry subsidies. The simulations demonstrate how uncoordinated national policies can lead to inefficient outcomes, with uncooperative export restrictions and production subsidies potentially reducing global supply chain robustness. The analysis emphasises the importance of international coordination. To address these challenges in a multilateral setting, the paper suggests three priorities: expanding the Multi-Party Interim Appeal Arbitration Arrangement (MPIA), advancing plurilateral dialogue on green subsidies, and establishing multilateral mechanisms for supply chain data sharing. With deeper cooperation, governments can pursue strategies that improve both average economic outcomes and supply chain robustness.
{"title":"Industrial Policies for Supply Chain Resilience","authors":"Samuel Hardwick","doi":"10.1002/app5.70053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/app5.70053","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Governments are increasingly pursuing industrial policies with supply chain resilience as their stated objective. This paper examines the economic rationale, international implications and policy design challenges of supply chain resilience initiatives. Using a simulation-based approach, it analyses three policy instruments: export taxes, production subsidies and entry subsidies. The simulations demonstrate how uncoordinated national policies can lead to inefficient outcomes, with uncooperative export restrictions and production subsidies potentially reducing global supply chain robustness. The analysis emphasises the importance of international coordination. To address these challenges in a multilateral setting, the paper suggests three priorities: expanding the Multi-Party Interim Appeal Arbitration Arrangement (MPIA), advancing plurilateral dialogue on green subsidies, and establishing multilateral mechanisms for supply chain data sharing. With deeper cooperation, governments can pursue strategies that improve both average economic outcomes and supply chain robustness.</p>","PeriodicalId":45839,"journal":{"name":"Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies","volume":"12 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/app5.70053","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145101890","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The China-Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA) was signed in June 2015. Unlike other deals that Australia struck with Japan and Korea around the same time, ChAFTAʼs passage through the Australian parliament was vigorously contested. This Policy Forum begins by recounting the claims of ChAFTAʼs Australian proponents and critics. It then uses these to structure an assessment of outcomes a decade on. The weight of evidence favours ChAFTAʼs proponents. A review of Chinese perspectives on the other hand points to different metrics and a more ambiguous assessment. Nonetheless, ChAFTAʼs net benefits have been sufficient to secure ongoing governmental and broader public support.
{"title":"The China-Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA): Assessing Outcomes a Decade on","authors":"James Laurenceson, Xi Chen","doi":"10.1002/app5.70047","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/app5.70047","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The China-Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA) was signed in June 2015. Unlike other deals that Australia struck with Japan and Korea around the same time, ChAFTAʼs passage through the Australian parliament was vigorously contested. This Policy Forum begins by recounting the claims of ChAFTAʼs Australian proponents and critics. It then uses these to structure an assessment of outcomes a decade on. The weight of evidence favours ChAFTAʼs proponents. A review of Chinese perspectives on the other hand points to different metrics and a more ambiguous assessment. Nonetheless, ChAFTAʼs net benefits have been sufficient to secure ongoing governmental and broader public support.</p>","PeriodicalId":45839,"journal":{"name":"Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies","volume":"12 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/app5.70047","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145101473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Policymakers across the globe have become increasingly interested in industrial policy, including as it relates to the production of critical minerals. Within Canada and Australia, a key objective of this policy has been to promote domestic operations with the goal of reducing dependence on China. Industrial policy is being utilised to ‘crowd in’ private investment in critical minerals while new controls have been asserted over foreign investment. This paper assesses this first round of policymaking, reviewing issues of policy incoherence and how differences in contracting options affect the design and outcomes of policy. I conclude by providing suggestions that may improve the next wave of critical minerals policy.
{"title":"Critical Minerals Policymaking in Canada and Australia: Challenges and Lessons From Nickel and Lithium","authors":"Eli Hayes","doi":"10.1002/app5.70052","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/app5.70052","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Policymakers across the globe have become increasingly interested in industrial policy, including as it relates to the production of critical minerals. Within Canada and Australia, a key objective of this policy has been to promote domestic operations with the goal of reducing dependence on China. Industrial policy is being utilised to ‘crowd in’ private investment in critical minerals while new controls have been asserted over foreign investment. This paper assesses this first round of policymaking, reviewing issues of policy incoherence and how differences in contracting options affect the design and outcomes of policy. I conclude by providing suggestions that may improve the next wave of critical minerals policy.</p>","PeriodicalId":45839,"journal":{"name":"Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies","volume":"12 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/app5.70052","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145038304","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We study the correlational relationship between maternal education and childrenʼs well-being in four Pacific countries. We exploit the richness of the Multiple Indicator Clustering Survey (MICS) dataset to investigate this relationship and its underlying mechanisms. We find that the number of years of schooling attained by mothers is positively correlated with the likelihood of children being overweight and the Early Childhood Development Index (ECDI) score, while it is negatively associated with child stunting. These patterns are mainly driven by the Kiribati and Samoa country samples, potentially due to larger sample sizes. Further investigation reveals that the number of years of schooling attained by mothers indirectly affects these outcomes through better caring practices and the higher likelihood of enrolment in early childhood education (ECE). Our findings suggest that improving access to education for women should be complemented by efforts to disseminate targeted maternal and parenting knowledge and enhance access to ECE to better support childrenʼs well-being.
{"title":"Maternal Education and Childrenʼs Well-Being: Evidence From Four Pacific Countries","authors":"Joseph Marshan, Dyah Pritadrajati","doi":"10.1002/app5.70044","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/app5.70044","url":null,"abstract":"<p>We study the correlational relationship between maternal education and childrenʼs well-being in four Pacific countries. We exploit the richness of the Multiple Indicator Clustering Survey (MICS) dataset to investigate this relationship and its underlying mechanisms. We find that the number of years of schooling attained by mothers is positively correlated with the likelihood of children being overweight and the Early Childhood Development Index (ECDI) score, while it is negatively associated with child stunting. These patterns are mainly driven by the Kiribati and Samoa country samples, potentially due to larger sample sizes. Further investigation reveals that the number of years of schooling attained by mothers indirectly affects these outcomes through better caring practices and the higher likelihood of enrolment in early childhood education (ECE). Our findings suggest that improving access to education for women should be complemented by efforts to disseminate targeted maternal and parenting knowledge and enhance access to ECE to better support childrenʼs well-being.</p>","PeriodicalId":45839,"journal":{"name":"Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies","volume":"12 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/app5.70044","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145021880","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Rohingya people have sought refuge in Bangladesh following decades of ethnic and religious persecution in Myanmar. After the mass exodus in August 2017, Bangladesh launched emergency repatriation initiatives. In November 2017, Bangladesh and Myanmar reached a preliminary agreement on repatriation, despite widespread concerns from human rights organisations. This article examines the stalled repatriation of Rohingya refugees by analysing diplomatic challenges, regional geopolitical dynamics, and potential solutions. Using a qualitative approach and secondary sources, the study explores how geopolitical tensions, Myanmarʼs unwillingness to ensure safe returns, and security concerns have blocked progress. These factors have contributed to deteriorating conditions in the refugee camps, including overcrowding, increased crime, and a sharp decline in international aid. The ongoing crisis has exacerbated Bangladesh while economic and security burdens, while regional powers such as China and India continue to prioritise strategic interests over humanitarian responsibilities. Thus, the present study from a policy standpoint advocates for greater diplomatic pressure on Myanmar, stronger regional cooperation, and the development of a comprehensive refugee policy. Furthermore, empowering Rohingya refugees through education and economic opportunities can mitigate security risks while fostering sustainable repatriation models. Additionally, third-country resettlement and international burden-sharing must be prioritised to achieve long-term and dignified solutions.
{"title":"Stalled Repatriation of Rohingya Refugees: Diplomatic Hurdles, Regional Politics, and the Path to Sustainable Solutions","authors":"Jannatul Ferdous, Emrah Atar","doi":"10.1002/app5.70037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/app5.70037","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The Rohingya people have sought refuge in Bangladesh following decades of ethnic and religious persecution in Myanmar. After the mass exodus in August 2017, Bangladesh launched emergency repatriation initiatives. In November 2017, Bangladesh and Myanmar reached a preliminary agreement on repatriation, despite widespread concerns from human rights organisations. This article examines the stalled repatriation of Rohingya refugees by analysing diplomatic challenges, regional geopolitical dynamics, and potential solutions. Using a qualitative approach and secondary sources, the study explores how geopolitical tensions, Myanmarʼs unwillingness to ensure safe returns, and security concerns have blocked progress. These factors have contributed to deteriorating conditions in the refugee camps, including overcrowding, increased crime, and a sharp decline in international aid. The ongoing crisis has exacerbated Bangladesh while economic and security burdens, while regional powers such as China and India continue to prioritise strategic interests over humanitarian responsibilities. Thus, the present study from a policy standpoint advocates for greater diplomatic pressure on Myanmar, stronger regional cooperation, and the development of a comprehensive refugee policy. Furthermore, empowering Rohingya refugees through education and economic opportunities can mitigate security risks while fostering sustainable repatriation models. Additionally, third-country resettlement and international burden-sharing must be prioritised to achieve long-term and dignified solutions.</p>","PeriodicalId":45839,"journal":{"name":"Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies","volume":"12 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/app5.70037","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144905238","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Urbanisation, by definition, is accompanied by a large loss of rural population. This transition leads to population hollowing, or the out-migration of young to middle-aged adults thereby leaving only the young and old in rural areas. We study the impact of rural population hollowing on rural residentsʼ welfare. Taking rural China as an example, based on the data of 4451 households from 298 villages, we find evidence of an inverted U-shaped relationship between the degree of population hollowing and the happiness of rural residents, indicating that low levels of population hollowing correspond to an increase in happiness but higher levels lead to a decline in happiness. Population hollowing has a positive impact on happiness through the public income effect, and a negative impact on happiness through the left-behind problem, a diminishing of cultural capacity and a weakening of rural democracy. Women are more sensitive to the negative impact of population hollowing.
{"title":"Does Population Hollowing Bring a Loss in Happiness: The Case of Rural China","authors":"Hang Fang, Ting Yu, Qianheng Chen","doi":"10.1002/app5.70045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/app5.70045","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Urbanisation, by definition, is accompanied by a large loss of rural population. This transition leads to population hollowing, or the out-migration of young to middle-aged adults thereby leaving only the young and old in rural areas. We study the impact of rural population hollowing on rural residentsʼ welfare. Taking rural China as an example, based on the data of 4451 households from 298 villages, we find evidence of an inverted U-shaped relationship between the degree of population hollowing and the happiness of rural residents, indicating that low levels of population hollowing correspond to an increase in happiness but higher levels lead to a decline in happiness. Population hollowing has a positive impact on happiness through the public income effect, and a negative impact on happiness through the left-behind problem, a diminishing of cultural capacity and a weakening of rural democracy. Women are more sensitive to the negative impact of population hollowing.</p>","PeriodicalId":45839,"journal":{"name":"Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies","volume":"12 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/app5.70045","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144891707","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines the resilience of services production networks in the face of disruptions, comparing them to goods value chains. It explores the unique characteristics of services, their production processes, and international trade modes. The implications of these features for resilience and discusses the case for government intervention are discussed. The paper argues that while services have some inherent advantages for resilience, such as multiple delivery modes and shallow networks, new technological trends may introduce vulnerabilities. It concludes that governments should focus on removing impediments to private sector responses and reforming interventions that hinder resilience, particularly by reducing barriers to market integration and promoting data standard interoperability.
{"title":"Resilience in Services Production Networks","authors":"Christopher Findlay","doi":"10.1002/app5.70043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/app5.70043","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This paper examines the resilience of services production networks in the face of disruptions, comparing them to goods value chains. It explores the unique characteristics of services, their production processes, and international trade modes. The implications of these features for resilience and discusses the case for government intervention are discussed. The paper argues that while services have some inherent advantages for resilience, such as multiple delivery modes and shallow networks, new technological trends may introduce vulnerabilities. It concludes that governments should focus on removing impediments to private sector responses and reforming interventions that hinder resilience, particularly by reducing barriers to market integration and promoting data standard interoperability.</p>","PeriodicalId":45839,"journal":{"name":"Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies","volume":"12 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/app5.70043","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144869706","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Champa Bati Dutta, Mark Ivekolia, Debasish Kumar Das
Tuna fishing is a major source of government revenue and economic growth in the Pacific Island countries. In 2007, a group of these countries introduced the Vessel Day Scheme (VDS), marking a shift from older access agreements to a more structured effort-based management system. The VDS introduced tradeable fishing days as a mechanism to control effort and generate higher economic returns. Since its implementation, domestic tuna catches in VDS-participating countries have shown notable increase. This study examines how the VDS affected tuna catches in 17 Pacific countries from 2000 to 2020. Using a Difference-in-Differences method, the results show that countries participating in the VDS increased their tuna catches by more than 200% compared to non-VDS countries. These findings suggest that while the VDS has economic benefits, stronger conservation efforts are also needed to make sure tuna fishing remains sustainable in the future.
{"title":"Vessel Day Scheme and Tuna Catch in the Pacific Island Region","authors":"Champa Bati Dutta, Mark Ivekolia, Debasish Kumar Das","doi":"10.1002/app5.70042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/app5.70042","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Tuna fishing is a major source of government revenue and economic growth in the Pacific Island countries. In 2007, a group of these countries introduced the Vessel Day Scheme (VDS), marking a shift from older access agreements to a more structured effort-based management system. The VDS introduced tradeable fishing days as a mechanism to control effort and generate higher economic returns. Since its implementation, domestic tuna catches in VDS-participating countries have shown notable increase. This study examines how the VDS affected tuna catches in 17 Pacific countries from 2000 to 2020. Using a Difference-in-Differences method, the results show that countries participating in the VDS increased their tuna catches by more than 200% compared to non-VDS countries. These findings suggest that while the VDS has economic benefits, stronger conservation efforts are also needed to make sure tuna fishing remains sustainable in the future.</p>","PeriodicalId":45839,"journal":{"name":"Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies","volume":"12 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-08-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/app5.70042","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144811110","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Does the number of children in a household affect the prevalence of domestic violence? This study examines the causal impact of family size on intimate partner violence (IPV) using nationally representative survey data from Samoa, a country with one of the highest fertility rates globally. Employing an instrumental variable (IV) strategy, the analysis leverages same-sex sibling pairs as a plausibly exogenous instrument for family size. The results establish a direct causal link between family size and IPV, with each additional dependent child increasing IPV likelihood by 6 percentage points—a 15 percent rise from the mean—particularly for physical and sexual violence. Mechanism analysis identifies three key channels: (1) economic constraints, (2) bargaining power and control, and (3) norms and attitudes towards IPV. Larger families exacerbate household overcrowding, reduce female labour force participation, limit womenʼs control over household earnings, healthcare, and contraception decisions, reinforce IPV-condoning attitudes, and escalate female-perpetrated violence due to heightened caregiving burdens. These findings align with a partial non-cooperative household model, highlighting the interplay between resource dilution, intra-household bargaining, and IPV risk. The results underscore the importance of expanding womenʼs agency in reproductive and economic decisions while addressing structural constraints and norms that perpetuate violence.
{"title":"More Kids, More Conflict? Family Size and Domestic Violence in a High-Fertility Setting","authors":"Dyah Pritadrajati","doi":"10.1002/app5.70039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/app5.70039","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Does the number of children in a household affect the prevalence of domestic violence? This study examines the causal impact of family size on intimate partner violence (IPV) using nationally representative survey data from Samoa, a country with one of the highest fertility rates globally. Employing an instrumental variable (IV) strategy, the analysis leverages same-sex sibling pairs as a plausibly exogenous instrument for family size. The results establish a direct causal link between family size and IPV, with each additional dependent child increasing IPV likelihood by 6 percentage points—a 15 percent rise from the mean—particularly for physical and sexual violence. Mechanism analysis identifies three key channels: (1) economic constraints, (2) bargaining power and control, and (3) norms and attitudes towards IPV. Larger families exacerbate household overcrowding, reduce female labour force participation, limit womenʼs control over household earnings, healthcare, and contraception decisions, reinforce IPV-condoning attitudes, and escalate female-perpetrated violence due to heightened caregiving burdens. These findings align with a partial non-cooperative household model, highlighting the interplay between resource dilution, intra-household bargaining, and IPV risk. The results underscore the importance of expanding womenʼs agency in reproductive and economic decisions while addressing structural constraints and norms that perpetuate violence.</p>","PeriodicalId":45839,"journal":{"name":"Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies","volume":"12 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/app5.70039","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144751496","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It investigates the impact of Chinaʼs FTZs on the countryʼs trade in ICT products—a sector central to Chinaʼs industrial digitisation and integration into global value chains—by applying a propensity score matching difference-in-differences (PSM-DID) approach to bilateral trade data between China and 35 partner countries from 2000 to 2022. The analysis finds that the expansion of Chinaʼs FTZ network, which by the end of 2023 encompassed 22 agreements with 29 countries and regions and accounted for roughly one-third of Chinaʼs total foreign trade, has significantly boosted ICT trade. Specifically, the establishment of FTZs is associated with increases of 21.0% in overall trade volume, 11.1% in imports, and 52.7% in exports of ICT products with partner countries. The results further reveal that economic status, openness, internet development, education levels, and government efficiency in partner countries are positively correlated with ICT trade flows. Heterogeneity analysis indicates that the trade-enhancing effects of FTZs are stronger for imports than exports and vary according to the economic and developmental characteristics of partner countries, with FTZ benefits materialising gradually over time. These findings contribute to how FTZs shape Chinaʼs participation in the global ICT value chain and inform policy on the design and implementation of trade zones.
{"title":"Impact of Free Trade Zones on Chinaʼs ICT Products Trade: A PSM-DID Analysis","authors":"Zhuo Chen, Chang Hwan Choi","doi":"10.1002/app5.70038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/app5.70038","url":null,"abstract":"<p>It investigates the impact of Chinaʼs FTZs on the countryʼs trade in ICT products—a sector central to Chinaʼs industrial digitisation and integration into global value chains—by applying a propensity score matching difference-in-differences (PSM-DID) approach to bilateral trade data between China and 35 partner countries from 2000 to 2022. The analysis finds that the expansion of Chinaʼs FTZ network, which by the end of 2023 encompassed 22 agreements with 29 countries and regions and accounted for roughly one-third of Chinaʼs total foreign trade, has significantly boosted ICT trade. Specifically, the establishment of FTZs is associated with increases of 21.0% in overall trade volume, 11.1% in imports, and 52.7% in exports of ICT products with partner countries. The results further reveal that economic status, openness, internet development, education levels, and government efficiency in partner countries are positively correlated with ICT trade flows. Heterogeneity analysis indicates that the trade-enhancing effects of FTZs are stronger for imports than exports and vary according to the economic and developmental characteristics of partner countries, with FTZ benefits materialising gradually over time. These findings contribute to how FTZs shape Chinaʼs participation in the global ICT value chain and inform policy on the design and implementation of trade zones.</p>","PeriodicalId":45839,"journal":{"name":"Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies","volume":"12 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2025-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/app5.70038","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144657575","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}