Abdillah Ahsan, Elisabeth Kramer, Nadhila Adani, Askar Muhammad, Nadira Amalia
In Indonesia, the national universal health coverage scheme (Jaminan Kesehatan Nasional [JKN]) has consistently overspent against its budget since it was introduced in 2014. In 2017, a new regulation diverted 37.5% of tobacco tax revenue collected at the district and city level to the central government in order to increase government contributions to the JKN. Through a review of policy documents and interviews and focus group discussions with relevant stakeholders, this article explores the history of the JKN and its relationship to local tobacco taxes. Offering an ex-post assessment of the policy and its implementation, we find it negative on three fronts: funding for local anti-smoking initiatives and services was cut, the procedures for implementing the policy were complex and time-consuming, and it did not contribute as much as anticipated to the JKN. These findings underscore potential pitfalls of politically motivated policy that fails to consider implementation and impact. We recommend that the policy be revoked, and local tobacco tax revenue reallocated to its initial purpose, which includes promoting local smoking prevention programs and health service delivery.
在印度尼西亚,全国全民健康覆盖计划(Jaminan Kesehatan Nasional [JKN])自2014年推出以来一直超支。2017年,一项新规定将区、市一级征收的烟草税收的37.5%划归中央政府,以增加政府对烟草协会的贡献。通过对政策文件的回顾、与相关利益相关者的访谈和焦点小组讨论,本文探讨了JKN的历史及其与地方烟草税的关系。在对该政策及其实施进行事后评估后,我们发现该政策在三个方面是消极的:地方禁烟措施和服务的资金被削减,实施该政策的程序复杂而耗时,以及它对JKN的贡献没有预期的那么大。这些发现强调了出于政治动机而不考虑实施和影响的政策可能存在的缺陷。我们建议取消这一政策,并将地方烟草税收重新分配到最初的目的,包括促进地方预防吸烟计划和卫生服务的提供。
{"title":"The politics of funding universal healthcare: Diverting local tobacco taxes to subsidise the national health scheme in Indonesia","authors":"Abdillah Ahsan, Elisabeth Kramer, Nadhila Adani, Askar Muhammad, Nadira Amalia","doi":"10.1002/app5.334","DOIUrl":"10.1002/app5.334","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In Indonesia, the national universal health coverage scheme (Jaminan Kesehatan Nasional [JKN]) has consistently overspent against its budget since it was introduced in 2014. In 2017, a new regulation diverted 37.5% of tobacco tax revenue collected at the district and city level to the central government in order to increase government contributions to the JKN. Through a review of policy documents and interviews and focus group discussions with relevant stakeholders, this article explores the history of the JKN and its relationship to local tobacco taxes. Offering an ex-post assessment of the policy and its implementation, we find it negative on three fronts: funding for local anti-smoking initiatives and services was cut, the procedures for implementing the policy were complex and time-consuming, and it did not contribute as much as anticipated to the JKN. These findings underscore potential pitfalls of politically motivated policy that fails to consider implementation and impact. We recommend that the policy be revoked, and local tobacco tax revenue reallocated to its initial purpose, which includes promoting local smoking prevention programs and health service delivery.</p>","PeriodicalId":45839,"journal":{"name":"Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies","volume":"8 3","pages":"351-366"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2021-09-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/app5.334","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46808284","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
<p>There has been good progress in the bid to eliminate malaria from the Asia-Pacific region by 2030. Malaria elimination has been certified by the World Health Organization in Sri Lanka and China, is expected to be certified in Malaysia, and is within reach in Bhutan and Timor-Leste. The countries in the Greater Mekong Subregion have also made good progress and reached many milestones of success. However, the COVID-19 pandemic has threatened derailment of these impressive gains as countries in the region divert their attention and resources to combating the pandemic.</p><p>Much of the success in malaria control can be attributed to the vertical nature of the malaria program both at the global level and national level. That is, a program with clear objectives, quantifiable targets, focused on a single condition, and implemented with centralised management and dedicated means (staff, funds, etc). The last mile to elimination, however, is posing new challenges and new approaches are needed.</p><p>First, we need to tackle the challenge of reaching the hardest to reach communities. For example, those living in remote, rural areas, ethnic minorities and other marginalised sections of the population tend to have access difficulties and therefore the most limited contact with health services, lower levels of education and health literacy, and suffer poorer health for many conditions.</p><p>Second, we need to go beyond rolling out standard technical, vertical approaches and carry out a review of all demand- and supply-side factors. We need to understand better the social and cultural factors shaping health behaviours in communities, the role of community organisations and networks in providing trusted advice, and community perceptions of the health system. We need to reflect on shortfalls in current program implementation, including reviewing important policy barriers.</p><p>Third, we need to mainstream public health services and integrate better with the rest of the health system in order to tackle the elimination task. This approach should emphasise integrated, people-centred services, delivered where people live. Primary health care is the pivotal point for individual and community services, where case identification and treatment can occur for individuals, health education can be done for patients and for the community, and population outreach and environmental interventions can be carried out.</p><p>Fourth, we need to keep our minds open to new innovations which can help us achieve the elimination goal, including the potentially important results of recent vaccine trials and new therapeutic agents.</p><p>Finally, and importantly, we need to sustain political will and commitment in the face of competing priorities and reduced resources as countries continue to grapple with the COVID-19 pandemic. In the initial period of the pandemic, many countries focused their scarce resources on COVID-19 services, even to the neglect of other health issues. With t
{"title":"Malaria elimination in the Asia-Pacific: Going the last mile","authors":"Vivian Lin, Tikki Pangestu","doi":"10.1002/app5.335","DOIUrl":"10.1002/app5.335","url":null,"abstract":"<p>There has been good progress in the bid to eliminate malaria from the Asia-Pacific region by 2030. Malaria elimination has been certified by the World Health Organization in Sri Lanka and China, is expected to be certified in Malaysia, and is within reach in Bhutan and Timor-Leste. The countries in the Greater Mekong Subregion have also made good progress and reached many milestones of success. However, the COVID-19 pandemic has threatened derailment of these impressive gains as countries in the region divert their attention and resources to combating the pandemic.</p><p>Much of the success in malaria control can be attributed to the vertical nature of the malaria program both at the global level and national level. That is, a program with clear objectives, quantifiable targets, focused on a single condition, and implemented with centralised management and dedicated means (staff, funds, etc). The last mile to elimination, however, is posing new challenges and new approaches are needed.</p><p>First, we need to tackle the challenge of reaching the hardest to reach communities. For example, those living in remote, rural areas, ethnic minorities and other marginalised sections of the population tend to have access difficulties and therefore the most limited contact with health services, lower levels of education and health literacy, and suffer poorer health for many conditions.</p><p>Second, we need to go beyond rolling out standard technical, vertical approaches and carry out a review of all demand- and supply-side factors. We need to understand better the social and cultural factors shaping health behaviours in communities, the role of community organisations and networks in providing trusted advice, and community perceptions of the health system. We need to reflect on shortfalls in current program implementation, including reviewing important policy barriers.</p><p>Third, we need to mainstream public health services and integrate better with the rest of the health system in order to tackle the elimination task. This approach should emphasise integrated, people-centred services, delivered where people live. Primary health care is the pivotal point for individual and community services, where case identification and treatment can occur for individuals, health education can be done for patients and for the community, and population outreach and environmental interventions can be carried out.</p><p>Fourth, we need to keep our minds open to new innovations which can help us achieve the elimination goal, including the potentially important results of recent vaccine trials and new therapeutic agents.</p><p>Finally, and importantly, we need to sustain political will and commitment in the face of competing priorities and reduced resources as countries continue to grapple with the COVID-19 pandemic. In the initial period of the pandemic, many countries focused their scarce resources on COVID-19 services, even to the neglect of other health issues. With t","PeriodicalId":45839,"journal":{"name":"Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies","volume":"8 2","pages":"173-175"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2021-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/app5.335","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"51144921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Marie Lamy, Amita Chebbi, Rittika Datta, Phone Si Hein, Chris Erwin G. Mercado, Steve Mellor, Gao Qi, Geoff Clark
This article explains how making a disease notifiable by law is a core component of a robust and well-functioning health system. Mechanisms to rapidly detect and report existing or emerging infectious diseases in a timely manner are key to disease control and elimination. Using malaria in Asia-Pacific as a case in point, we explore different policy considerations involved in making malaria a notifiable disease. These include the timing of legislative changes at different stages of elimination, investing in adequate infrastructure for a robust surveillance system that can support targeted interventions, and the importance of involving all sectors in the delivery of malaria services to detect, report and respond to every case. The article explains how frameworks to report on notifiable diseases, in this case malaria, contribute to improved regional health security.
{"title":"Notifiable diseases: Testing and treating every case to get ahead of the curve","authors":"Marie Lamy, Amita Chebbi, Rittika Datta, Phone Si Hein, Chris Erwin G. Mercado, Steve Mellor, Gao Qi, Geoff Clark","doi":"10.1002/app5.331","DOIUrl":"10.1002/app5.331","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article explains how making a disease notifiable by law is a core component of a robust and well-functioning health system. Mechanisms to rapidly detect and report existing or emerging infectious diseases in a timely manner are key to disease control and elimination. Using malaria in Asia-Pacific as a case in point, we explore different policy considerations involved in making malaria a notifiable disease. These include the timing of legislative changes at different stages of elimination, investing in adequate infrastructure for a robust surveillance system that can support targeted interventions, and the importance of involving all sectors in the delivery of malaria services to detect, report and respond to every case. The article explains how frameworks to report on notifiable diseases, in this case malaria, contribute to improved regional health security.</p>","PeriodicalId":45839,"journal":{"name":"Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies","volume":"8 2","pages":"243-252"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2021-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/app5.331","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49655413","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explores the child protection actors, processes and child maltreatment issues in a regional Local Government Unit in the Philippines. Utilising a qualitative case study design, it engages with 14 young people with histories of child maltreatment and 13 key child protection actors, exploring their views and experiences of child protection actions, processes and outcomes. The findings highlight informal community-based actors, including neighbours, family, friends and non-government organisations in initial responses to child maltreatment, compared to formal child protection actors, who respond to severe maltreatment utilising a legal framework. Actors are constrained by limited government capacity and community reach, revealing misalignment between formal child protection activities and breadth of risks for children. Non-government organisations assist child protection efforts through the provision of residential care. Policy recommendations include strengthening relationships between formal actors and communities, expanding early intervention activities, and developing the capacity of community-based child protection actors.
{"title":"Local child protection in the Philippines: A case study of actors, processes and key risks for children","authors":"Steven Roche, Catherine Flynn","doi":"10.1002/app5.332","DOIUrl":"10.1002/app5.332","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article explores the child protection actors, processes and child maltreatment issues in a regional Local Government Unit in the Philippines. Utilising a qualitative case study design, it engages with 14 young people with histories of child maltreatment and 13 key child protection actors, exploring their views and experiences of child protection actions, processes and outcomes. The findings highlight informal community-based actors, including neighbours, family, friends and non-government organisations in initial responses to child maltreatment, compared to formal child protection actors, who respond to severe maltreatment utilising a legal framework. Actors are constrained by limited government capacity and community reach, revealing misalignment between formal child protection activities and breadth of risks for children. Non-government organisations assist child protection efforts through the provision of residential care. Policy recommendations include strengthening relationships between formal actors and communities, expanding early intervention activities, and developing the capacity of community-based child protection actors.</p>","PeriodicalId":45839,"journal":{"name":"Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies","volume":"8 3","pages":"367-383"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2021-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1002/app5.332","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42997327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While the effect of land fragmentation on farm efficiency and production diversification in Vietnam has been well established, no evidence exists for its effect on household food security. Using a unique dataset from household surveys in combination with micro-econometric models, the current study examines the impact of land fragmentation on food security in the poorest districts of Vietnam’s North Central Coast. Even after controlling for other factors in the models, we provide the first evidence that in Vietnam, ethnic minority households whose land holdings are fragmented are more likely to suffer from food insecurity. A higher likelihood of achieving food security is found for households whose members have better education and non-farm self-employment. The findings suggest that land policies that encourage land consolidation and improve the access of ethnic minorities to better education and non-farm self-employment would help them improve their food security. Such policies should be promoted in the study area.
{"title":"The impact of land fragmentation on food security in the North Central Coast, Vietnam","authors":"Tuyen Quang Tran, Huong Van Vu","doi":"10.1002/app5.330","DOIUrl":"10.1002/app5.330","url":null,"abstract":"<p>While the effect of land fragmentation on farm efficiency and production diversification in Vietnam has been well established, no evidence exists for its effect on household food security. Using a unique dataset from household surveys in combination with micro-econometric models, the current study examines the impact of land fragmentation on food security in the poorest districts of Vietnam’s North Central Coast. Even after controlling for other factors in the models, we provide the first evidence that in Vietnam, ethnic minority households whose land holdings are fragmented are more likely to suffer from food insecurity. A higher likelihood of achieving food security is found for households whose members have better education and non-farm self-employment. The findings suggest that land policies that encourage land consolidation and improve the access of ethnic minorities to better education and non-farm self-employment would help them improve their food security. Such policies should be promoted in the study area.</p>","PeriodicalId":45839,"journal":{"name":"Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies","volume":"8 2","pages":"327-345"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2021-08-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/app5.330","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46227756","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study examines the role of high-yielding maize varieties as one of the key drivers of smallholder farmers’ market participation in a highly subsistence rural economy. The analysis is based on the End-of-Program Survey data collected by the Seeds of Life program in 2016 covering 700 households in rural Timor-Leste. The results reveal significant positive impacts of technology adoption on farmers’ market participation. Households where women are relatively more active in agriculture than men are more likely to engage in agricultural commerce. The results also show a positive impact of technology adoption on maize productivity. These findings present the first empirical evidence of the causal link between technology adoption and market participation choices.
{"title":"Increasing smallholder farmers’ market participation through technology adoption in rural Timor-Leste","authors":"Sonia Akter, Namrata Chindarkar, William Erskine, Luc Spyckerelle, Julie Imron, Lucia Viana Branco","doi":"10.1002/app5.329","DOIUrl":"10.1002/app5.329","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This study examines the role of high-yielding maize varieties as one of the key drivers of smallholder farmers’ market participation in a highly subsistence rural economy. The analysis is based on the End-of-Program Survey data collected by the Seeds of Life program in 2016 covering 700 households in rural Timor-Leste. The results reveal significant positive impacts of technology adoption on farmers’ market participation. Households where women are relatively more active in agriculture than men are more likely to engage in agricultural commerce. The results also show a positive impact of technology adoption on maize productivity. These findings present the first empirical evidence of the causal link between technology adoption and market participation choices.</p>","PeriodicalId":45839,"journal":{"name":"Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies","volume":"8 2","pages":"280-298"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2021-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1002/app5.329","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49105256","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Although there has been substantial literature on the economic impact of labour legislation in the world, the number of studies related to Vietnam is, surprisingly, very small. Our article provides the first evidence on the link between labour law and various labour market outcomes using the Vietnamese context. We examine how labour supply, earnings and social protection outcomes adjusted to labour contract reform under the 2012 Labour Code. The study uses three waves of the Vietnam Labour Force Survey to examine both medium-term and short-term impacts of the reform. Difference-in-differences and fixed-effect techniques are utilised. Overall, we find that the law change significantly affected hours worked, work absenteeism, monthly allowance and incidence of bonuses among contracted workers. However, the effects on workers’ monthly wages, overtime remuneration and other allowances, and the social protection-related outcomes were not clear in the short run.
{"title":"Labour law reform and labour market outcomes in Vietnam","authors":"Kieu-Dung Nguyen, Duc-Thanh Nguyen, Duy-Dat Nguyen, Van-Anh Thi Tran","doi":"10.1002/app5.328","DOIUrl":"10.1002/app5.328","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Although there has been substantial literature on the economic impact of labour legislation in the world, the number of studies related to Vietnam is, surprisingly, very small. Our article provides the first evidence on the link between labour law and various labour market outcomes using the Vietnamese context. We examine how labour supply, earnings and social protection outcomes adjusted to labour contract reform under the 2012 Labour Code. The study uses three waves of the Vietnam Labour Force Survey to examine both medium-term and short-term impacts of the reform. Difference-in-differences and fixed-effect techniques are utilised. Overall, we find that the law change significantly affected hours worked, work absenteeism, monthly allowance and incidence of bonuses among contracted workers. However, the effects on workers’ monthly wages, overtime remuneration and other allowances, and the social protection-related outcomes were not clear in the short run.</p>","PeriodicalId":45839,"journal":{"name":"Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies","volume":"8 2","pages":"299-326"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2021-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1002/app5.328","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43078637","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
<p>A vast literature debates the causes, workings and consequences of democracy: a Google Scholar search returns some 3.6 million studies on the subject; by way of contrast, studies on authoritarianism or populism barely reach 350,000. Importantly, the expansive interest in democracy is not merely academic. Instead, studies on democracy are irrefutably empirically driven. Earlier work on the causes and effects of democracy—such as when, why and how do democratic transitions occur, and who are the proponents of transitions—was spurred in no small part by the expansion of liberal democracies in the Second Wave of democratisation following World War II that, set against the backdrop of economic crises and the rise of fascism that preceded the war, saw economic booms and an expanding middle class in the United States and across Europe (Huntington, <span>1991</span>; Lipset, <span>1959</span>; Moore, <span>1966</span>).1 These themes persisted through scholarship on the Third Wave of democratic transition between 1974 and 1990, with voluminous works on the relationship between democracy and economic development explaining or predicting the spread of democratisation in Southern Europe, Latin America, and East and Southeast Asia, which appeared to coincide with economic growth in the 1970s and 1980s in these regions (Huntington, <span>1991</span>; O'Donnell et al., <span>1986</span>; Przeworski, <span>1991</span>; Remmer, <span>1991</span>). Notably, events on the ground in the Third Wave also brought new research pursuits, such as the regional and international diffusion of democracy, the effects of democracy on economic growth, and popular support for democracy (Bratton & Mattes, <span>2001</span>; Brinks & Coppedge, <span>2006</span>; Helliwell, <span>1994</span>; Pevehouse, <span>2002</span>).</p><p>Unsurprisingly, then, recent trends of democratic stalling, reversals, backsliding and deconsolidation are driving the latest research about the quality and depth of democracy, which may be defined as the extent to which democracy in practice approximates its philosophical foundations of ‘government by the people’ (Fishman, <span>2016</span>).2</p><p>Recent studies of democracy have called attention to the need for more robust and systematic evaluation of democratic variability, democratic consolidation, or the demise of democracy, with an emphasis on political factors that have received little attention beyond earlier generations of work (Haggard & Kaufman, <span>2016</span>, p. 126; see also Diamond & Morlino, <span>2004</span>; Foa & Mounk, <span>2017</span>; Fuchs & Roller, <span>2018</span>; Kadivar et al., <span>2020</span>; Yap, <span>2006</span>).</p><p>The articles in this special issue respond to these calls for new treatments. In particular, we point out the need to take account of local or subnational3 politics and their consequences in studies of democratic quality and depth.</p><p>There are at least four reasons to s
{"title":"Local politics for democratic quality and depth: Lessons from South Korea","authors":"O. Fiona Yap","doi":"10.1002/app5.324","DOIUrl":"10.1002/app5.324","url":null,"abstract":"<p>A vast literature debates the causes, workings and consequences of democracy: a Google Scholar search returns some 3.6 million studies on the subject; by way of contrast, studies on authoritarianism or populism barely reach 350,000. Importantly, the expansive interest in democracy is not merely academic. Instead, studies on democracy are irrefutably empirically driven. Earlier work on the causes and effects of democracy—such as when, why and how do democratic transitions occur, and who are the proponents of transitions—was spurred in no small part by the expansion of liberal democracies in the Second Wave of democratisation following World War II that, set against the backdrop of economic crises and the rise of fascism that preceded the war, saw economic booms and an expanding middle class in the United States and across Europe (Huntington, <span>1991</span>; Lipset, <span>1959</span>; Moore, <span>1966</span>).1 These themes persisted through scholarship on the Third Wave of democratic transition between 1974 and 1990, with voluminous works on the relationship between democracy and economic development explaining or predicting the spread of democratisation in Southern Europe, Latin America, and East and Southeast Asia, which appeared to coincide with economic growth in the 1970s and 1980s in these regions (Huntington, <span>1991</span>; O'Donnell et al., <span>1986</span>; Przeworski, <span>1991</span>; Remmer, <span>1991</span>). Notably, events on the ground in the Third Wave also brought new research pursuits, such as the regional and international diffusion of democracy, the effects of democracy on economic growth, and popular support for democracy (Bratton & Mattes, <span>2001</span>; Brinks & Coppedge, <span>2006</span>; Helliwell, <span>1994</span>; Pevehouse, <span>2002</span>).</p><p>Unsurprisingly, then, recent trends of democratic stalling, reversals, backsliding and deconsolidation are driving the latest research about the quality and depth of democracy, which may be defined as the extent to which democracy in practice approximates its philosophical foundations of ‘government by the people’ (Fishman, <span>2016</span>).2</p><p>Recent studies of democracy have called attention to the need for more robust and systematic evaluation of democratic variability, democratic consolidation, or the demise of democracy, with an emphasis on political factors that have received little attention beyond earlier generations of work (Haggard & Kaufman, <span>2016</span>, p. 126; see also Diamond & Morlino, <span>2004</span>; Foa & Mounk, <span>2017</span>; Fuchs & Roller, <span>2018</span>; Kadivar et al., <span>2020</span>; Yap, <span>2006</span>).</p><p>The articles in this special issue respond to these calls for new treatments. In particular, we point out the need to take account of local or subnational3 politics and their consequences in studies of democratic quality and depth.</p><p>There are at least four reasons to s","PeriodicalId":45839,"journal":{"name":"Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies","volume":"8 1","pages":"5-14"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2021-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1002/app5.324","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46428303","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article presents the first-ever ranking of public policy schools in the Asia-Pacific region based on their research publication output. We used Scopus as our bibliographic database to assess the publication output of 45 schools between 2014 and 2018, based on affiliations listed on the publications rather than current faculty. The results show substantial variation in terms of research output; elite research schools are located in China, Australia, and Singapore. Ranking by total citations, three schools stand out—the Crawford School of Public Policy at the Australian National University, the Lee Kuan Yew School at the National University of Singapore, and the School of Public Policy & Management at Tsinghua University in China. Ranking by impact factor shows that the School of Government at Peking University and the Melbourne School of Government at Melbourne University are the two top-ranked schools, but because of their relatively small research output in this period, their true rank is very uncertain.
{"title":"Research at public policy schools in the Asia-Pacific region ranked","authors":"Björn Dressel, David I. Stern","doi":"10.1002/app5.323","DOIUrl":"10.1002/app5.323","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article presents the first-ever ranking of public policy schools in the Asia-Pacific region based on their research publication output. We used Scopus as our bibliographic database to assess the publication output of 45 schools between 2014 and 2018, based on affiliations listed on the publications rather than current faculty. The results show substantial variation in terms of research output; elite research schools are located in China, Australia, and Singapore. Ranking by total citations, three schools stand out—the Crawford School of Public Policy at the Australian National University, the Lee Kuan Yew School at the National University of Singapore, and the School of Public Policy & Management at Tsinghua University in China. Ranking by impact factor shows that the School of Government at Peking University and the Melbourne School of Government at Melbourne University are the two top-ranked schools, but because of their relatively small research output in this period, their true rank is very uncertain.</p>","PeriodicalId":45839,"journal":{"name":"Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies","volume":"8 1","pages":"151-166"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2021-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1002/app5.323","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"51144905","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Byung-Jae Lee, Tae Wan Kim, Jaekwon Suh, O. Fiona Yap
This article assesses the role of local councils as a conduit for democratic consolidation through the examination of the legislative performance of the members of a South Korean metropolitan city council. We collected data on ordinance proposals in Busan Metropolitan Council from 2006 to 2018 (the 5th to 7th Councils) and analysed, first, the effects of individual attributes of local council members on legislative performance through negative binomial model analysis and, second, the effects of legislative networks on council members' performance. Three findings contribute to the literature: first, the number of proposed ordinances by council members increased over time, while those by the mayor decreased in the same period, suggesting an erosion of executive dominance of policymaking in local councils. Second, female and newly elected council members are most active in legislative proposals, which underlines that these members are more connected to the electorate than long-serving incumbents. Third, network analyses show increasingly diverse and multi-centred communities behind ordinance proposals; this suggests a move from personalistic politics to institutionalised politics.
{"title":"Local government performance and democratic consolidation: Explaining ordinance proposal in Busan Metropolitan Council","authors":"Byung-Jae Lee, Tae Wan Kim, Jaekwon Suh, O. Fiona Yap","doi":"10.1002/app5.319","DOIUrl":"10.1002/app5.319","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article assesses the role of local councils as a conduit for democratic consolidation through the examination of the legislative performance of the members of a South Korean metropolitan city council. We collected data on ordinance proposals in Busan Metropolitan Council from 2006 to 2018 (the 5th to 7th Councils) and analysed, first, the effects of individual attributes of local council members on legislative performance through negative binomial model analysis and, second, the effects of legislative networks on council members' performance. Three findings contribute to the literature: first, the number of proposed ordinances by council members increased over time, while those by the mayor decreased in the same period, suggesting an erosion of executive dominance of policymaking in local councils. Second, female and newly elected council members are most active in legislative proposals, which underlines that these members are more connected to the electorate than long-serving incumbents. Third, network analyses show increasingly diverse and multi-centred communities behind ordinance proposals; this suggests a move from personalistic politics to institutionalised politics.</p>","PeriodicalId":45839,"journal":{"name":"Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies","volume":"8 1","pages":"15-41"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2021-05-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1002/app5.319","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42712151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}