DIALECTICAL ANTHROPOLOGY最新文献

The state has taken center stage during the COVID-19 pandemic in unanticipated ways. Rescuing private companies with public money exemplifies this, highlighting substantial state interventionism amidst a fairly dominant discourse of our times: that of the "neoliberal state." In this article, we focus on how owners of micro-businesses in Croatia constructed state practices during the COVID-19 pandemic and how interactions with the state prior to the pandemic contributed to these constructions. We reflect on the state as a historically embedded social relation that is understood, experienced, and felt. Drawing on interviews, we develop three themes that illustrate the layered and wrought relationship between business owners and the state, as they understand it to "exist"-state-mediated constructions of business owners: tycoons and heroes; frustrating state practices; contradictory images-the benevolent state. The pervasiveness of the state is reflected in how the post-socialist state has shaped professional identities in the business sector, in the overwhelmingly negative emotional landscape state practices seem to propel, but also in hints of state benevolence during the COVID-19 pandemic. The identified nexus of emotions in relation to state practices-exasperation, disappointment, indignation, gratitude-and their historical embeddedness are a strong indication of how present-day constructions of the state are an expression of "accumulated history." Based on their experiences with state practices, our interlocutors construct the state as corrupt, incompetent, inefficient, uncaring, coercive, only on occasion benevolent, and in a highly affective register as "unnecessary," while also expressing a desire for a state that "cares," particularly in disaster settings.

This article portrays a recent movement towards intersectional activism in urban Namibia. Since 2020, young Namibian activists have come together in campaigns to decolonize public space through removing colonial monuments and renaming streets. These have been linked to enduring structural violence and issues of gender and sexuality, especially queer and women's reproductive rights politics, which have been expressly framed as perpetuated by coloniality. I argue that the Namibian protests amount to new political forms of intersectional decoloniality that challenge the notion of decolonial activism as identity politics. The Namibian case demonstrates that decolonial movements may not only emphatically not be steeped in essentialist politics but also that activists may oppose an identity-based politics which postcolonial ruling elites have promoted. I show that, for the Namibian movements' ideology and practice, a fully intersectional approach has become central. They consciously juxtapose colonial memory with a living vision for the future to confront and situate colonial and apartheid history. Young Namibian activists challenge the intersectional inequalities and injustices, which, they argue, postcolonial Namibia inherited from its colonial-apartheid past: class inequality, racism, sexism, homophobia, and gender-based violence.

This paper explores the connections between the culture and living conditions of Afro-descendants in Colombian society. The specific object of study is Champeta, a Black urban music associated with social resistance. The text analyzes Champeta's evolution in Colombia's multicultural frame. It concludes with an analysis of these multicultural premises' shortcomings, especially regarding the material improvement of Black Colombians' living conditions. This text contributes to current debates on cultural diversity in Latin America.

Based on fieldwork in an urbanized village of Shenzhen, this paper analyzes the place of schools in the reproduction of Chinese state capitalism. It retraces the circuit of socialized capital that allows for the social reproduction of the native elite and the exclusion of many migrant workers in the context of Shenzhen's development as a special economic zone and its efforts to upgrade the economy. The native villagers, now forming an urban upper-class of rentiers, have capitalized on their overseas connections and capital accumulation to finance their school, allowing for their elite's upward social mobility after, but also already under Mao. After China's transition to capitalism, this school has served as an asset in generating value in the context of redevelopment and the real estate-driven upgrading of Shenzhen's economy. Property ownership is now a major criterion in points-based systems for accessing school places. I make two interrelated arguments. First, there is a closer relationship between the secondary circuit of socialized capital and the larger circuit of capital than what the literature on social reproduction implies. Second, the conditionality of quality education upon value generation amounts to separating the population deemed worthy of socialized reproduction and the surplus population that is left out. The paper connects diverse strands of social reproduction theory, Althusser's interpellation and ideological state apparatuses, feminist agentive social reproduction theories, and Bourdieu's capital conversion recuperated within a Marxian framework, to provide an integrated approach to social reproduction within capitalism.

The paragraphs that follow respond to some of the criticisms and comments that the contributors to this forum have made on my book. Many of these revolve around the central issue of social class and around my analysis of the manual blue-collar workforce of the central Indian steel town of Bhilai as sharply divided between two 'classes of labour' with separate and sometimes antagonistic interests. Some earlier commentaries on this argument had been sceptical, and many of the observations made here invoke much the same issues. In the first part of this response, I attempt to summarize my central argument about the class structure, the main criticisms of it, and my earlier attempts to answer these. The second part responds directly to the observations and comments made by those who have so generously participated in the present discussion.