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Re-discussing targeting in times of Covid-19. 新冠肺炎时期的重新瞄准
IF 1.5 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/14680181221120871
Alexandra Kaasch
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引用次数: 0
Towards a Global Social Policy Otherwise: Decoloniality, socialist worldmaking and an ethics of translation 走向全球社会政策:非殖民化、社会主义世界观与翻译伦理
IF 1.5 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-30 DOI: 10.1177/14680181221139077
Noemi Lendvai‐Bainton, P. Stubbs
In this text, we argue for critical reflexivity regarding ‘global social policy studies’, focusing on the pitfalls of forms of historical presentism and Eurocentrism, not least in terms of a profound silence about colonialism, culminating in a ‘view from above or from nowhere’. We explore the importance of historical legacies of historical socialist worldbuilding projects and the complexities of so-called ‘transition’ in liminal, peripheral, spaces. The text is structured around four interlinked dialogues and reflections: on the nature of our critique of Global Social Policy as an emergent field; on understanding the unfolding dynamics of social policy in the Global East; on the importance of decolonial histories and historiographies as a way of overcoming the profound ‘presentism’ of Global Social Policy and, finally, on the possibilities of articulating a Global Social Policy ‘otherwise’ and an ethics of translation.
在本文中,我们主张关于“全球社会政策研究”的批判性反思,重点关注历史现代主义和欧洲中心主义形式的陷阱,尤其是在对殖民主义的深刻沉默方面,最终以“自上而下或无处可见”的观点告终。我们探讨了历史社会主义世界建筑项目的历史遗产的重要性,以及在有限的、外围的空间中所谓的“过渡”的复杂性。本文围绕四个相互关联的对话和反思:关于我们对全球社会政策作为一个新兴领域的批评的性质;理解全球东方社会政策的发展动态;关于非殖民历史和史学的重要性,作为克服全球社会政策深刻的“现在主义”的一种方式,最后,关于阐明“否则”的全球社会政策和翻译伦理的可能性。
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引用次数: 2
The disability employment quota, between social policy and antidiscrimination 残疾人就业配额,介于社会政策与反歧视之间
IF 1.5 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-28 DOI: 10.1177/14680181221138558
A. Revillard
Many countries worldwide resort to quotas in order to favour the employment of disabled people. Yet, the quota as a policy tool has an ambivalent meaning: while it has been conceived as an advanced form of antidiscrimination policy tool in domains such as gender and racial inequalities, in the sector of disability, it has tended to be theorized as an outdated measure, belonging to a social welfare perspective opposed to the more recent equalitarian policy frame. This article revisits this theoretical debate on the disability employment quota by shifting the focus from a normative discussion to an empirical investigation of the meanings policymakers have endowed it with. I draw on the case of France, where the quota scheme is a cornerstone of disability employment policy: post–World War I provisions were at the origin of a series of reforms extending and reinforcing the quota, in 1957, 1987 and 2005 – leading to the current 6% disabled worker quota imposed to private and public organizations of 20 employees or more. Tracing the historical trajectory of this policy tool and its uses by means of parliamentary debates and secondary sources, I show how quotas in France have had more complex meanings than what the social welfare versus antidiscrimination dichotomy suggests. Before the rise of antidiscrimination policy, they were thought of as a progressive form of social policy, as opposed to more segregative interventions such as pensions or sheltered employment. The adoption of antidiscrimination provisions in 2005 then led to a hybridization between quotas and antidiscrimination policy.
世界上许多国家都采用配额制度,以便有利于残疾人的就业。然而,配额作为一种政策工具具有矛盾的含义:虽然它被认为是性别和种族不平等等领域反歧视政策工具的高级形式,但在残疾人领域,它往往被理论化为一种过时的措施,属于社会福利观点,与最近的平等主义政策框架相反。本文通过将焦点从规范性讨论转移到政策制定者赋予其意义的实证调查,重新审视了关于残疾人就业配额的理论争论。我以法国为例,在那里,配额制度是残疾人就业政策的基石:第一次世界大战后的规定是1957年、1987年和2005年一系列扩大和加强配额的改革的起源——导致目前6%的残疾工人配额强加给20名雇员或更多的私营和公共组织。通过追溯这一政策工具的历史轨迹及其在议会辩论和二手资料中的使用,我展示了法国的配额如何具有比社会福利与反歧视二分法所暗示的更复杂的含义。在反歧视政策兴起之前,它们被认为是一种进步的社会政策形式,与养老金或庇护就业等更具隔离性的干预措施相反。2005年通过的反歧视条款导致了配额和反歧视政策的混合。
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引用次数: 3
The inclusion of disability as a non-trade issue in preferential trade agreements 将残疾作为非贸易问题纳入优惠贸易协定
IF 1.5 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-19 DOI: 10.1177/14680181221136972
Felipe Jaramillo Ruiz, Rebecca Nielsen, Rodrigo Fagundes Cezar
This study examines the inclusion of disability provisions in preferential trade agreements (PTAs). We analyse how disability is referenced in 518 PTAs negotiated between 1948 and 2020. As an inductive analysis, our research identifies five main modes of inclusion of disability. In doing so, it problematizes the way disability materializes in PTAs, underscoring the prevalence of a medical model of disability and the limited scope of the provisions regarding the rights of persons with disabilities. These findings contribute to the understanding of the insertion of non-trade issues in international trade agreements and to the place of disability in global governance.
本研究考察了优惠贸易协定(pta)中残疾人条款的纳入情况。我们分析了1948年至2020年期间谈判的518个pta是如何提及残疾的。作为归纳分析,我们的研究确定了五种主要的残疾包容模式。在这样做的过程中,它对残疾在残疾人协定中具体化的方式提出了问题,强调了残疾的医学模式的普遍存在以及关于残疾人权利的规定的范围有限。这些发现有助于理解在国际贸易协定中插入非贸易问题以及残疾在全球治理中的地位。
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引用次数: 0
Global Social Policy Digest 22.3: The pros and cons of digitalization 《全球社会政策摘要》22.3:数字化的利弊
IF 1.5 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-03 DOI: 10.1177/14680181221120872
A. Shriwise
The Global Social Policy (GSP) Digest was produced under the co-editorship of Fabian Besche-Truthe and Anatoly Boyashov and under the lead editorship of Amanda Shriwise with support from Bielefeld University and the University of Bremen. It has been com-piled by Margaret Babirye, John Berten, Fabian Besche-Truthe, Anatoly Boyashov, Sara Curfé, Tahnee Ooms, Charles Prempeh, Robin Schulze Waltrup and Amanda Shriwise. All websites referenced were accessible in February 2022. This edition of the Digest covers the period from February 2022 to May 2022. like Facebook that has over 3.4 billion users around the world, and of course we have made mistakes. 47
《全球社会政策摘要》由Fabian Besche Truthe和Anatoly Boyashov共同主编,Amanda Shriwise担任主编,并得到比勒费尔德大学和不来梅大学的支持。它由Margaret Babirye、John Berten、Fabian Besche Truthe、Anatoly Boyashov、Sara Curfé、Tahnee Ooms、Charles Prempeh、Robin Schulze Waltrup和Amanda Shriwise撰写。所有被引用的网站在2022年2月都可以访问。本期《文摘》涵盖2022年2月至2022年5月期间。就像Facebook在全球拥有超过34亿用户,当然我们也犯了错误。47
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引用次数: 0
The causal mechanisms behind expansive basic universalism in Kosovo 科索沃广泛的基本普遍主义背后的因果机制
IF 1.5 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/14680181221126029
Artan Mustafa
The majority of Kosovo’s public social welfare provision is today spent on basic universal programmes, namely, old-age pensions, healthcare services and child benefits. These programmes are tax-financed, citizenship-based and unconditional with regard to other criteria. Such expansive basic universalism is unusual for the Western Balkans and the rest of post-socialist Southeastern Europe. The first two of these programmes emerged through a complex process of policy formation led by powerful international organisations (IOs). The third programme was more recently initiated by the first-ever left-wing majority that came to power after two decades of democratic elections, implementing a manifesto that endorses a progressive policy mix. This outcome is counterintuitive: the IOs would be naturally expected to lean towards means-tested, targeted programmes, and Kosovo to crystallise into a (neo)liberal welfare regime (path-dependency). The article examines the detailed causal mechanisms that intervened in producing the outcome. Basic universalism has already had a significant impact in Kosovo by contributing to poverty reduction, the size of overall social protection expenditure and citizenship-building, and by serving as a good policy standard.
如今,科索沃公共社会福利的大部分用于基本的普遍方案,即养老金、医疗服务和儿童福利。这些方案由税收资助,以公民身份为基础,在其他标准方面无条件。这种广泛的基本普遍主义在西巴尔干和后社会主义的东南欧其他地区是不寻常的。前两个方案是在强大的国际组织领导的复杂政策制定过程中产生的。第三项计划最近由经过20年民主选举上台的第一个左翼多数党发起,实施了一项支持进步政策组合的宣言。这一结果违反了直觉:人们自然会期望IO倾向于经过经济状况调查的、有针对性的计划,而科索沃则会具体化为(新)自由主义福利制度(路径依赖)。这篇文章考察了干预产生结果的详细因果机制。基本普遍主义已经在科索沃产生了重大影响,因为它有助于减少贫困、扩大总体社会保护支出和建立公民身份,并成为一项良好的政策标准。
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引用次数: 0
Forum introduction: Revisiting targeting and universalism 论坛简介:重新审视目标与普遍主义
IF 1.5 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-09 DOI: 10.1177/14680181221121249
S. Cook, T. Agartan, A. Kaasch
This Forum revisits an enduring debate in social policy - between universalism and targeting;and specifically, whether (on what criteria) and, if so how, to target various forms of social assistance or protection. The motivation for revisiting this discussion is the World Bank's (WB) recently published report 'Revisiting Targeting in Social Assistance: A New Look at Old Dilemmas'. We start this Forum by situating this debate between universalism and targeting within the history of social policy that helps us trace the roots of the arguments and highlight its significance for the current post-Covid-19 context as well as for the future of social policy. We consider some key themes and discuss the implications of this debate from the perspective of global social policy.
本论坛回顾了社会政策中持久的辩论- -普遍主义和目标之间的辩论;特别是是否(以什么标准)以及如果是,如何以各种形式的社会援助或保护为目标。重新讨论这一问题的动机是世界银行(WB)最近发表的报告《重新审视社会援助的目标:对旧困境的新看法》。我们在本次论坛开幕之际,将普遍性和针对性之间的辩论置于社会政策的历史背景中,这有助于我们追溯辩论的根源,并强调其对当前后covid -19背景下以及未来社会政策的重要意义。我们考虑了一些关键主题,并从全球社会政策的角度讨论了这场辩论的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Policy capacity: Explaining the surprising durability of CCTs in Brazil 政策能力:解释巴西有条件现金援助的惊人持久性
IF 1.5 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.1177/14680181221120732
T. Fenwick, Lucio R. Rennó
The central research finding of this article is that the standard policy feedback effects in the literature cannot alone explain the outcomes of the Brazilian Bolsa Familia program/Programa Bolsa Família (PBF). While conditional cash transfers (CCTs) have remained a resilient policy instrument in Brazil – newly elected officials did not dismantle, replace or wholesale transform PBF – our empirical research tells us that this resilience is due not only to policy feedbacks, but also to another mechanism. We suggest that previous explanations have not paid sufficient attention to the concept of policy capacity or to the role of the bureaucracy in defending PBF over time. We analyse the internal dynamics of Brazil’s PBF in changing political and economic environments. Our key explanatory factor is the impact of alternations of power. We suggest that PBF’s resilience to changing political and economic contexts is underpinned by its policy capacity.
本文的核心研究发现,文献中的标准政策反馈效应不能单独解释巴西家庭补助计划/家庭补助计划(PBF)的结果。尽管有条件现金转移(CCTs)在巴西仍然是一种有弹性的政策工具——新当选的官员没有废除、取代或大规模改造PBF——但我们的实证研究告诉我们,这种弹性不仅是由于政策反馈,还由于另一种机制。我们认为,随着时间的推移,以前的解释没有充分关注政策能力的概念或官僚机构在捍卫PBF方面的作用。我们分析了巴西PBF在不断变化的政治和经济环境中的内部动态。我们的主要解释因素是电力交替的影响。我们认为,PBF对不断变化的政治和经济环境的适应能力是由其政策能力支撑的。
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引用次数: 1
Building universal social protection systems for all: What role for targeting? 为所有人建立普遍的社会保护制度:目标定位的作用是什么?
IF 1.5 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-04 DOI: 10.1177/14680181221121449
S. Razavi, C. Behrendt, V. Nesterenko, I. Orton, Céline Peyron Bista, Alvaro Ramos Chaves, H. Schwarzer, Maya Stern-Plaza, Veronika Wodsak
The consensus on the need to build universal social protective systems to provide income security and health protection for all has been reinforced by the COVID-19 pandemic. The crisis that shook the world over the past two and a half years not only revealed large gaps in coverage, adequacy and comprehensiveness of social protection systems but also drove the message home that a universal social protection system reaching everyone is automatically primed to protect all those affected by a systemic shock. In the face of complex and fast-moving crises, universalism is preferable to targeted approaches, especially where the administrative capacity to target is limited and a very high proportion of the population is vulnerable. Universalism makes more practical sense than ad hoc efforts to 'effectively' target, the limitations of which are well documented.
关于需要建立普遍的社会保护制度,为所有人提供收入保障和健康保护的共识因COVID-19大流行而得到加强。过去两年半震惊世界的危机不仅暴露了社会保护制度在覆盖面、充分性和全面性方面的巨大差距,而且使人们认识到,覆盖所有人的普遍社会保护制度将自动为保护所有受系统性冲击影响的人做好准备。面对复杂和迅速发展的危机,普遍主义比有针对性的办法更可取,特别是在有针对性的行政能力有限和人口中有很大一部分是脆弱的情况下。普遍主义比专门针对“有效”目标的努力更有实际意义,后者的局限性有据可查。
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引用次数: 3
The role of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund in the healthcare financing reforms in Croatia: Transfer of ideas and limited coercion 世界银行和国际货币基金组织在克罗地亚保健筹资改革中的作用:思想的转移和有限的强制
IF 1.5 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-06 DOI: 10.1177/14680181221108017
Ante Malinar
The paper investigates the influence of policy ideas from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) on healthcare financing policy in Croatia during the 2002 reform. It contributes to the global social policy literature by providing evidence that the influence of international organisations primarily stems from non-coercive instruments to control the policy agenda, for example, dissemination of ideas, technical assistance and consultations with the recipient government. Even though Croatia was facing economic and political difficulties which weakened its bargaining position vis a vis IOs, the paper shows that impact of coercion and conditionalities attached to international aid was limited. It explains the lenient stance of international organisations by their mission to aid and adjust to a country’s needs as well as their self-interest to lend money, to stay in the reform game and to prolong their influence in the future. Consequently, international organisations are willing to bargain and make trade-offs with the recipient government.
本文考察了2002年改革期间世界银行和国际货币基金组织的政策理念对克罗地亚医疗融资政策的影响。它为全球社会政策文献提供了证据,证明国际组织的影响力主要源于控制政策议程的非强制性工具,例如传播思想、技术援助和与受援国政府的协商。尽管克罗地亚面临着经济和政治困难,削弱了其与国际组织的谈判地位,但该文件表明,国际援助所附带的胁迫和条件的影响是有限的。它解释了国际组织的宽容立场,它们的使命是援助和适应一个国家的需求,以及它们放贷、留在改革游戏中和延长未来影响力的自身利益。因此,国际组织愿意与受援国政府讨价还价。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
Global Social Policy
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