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Beyond Gerrymandering: A Structural Crisis of the American Electoral System 超越选区划分:美国选举制度的结构性危机
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2203061
Bernard Tamas
Abstract Two key threats facing American democracy today are gerrymandering and voter suppression. In this article, I argue that both of these threats are a direct consequence of the US using a single-member district (SMD) electoral system. This is because SMD creates significant asymmetrical disproportionality, which is a type of electoral bias that can benefit larger parties over smaller parties. This bias leads to the two largest parties in the US winning more seats than their popular vote, which in turn leads to these parties gaining significant resource advantages over smaller parties. This sets off a self-reinforcing system that keeps these larger parties in power and squeezes out the smaller parties, a process that is especially potent when this dynamic is not offset by public funding of electoral campaigns. The resource advantages that result from such bias include control over government policy, which makes it easier for the larger parties to manipulate election laws to their advantage, including through gerrymandering and voter suppression.
摘要当今美国民主面临的两个主要威胁是不公正的选区划分和选民压制。在这篇文章中,我认为这两种威胁都是美国使用单一成员区(SMD)选举制度的直接后果。这是因为SMD造成了显著的不对称不均衡,这是一种选举偏见,可以使较大政党比较小政党受益。这种偏见导致美国最大的两个政党赢得的席位超过了他们的普选,这反过来又导致这些政党比较小的政党获得了显著的资源优势。这引发了一个自我强化的体系,使这些较大的政党继续掌权,并排挤较小的政党,当这种动态没有被竞选活动的公共资金所抵消时,这一过程尤其有效。这种偏见带来的资源优势包括对政府政策的控制,这使得大党更容易操纵选举法,包括通过不公正的选区划分和选民压制。
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引用次数: 0
234 Pages of Sworn Affidavits: Legalism Without Politics in the Attempt to Overthrow the 2020 Election 234页的宣誓书:试图推翻2020年大选的没有政治的法律主义
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2203063
Kathleen Sullivan
Abstract The lawsuits challenging the 2020 election tried and failed to overturn the results of the election. This article positions their contribution to constitutional decay by considering the affidavits filed by Republican election challengers who observed the processing of absentee ballots in Detroit. Using the concepts of legal consciousness and legal mobilization, this article traces the mechanisms that carried doubts about the election processes from politics to law, returning that doubt as legally acknowledged truth that could be deployed in ongoing politics. Features of the affidavits allowed the voter fraud narrative to borrow a legal concept seemingly detached from politics. Given that constitutional theories recognize strict legality as a tool of authoritarians, this article considers the affidavits’ use as a legal and political tool, indicating particular ways that it can be wielded for antidemocratic purposes.
摘要挑战2020年大选的诉讼试图推翻选举结果,但未能成功。本文通过考虑观察底特律缺席选票处理情况的共和党选举挑战者提交的宣誓书,来定位他们对宪法衰退的贡献。本文运用法律意识和法律动员的概念,追溯了将对选举过程的怀疑从政治带到法律的机制,将这种怀疑回归为法律承认的真理,可以在正在进行的政治中使用。宣誓书的特点使选民欺诈的叙述借用了一个似乎脱离政治的法律概念。鉴于宪法理论承认严格合法性是威权主义者的工具,本文认为宣誓书是一种法律和政治工具,表明了它可以用于反民主目的的特殊方式。
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引用次数: 0
Klimat: Russia in the Age of Climate Change, 克里马特:气候变化时代的俄罗斯,
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2205319
Don Van Atta
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引用次数: 0
“Listen to the Hysterics: A New(?) American Political Economy” “倾听歇斯底里:新的美国政治经济学”
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2205289
Stephen Pimpare
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引用次数: 0
The Oxford Handbook of Economic Imperialism, 牛津经济帝国主义手册,
Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2205290
Robert A. Denemark
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引用次数: 0
Response to Peter A. Swenson 对Peter A.Swenson的回应
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2181546
L. K. Olson
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引用次数: 0
Kubi-Nage Hobbes: An Ecocritique 库比-内格·霍布斯:生态批判
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2183576
Alexander T. Stubberfield
Abstract This paper uses Thomas Hobbes’ argument for Commonwealth and the existence of the Leviathan as a foil within an immanent critique rejecting the notion of “the state’' presenting an escape from “the state of nature’' as Hobbes characterized it. It does so through a negative dialectic arguing that both conceptually and materially “civilization” needs “the wild,” or “the wilderness” to justify its everyday existence but, instead, rethreads wildness and wilderness through the production of lifeforms necessary for its continued expansion. I motivatie this Lukean ecocritique of Hobbes through Benton MacKaye’s philosophy of regional planning drawing from work in anthropology, sociology, geography, critical animal studies, and environmental studies to argue that “civilization” not only transcends the nation-state but is constituted as material fact through the manifestation of wildness within its environs. The Leviathan co-authors environment but has the power to unleash wildness on a planetary scale – creating localized states of nature, and cannot help but do so. I argue that as the Leviathan attempts to rid itself of wildness, it simply creates “wilderness” elsewhere in its material being through its material needs. This displacement is coupled with a critique recognizing that through Hobbes’ logic, those living within “states of nature,” or civilizational wildernesses have no reason to bind themselves to the Leviathan as it is the Leviathan that threatens their lives by displacing wildness through the rule of artifice. We may, after this examination, conclude that the Leviathan does not end the “State of Nature” but in fact extends and energizes it through manifesting multiple “states of nature” where life may be “solitary, poore, nasty, brutish, and short.”
摘要本文以托马斯·霍布斯的联邦论证和利维坦的存在作为内在批判的衬托,拒绝“国家”的概念,呈现出对霍布斯所描述的“自然状态”的逃避。它通过一种消极的辩证法来做到这一点,即在概念上和物质上,“文明”都需要“荒野”或“荒野”来证明其日常存在的正当性,但相反,它通过生产其持续扩张所必需的生命形式来重新编织荒野和荒野。我通过本顿·麦凯(Benton MacKaye)的区域规划哲学,从人类学、社会学、地理学、批判动物研究和环境研究的工作中汲取灵感,推动了霍布斯的卢卡斯式生态批评,认为“文明”不仅超越了民族国家,而且通过在其环境中表现出的野性,被构成为物质事实。利维坦是环境的共同作者,但它有能力在全球范围内释放野性——创造局部的自然状态,而且无法控制。我认为,当利维坦试图摆脱野性时,它只是通过其物质需求在其物质存在的其他地方创造了“荒野”。这种位移与一种批判相结合,通过霍布斯的逻辑,那些生活在“自然状态”或文明荒野中的人,没有理由将自己束缚在利维坦身上,因为利维坦通过人工规则取代了野性,威胁着他们的生命。经过这样的考察,我们可以得出结论,利维坦并没有终结“自然状态”,而是实际上通过表现多种“自然状态”来扩展和激活它,在这些状态中,生命可能是“孤独、贫穷、肮脏、野蛮和短暂的”。
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引用次数: 0
The Travails of Trumpification 特朗普化的艰辛
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2178751
Zachary Wheeler
nature of international capitalism that does not mention political parties even once and that assumes away cultural and group differences between consumers and workers at the ends of international supply chains by invoking common interests in freedom and justice strikes me as unconvincing. McKean would no doubt answer by doubting the capability of the ubiquitous sovereignty of states to deliver the results he wishes and by invoking the power of participation aimed at reducing injustice to change orientations. I would agree. I do not think that appeals to states to promote the outer limits of freedom are realistic either, especially across political boundaries. But the use of state power, pushed by political parties and social movements, is, I think, more likely to succeed than McKean’s less complicated vision. I also think such a combination is more likely to accomplish the disorientation from neoliberalism McKean wants. Disenthralling whole societies from the very real illusions of neoliberal freedom will take some long boring on very hard boards. I think it will take a combination of the dislocating experience of social movements and the consistent effort of democratic participation through political parties to attempt it. I should say a few final words about the effort that went into this book. I disagree with McKean about his final recommendations, but this is a substantial intellectual product. Indeed, I found his originality and rigor both stimulating and unsettling. I will have more thinking to do as a result of reading Disorienting Neoliberalism and it will lead me to reassess my initial responses to questions of social activism in the future. My guess is that, whatever our disagreements about strategy, McKean would be satisfied with such a result.
国际资本主义的本质——一次也没有提到政党,通过援引自由和正义的共同利益,消除了国际供应链末端消费者和工人之间的文化和群体差异——让我觉得难以令人信服。毫无疑问,麦基恩会通过质疑无处不在的国家主权实现他所希望的结果的能力,并通过援引旨在减少不公正的参与力量来改变方向来回答这个问题。我同意。我也不认为呼吁各国促进自由的外部限制是现实的,尤其是跨越政治边界。但我认为,在政党和社会运动的推动下使用国家权力,比麦基恩不那么复杂的设想更有可能成功。我也认为这样的结合更有可能实现麦基恩想要的新自由主义的迷失方向。将整个社会从新自由主义自由的真实幻想中解脱出来,将需要很长时间的无聊。我认为这需要结合社会运动的混乱经验和通过政党进行民主参与的持续努力来尝试。我应该最后说几句写这本书所付出的努力。我不同意McKean的最后建议,但这是一个实质性的智力产品。的确,我发现他的独创性和严谨既令人兴奋又令人不安。由于阅读了《迷失方向的新自由主义》,我将有更多的思考要做,它将引导我重新评估我对未来社会行动主义问题的最初反应。我的猜测是,无论我们在战略上有什么分歧,麦基恩都会对这样的结果感到满意。
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引用次数: 0
Disorder: A History of Reform, Reaction, and Money in American Medicine, 《紊乱:美国医学改革、反应和金钱的历史》
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2181547
L. K. Olson
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引用次数: 0
Reconsidering Power and Eco/Logical Order: Reflections on the Readings of Ecocritique 重新思考权力与生态/逻辑秩序:对《生态批评》解读的思考
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2183578
T. Luke
Abstract This article responds to a recent reengagement with Ecocritique: Contesting The Politics of Nature, Economy, and Culture which was published 25 years ago. The authors who have engaged with this work in this symposium not only address the relevance of ecocritique as a theory and methodology for addressing contemporary environmental issues, but provide new insights into the work through their criticisms. My reply discusses their commentaries and offers response in the form of elaboration and reflection.
本文回应了最近与25年前出版的《生态批评:挑战自然、经济和文化的政治》的重新接触。在本次研讨会上从事这项工作的作者不仅解决了生态批评作为解决当代环境问题的理论和方法的相关性,而且通过他们的批评为工作提供了新的见解。我的答复讨论了他们的评论,并以阐述和反思的形式作出回应。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
New Political Science
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