Pub Date : 2022-06-28DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2092826
Anthony Pahnke
Abstract This article engages ongoing policy debates concerning the relationship between concentrated economic power, democracy, and the rule of law, focusing on competition policy – known in the United States as Anti-Trust law. I analyze how Neo-Brandeisian jurists and advocates (who are named after the late, Progressive-Era U.S. Supreme Court Justice, Louis Brandeis), have raised critical concerns in their critiques of how Chicago School jurists have conceived of and deployed the concept of “consumer welfare.” As I argue, the crux of the Neo-Brandeisian intervention concerns the need to reevaluate the appropriate relationship between governments and markets. Yet, as I also explore, Neo-Brandeisians err in their depiction of market dynamics and the place of labor within them. To address these problems, I incorporate insights from Marxist legal studies and political economy. I present my argument in the historical evolution of competition policy, highlighting how one of its principal elements has been a concern with challenging concentrated economic power. My discussion highlights how a revised standard for competition policy, especially with respect to promoting democracy, is possible from synthesizing insights from Neo-Brandeisians with Marxists.
{"title":"Neo-Brandeisians and Marxists Unite!: Reevaluating the Nature of Power and Markets in Competition Policy","authors":"Anthony Pahnke","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2022.2092826","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2022.2092826","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article engages ongoing policy debates concerning the relationship between concentrated economic power, democracy, and the rule of law, focusing on competition policy – known in the United States as Anti-Trust law. I analyze how Neo-Brandeisian jurists and advocates (who are named after the late, Progressive-Era U.S. Supreme Court Justice, Louis Brandeis), have raised critical concerns in their critiques of how Chicago School jurists have conceived of and deployed the concept of “consumer welfare.” As I argue, the crux of the Neo-Brandeisian intervention concerns the need to reevaluate the appropriate relationship between governments and markets. Yet, as I also explore, Neo-Brandeisians err in their depiction of market dynamics and the place of labor within them. To address these problems, I incorporate insights from Marxist legal studies and political economy. I present my argument in the historical evolution of competition policy, highlighting how one of its principal elements has been a concern with challenging concentrated economic power. My discussion highlights how a revised standard for competition policy, especially with respect to promoting democracy, is possible from synthesizing insights from Neo-Brandeisians with Marxists.","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"44 1","pages":"361 - 376"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46875835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-10DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2079319
Emma Paszat
Abstract When African countries and lgbt people are written about, a lot of the focus is on elites’ use of politicized homophobias to target lgbt people. However, there has been significantly less attention paid to countries where governments do not politicize homophobia, but also do not legislate for lgbt people’s human rights. Rwanda is one such country where senior government officials, including the President, have declined to politicize homophobia, even whilst many of their neighbours were doing so. However, lgbt activists report that discrimination remains widespread in the country, including from state actors. Therefore, it is surprising that at the United Nations Rwanda has increasingly although not universally moved to supporting lgbt rights positions. Rather than assuming Rwanda has adopted these differing positions for coercive reasons due to donor pressure or because of officials’ personal beliefs, I argue the Rwandan government’s approach is a strategic recognition of the importance of Global South actors supporting lgbt rights. Rwanda’s government does more internationally than domestically, but this is still enough to differentiate the country from its neighbours, and this gives it power in the international system as a Global South government that is willing to support lgbt rights internationally.
{"title":"The Limits of lgbt Rights in Rwanda: International Action and Domestic Erasure","authors":"Emma Paszat","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2022.2079319","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2022.2079319","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract When African countries and lgbt people are written about, a lot of the focus is on elites’ use of politicized homophobias to target lgbt people. However, there has been significantly less attention paid to countries where governments do not politicize homophobia, but also do not legislate for lgbt people’s human rights. Rwanda is one such country where senior government officials, including the President, have declined to politicize homophobia, even whilst many of their neighbours were doing so. However, lgbt activists report that discrimination remains widespread in the country, including from state actors. Therefore, it is surprising that at the United Nations Rwanda has increasingly although not universally moved to supporting lgbt rights positions. Rather than assuming Rwanda has adopted these differing positions for coercive reasons due to donor pressure or because of officials’ personal beliefs, I argue the Rwandan government’s approach is a strategic recognition of the importance of Global South actors supporting lgbt rights. Rwanda’s government does more internationally than domestically, but this is still enough to differentiate the country from its neighbours, and this gives it power in the international system as a Global South government that is willing to support lgbt rights internationally.","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"44 1","pages":"424 - 438"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44110454","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2086745
A. Alexander
Artificial Life Frankenstein two central questions: what obligations do we have to artificial life and what are their corresponding rights? Artificial Life critical
人工生命弗兰肯斯坦的两个核心问题:我们对人工生命有什么义务，他们有什么相应的权利?人工生命临界
{"title":"Remote Warfare: New Cultures of Violence","authors":"A. Alexander","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2022.2086745","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2022.2086745","url":null,"abstract":"Artificial Life Frankenstein two central questions: what obligations do we have to artificial life and what are their corresponding rights? Artificial Life critical","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"44 1","pages":"355 - 356"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47726857","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2058290
Adam E. Foster
Abstract This paper explores the events surrounding a string of robberies from the homes of young celebrities living in Los Angeles County by a group of teenagers referred to by the media as “The Bling Ring.” It argues that the group demonstrates the intersections of desire and materiality under the conditions of a culture driven by idolization of the celebrity, referring to the works of Jean Baudrillard, Pierre Bourdieu, and French collective Tiqqun. It further examines the events as a moment where subjects were able to escape the life-narratives imposed upon them by the State. Rather than adhering to the norms of regular adolescent life, reproduced and enforced through what Michael Shapiro identifies as “national-time,” members of the Bling Ring endeavored to create their own lives according to what I refer to as “celebrity-time,” revealing processes of becoming in the work of Gilles Deleuze, and plasticity in that of Catherine Malabou.
{"title":"Plastic Subjects: Plasticity, Time, and the Bling Ring","authors":"Adam E. Foster","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2022.2058290","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2022.2058290","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper explores the events surrounding a string of robberies from the homes of young celebrities living in Los Angeles County by a group of teenagers referred to by the media as “The Bling Ring.” It argues that the group demonstrates the intersections of desire and materiality under the conditions of a culture driven by idolization of the celebrity, referring to the works of Jean Baudrillard, Pierre Bourdieu, and French collective Tiqqun. It further examines the events as a moment where subjects were able to escape the life-narratives imposed upon them by the State. Rather than adhering to the norms of regular adolescent life, reproduced and enforced through what Michael Shapiro identifies as “national-time,” members of the Bling Ring endeavored to create their own lives according to what I refer to as “celebrity-time,” revealing processes of becoming in the work of Gilles Deleuze, and plasticity in that of Catherine Malabou.","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"44 1","pages":"265 - 282"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44393605","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2048599
Roberto Baldoli
Abstract Nonviolence has risen in prominence in academia due to its power to overthrow dictators, fight corruption, and inspire change. However, certain issues surrounding the predominant definitions of nonviolence have yet to be fully explored. This paper opens this Pandora’s box, offering an alternative definition of nonviolence capable of reconciling an extremely fragmented field of research. It reinterprets the term as a social and political school of thought dating back to the twentieth century, at the core of which lies a strong belief in the interrelatedness of life, a conception of power, and an open project of omnicracy. Ultimately, this paper discusses the opportunities presented in future research and action by re-conceptualizing nonviolence.
{"title":"From Protest to Project: Nonviolent Cultural Revolution for the 21st Century","authors":"Roberto Baldoli","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2022.2048599","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2022.2048599","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Nonviolence has risen in prominence in academia due to its power to overthrow dictators, fight corruption, and inspire change. However, certain issues surrounding the predominant definitions of nonviolence have yet to be fully explored. This paper opens this Pandora’s box, offering an alternative definition of nonviolence capable of reconciling an extremely fragmented field of research. It reinterprets the term as a social and political school of thought dating back to the twentieth century, at the core of which lies a strong belief in the interrelatedness of life, a conception of power, and an open project of omnicracy. Ultimately, this paper discusses the opportunities presented in future research and action by re-conceptualizing nonviolence.","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"44 1","pages":"283 - 296"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47620416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2053475
R. Abbey
Abstract This article identifies and explores the intersection between two new phenomena: the rise of political parties dedicated to animals on the one hand and the growth of scholarly interest in veganism on the other. It does this by examining the place of veganism within Australia’s Animal Justice Party (AJP). Those who study animal-centred veganism have thus far focused on participants in grass roots or social organisations rather than members of political parties dedicated to animal issues. Conversely, those who have written about such political parties have not examined the stance of those parties or their supporters toward veganism. This article investigates how the AJP grapples with the challenge of veganism using two types of sources: a document analysis of key texts which articulate what the party stands for and how it operates, and twenty semi-structured interviews with party members about their views on their own veganism and that of other party members. Throughout it connects findings from these two AJP sources with the scholarly literature on veganism.
{"title":"Veganism and Australia’s Animal Justice Party","authors":"R. Abbey","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2022.2053475","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2022.2053475","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article identifies and explores the intersection between two new phenomena: the rise of political parties dedicated to animals on the one hand and the growth of scholarly interest in veganism on the other. It does this by examining the place of veganism within Australia’s Animal Justice Party (AJP). Those who study animal-centred veganism have thus far focused on participants in grass roots or social organisations rather than members of political parties dedicated to animal issues. Conversely, those who have written about such political parties have not examined the stance of those parties or their supporters toward veganism. This article investigates how the AJP grapples with the challenge of veganism using two types of sources: a document analysis of key texts which articulate what the party stands for and how it operates, and twenty semi-structured interviews with party members about their views on their own veganism and that of other party members. Throughout it connects findings from these two AJP sources with the scholarly literature on veganism.","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"44 1","pages":"309 - 323"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44356348","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2060006
Lelde Luik
Abstract The rise of illiberal politics in Eastern Europe seems to have confirmed the worst expectations about the democratic stability in the region. Yet, this interpretation can be criticized as reproducing the view of perpetually “immature” Eastern Europe. The article elaborates the criticism in regard to more recent literature in the field and offers an alternative perspective for analyzing democracy in the region, which draws on the radical democratic theory by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Using the case of Latvia, I discuss Laclau’s account of ethnopopulism and critically examine the discursive relationship between “the people” and “the state” that emerges in this view. The article offers an alternative perspective to the dominant paradigm of democratization in Eastern Europe, including its interpretation of populism. It shows the value of applying radical democratic theory to a wider variety of contexts.
{"title":"Understanding Democracy in Eastern Europe: Radical Democratic Perspective with a View from Latvia","authors":"Lelde Luik","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2022.2060006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2022.2060006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The rise of illiberal politics in Eastern Europe seems to have confirmed the worst expectations about the democratic stability in the region. Yet, this interpretation can be criticized as reproducing the view of perpetually “immature” Eastern Europe. The article elaborates the criticism in regard to more recent literature in the field and offers an alternative perspective for analyzing democracy in the region, which draws on the radical democratic theory by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Using the case of Latvia, I discuss Laclau’s account of ethnopopulism and critically examine the discursive relationship between “the people” and “the state” that emerges in this view. The article offers an alternative perspective to the dominant paradigm of democratization in Eastern Europe, including its interpretation of populism. It shows the value of applying radical democratic theory to a wider variety of contexts.","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"44 1","pages":"297 - 308"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47810324","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2060004
Griffin M. Petty, Dustin Magilligan, M. Bailey
Abstract This research investigates why racial and ethnic minority group members would elect to vote for Donald Trump, a president/candidate that has often castigated and maligned minorities through the use of racist, nativist, and xenophobic rhetoric. We look to Terror Management Theory, religion, and education to explain this puzzling behavior. We analyze survey data representing a national convenience sample of college students collected in the fall of 2020 in our test of expectations. Our findings underscore the need to investigate Terror Management Theory as an explanation for minority support of candidates that are seemingly contrary to group advancement.
{"title":"You Voted for Who? Explaining Support for Trump among Racial and Ethnic Minorities","authors":"Griffin M. Petty, Dustin Magilligan, M. Bailey","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2022.2060004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2022.2060004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This research investigates why racial and ethnic minority group members would elect to vote for Donald Trump, a president/candidate that has often castigated and maligned minorities through the use of racist, nativist, and xenophobic rhetoric. We look to Terror Management Theory, religion, and education to explain this puzzling behavior. We analyze survey data representing a national convenience sample of college students collected in the fall of 2020 in our test of expectations. Our findings underscore the need to investigate Terror Management Theory as an explanation for minority support of candidates that are seemingly contrary to group advancement.","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"44 1","pages":"195 - 209"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45428688","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2086747
C. Barrow
viduals respond to environmental traumas. Botting also sees value in Shelley’s wide view of artificial intelligence as far more complex and relational than a doomsday bringer. Thinkers such as Nick Bostrom and the late Stephen Hawking are generally concerned with the possibility that AI could be the worst thing to happen to humans (e.g., artificial life would become a superintelligence that would subjugate and eliminate humans). However, placed beside modern political sci-fi’s position that artificial intelligence is made in the image of humanity, it becomes clear that philosophies such as Hawking’s and Bostrom’s say more about the philosopher than the AI. Put differently, if we want artificial life to empathize with, love with, and productively live with humanity, then we need to draw from a more sensitive and relationally complex ethics. And, according to Botting, we need to develop the kind of virtues or character that will make us more empathetic and humane in our treatment and understanding of artificial creatures. Rather than turn to the narrow views of AI and paternalistic prejudices of Bostrom’s politically realist superintelligence, Botting asserts that we ought to draw from the moral philosophies about how to live compassionately with artificial creatures that Mary Shelley and the writers she inspired offer us. Botting’s call is for a more complex ethics for dealing with artificial creatures as she considers what we owe these current and future beings. According to her, we owe artificial creatures a vindication of their rights to respect, love, care, acceptance, and tolerance, and therefore we ought to treat them accordingly.
{"title":"Corporate Capitalism and the Integral State: General Electric and a Century of American Power","authors":"C. Barrow","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2022.2086747","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2022.2086747","url":null,"abstract":"viduals respond to environmental traumas. Botting also sees value in Shelley’s wide view of artificial intelligence as far more complex and relational than a doomsday bringer. Thinkers such as Nick Bostrom and the late Stephen Hawking are generally concerned with the possibility that AI could be the worst thing to happen to humans (e.g., artificial life would become a superintelligence that would subjugate and eliminate humans). However, placed beside modern political sci-fi’s position that artificial intelligence is made in the image of humanity, it becomes clear that philosophies such as Hawking’s and Bostrom’s say more about the philosopher than the AI. Put differently, if we want artificial life to empathize with, love with, and productively live with humanity, then we need to draw from a more sensitive and relationally complex ethics. And, according to Botting, we need to develop the kind of virtues or character that will make us more empathetic and humane in our treatment and understanding of artificial creatures. Rather than turn to the narrow views of AI and paternalistic prejudices of Bostrom’s politically realist superintelligence, Botting asserts that we ought to draw from the moral philosophies about how to live compassionately with artificial creatures that Mary Shelley and the writers she inspired offer us. Botting’s call is for a more complex ethics for dealing with artificial creatures as she considers what we owe these current and future beings. According to her, we owe artificial creatures a vindication of their rights to respect, love, care, acceptance, and tolerance, and therefore we ought to treat them accordingly.","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"44 1","pages":"358 - 360"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49182735","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2022.2057139
Quinn Lester
Abstract Debates about policing and gun violence often break down to conversations about the violence of either “private” white men engaged in vigilantism or “public” police misconduct. I argue, however, that this split misses the way that patriarchal power structures the American state across public and private spheres by uniting the police with white citizens. I make this argument through a novel juxtaposition of John Locke’s liberal theorizing of patriarchy and self-defense with Black feminist Ida B. Wells’s critiques of how American liberalism disavows Black people’s own right to defend themselves. Reading these theorists together, I diagnose how American liberalism justifies the patriarchal basis of white democracy, even as Black people refused to accept their status as objects of patriarchal power with no right to resist. By centering patriarchal power, I also argue then that the abolition of white democracy best directly responds to the contemporary crises of both policing and white masculinity.
{"title":"Bound to Preserve the White Self: Speculative Frenzy and the Patriarchal Right to Self-Defense in John Locke and Ida B. Wells","authors":"Quinn Lester","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2022.2057139","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2022.2057139","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Debates about policing and gun violence often break down to conversations about the violence of either “private” white men engaged in vigilantism or “public” police misconduct. I argue, however, that this split misses the way that patriarchal power structures the American state across public and private spheres by uniting the police with white citizens. I make this argument through a novel juxtaposition of John Locke’s liberal theorizing of patriarchy and self-defense with Black feminist Ida B. Wells’s critiques of how American liberalism disavows Black people’s own right to defend themselves. Reading these theorists together, I diagnose how American liberalism justifies the patriarchal basis of white democracy, even as Black people refused to accept their status as objects of patriarchal power with no right to resist. By centering patriarchal power, I also argue then that the abolition of white democracy best directly responds to the contemporary crises of both policing and white masculinity.","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"44 1","pages":"210 - 226"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47731359","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：