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The School-to-Prison Pipeline and the Limits of Metaphor 从学校到监狱的管道与隐喻的局限
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-04 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2249297
Sarah Cate, Daniel Moak
Abstract A substantial body of literature documenting the “school-to-prison-pipeline” identifies the adverse effects of punitive school discipline policies and how they have increased the contact students have with the juvenile justice system. This literature tends to position school policies and the broader education system as a significant contributor – both directly and indirectly – to incarceration. Relying on data from California, our paper first argues that there is little evidence of a direct “school-to-prison pipeline,” as school discipline policies are rarely directly responsible for juvenile incarceration. Drawing from an extensive secondary literature on mass incarceration and data on incarceration and crime rates, the paper then argues that there is little reason to believe that school policy is a substantive indirect driver of incarceration rates. Finally, we show that activists and policymakers have adopted the STPP framework in ways that incorrectly suggest that changes in school policy are key to addressing incarceration. While the metaphor has proven to be morally evocative and catchy, attracting the attention of activists and politicians across the political spectrum, it ultimately obfuscates the complex realities of what drives punitiveness in schools and in society writ large.
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引用次数: 0
Political Ideologies in Contemporary Russia 当代俄罗斯的政治意识形态
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2237813
Zachary Wheeler
Political
政治的
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引用次数: 3
Electoral Capitalism: The Party System in New York’s Gilded Age 选举资本主义:纽约镀金时代的政党制度
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2178752
Simeon J. Newman
praise, and similar liberal arguments, Leary states, are “rooted in the common fallacy ... that an effective protest is, like a conversation or an opening statement in court, mainly a rhetorical exercise, meant to convince of something... . But a demonstration is not an argument, or at the very least it is not only that; there is, after all, a reason we call it a demonstration” (99). This is but a part of the goals in
Leary指出,赞扬和类似的自由主义论点“植根于一种常见的谬论……即有效的抗议,就像法庭上的对话或开场白一样,主要是一种修辞练习,旨在说服某人……但示威不是一种论点,或者至少不止于此;毕竟,我们称之为示威是有原因的”(99)。这只是
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引用次数: 0
The Temporality of Violence in Primitive Accumulation: A Soviet Subsidy to the Capitalist Transition 原始积累中暴力的暂时性:苏联对资本主义过渡的补贴
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2237823
D. Siegel
Abstract Marx argued that transitions to capitalism require the violent dispossession of direct producers from their means of production. Many scholars have gone beyond the violence of transition to argue that state force is continuously used to maintain market relations. A major debate focuses on whether Marx’s “so-called” primitive accumulation was an historical or continuous process. This paper contributes an empirical puzzle to this debate: the dispossession of peasants across the former Soviet Union after 1991, which resulted from land privatization, was predominantly non-violent. This is due, I argue, to a temporal separation between violence, which occurred during the process of Stalinist collectivization, and the subsequent dispossession of cultivators in the 1990s. Peasant dispossession could unfold peacefully after 1991 only because historical violence was embedded in the structure of the collective farm—a structure that was maintained in the process of dispossession—thus constituting a Soviet “subsidy” to the capitalist transition.
马克思认为,向资本主义的过渡需要暴力剥夺直接生产者的生产资料。许多学者已经超越了过渡的暴力,认为国家力量是持续不断地用来维持市场关系的。一个主要的争论集中在马克思的“所谓”原始积累是一个历史的还是连续的过程。这篇论文为这场辩论提供了一个实证难题:1991年后,前苏联对农民的剥夺主要是非暴力的,这是土地私有化的结果。我认为,这是由于在斯大林主义集体化过程中发生的暴力与随后在20世纪90年代对耕耘者的剥夺之间的暂时分离。1991年之后,农民的被剥夺得以和平地展开,只是因为历史上的暴力嵌入了集体农庄的结构中——这种结构在被剥夺的过程中得以维持——从而构成了苏联对资本主义转型的“补贴”。
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引用次数: 0
A Reconceptualization of the Party Family: SYRIZA, Podemos, and the Emergence of the Neo-Reformist Left 政党家族的重新概念化:激进左翼联盟、我们可以党和新改良主义左翼的出现
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2235213
Vladimir Bortun
Abstract Over the past decade we have witnessed the rise of radical left parties (RLPs) in several European countries. According to the prevalent definition in the literature, the key feature of this party family is the goal to overcome capitalism. However, based on content analysis of party and governmental documents, this paper argues that the two most prominent RLPs today, SYRIZA (Greece) and Podemos (Spain), fall short in their socio-economic policies of that definition. Why are they still classified as radical left then? In addressing this puzzle, the paper critically revisits the established notion of the “party family” coined by Mair and Mudde, arguing instead that parties are what they choose to do and should therefore be classified according to their policy. Based on this, it is argued that parties such as SYRIZA and Podemos would be more accurately described as “neo-reformist left,” as a sub-type of the social democratic party family. Clarifying the character of these parties is not only important for conceptual consistency. By labelling “radical” parties that are not so, political scientists risk reinforcing the legitimacy of the neoliberal status quo, not the least by excluding from the conversation the actual radical alternatives. This is particularly relevant today, with the resurgence of anti-capitalist ideas among younger generations.
在过去的十年中,我们见证了激进左翼政党在几个欧洲国家的崛起。根据文献中流行的定义,这个党家族的主要特征是战胜资本主义的目标。然而,基于对党和政府文件的内容分析,本文认为当今两个最突出的工党,希腊激进左翼联盟(SYRIZA)和西班牙我们可以党(Podemos),在这一定义的社会经济政策方面存在不足。为什么他们仍然被归类为激进左派?为了解决这个难题,本文批判性地重新审视了梅尔和穆德创造的“政党家庭”的既定概念,认为政党是他们选择做的事情,因此应该根据他们的政策进行分类。基于此,有人认为激进左翼联盟(SYRIZA)和“我们可以”(Podemos)等政党更准确地被描述为“新改良主义左翼”,作为社会民主党家族的一个分支。澄清这些政党的性质不仅对概念上的一致性很重要。通过给并非如此的政党贴上“激进”的标签,政治学家冒着加强新自由主义现状合法性的风险,尤其是将真正的激进替代方案排除在讨论之外。随着反资本主义思想在年轻一代中死灰复燃,这一点在今天尤为重要。
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引用次数: 0
The Future Is Now: ChatGPT Confessions of a Blochhead 未来就是现在ChatGPT 布洛赫海德的自白
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2240602
Loren Goldman
Abstract The consequences of AI for political science, let alone democracy, remain obscure. Scholars would do best not to parrot either the hand-wringing despair or pollyannish enthusiasm of popular perspectives, but to instead soberly approach the advent of new technologies. Given its significant limitations, ChatGPT in particular does not (yet) appear to be the world-historical invention initial assessments perceived, as evidenced by the test case of Ernst Bloch.
摘要 人工智能对政治学的影响尚不明确,更不用说民主了。学者们最好不要随声附和流行观点中令人啼笑皆非的绝望或政客式的热情,而是冷静地对待新技术的出现。正如恩斯特-布洛赫(Ernst Bloch)的试验案例所证明的那样,鉴于 ChatGPT 的重大局限性,它似乎(尚未)成为最初评估所认为的世界历史性发明。
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引用次数: 0
Utopia, Breakdown, Repair: Failure and Success in Social Dreaming 乌托邦,崩溃,修复:社会梦想中的失败与成功
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2235211
Mathias Thaler
Abstract A common charge against utopianism is that any attempt to create blueprints for a better future disregards a basic fact: humans’ proclivity for failure. In response, defenders of social dreaming have argued that failure can become generative, once we abandon the perfectionism that ostensibly inheres in utopian visions. Building on this revaluation, the paper applies a crucial lesson from engineering and design studies—that often artificial failure modes are required to enhance the safety of tools and machines. To flesh out this point, I turn to utopian fiction and discuss Kim Stanley Robinson’s Science in the Capital-trilogy, which rejects techno-optimism about our climate-changed world, yet hails the transformative potential of an anti-capitalist scientific community. Ultimately, the paper claims that, if we cannot have success in addressing the climate emergency without committing serious mistakes, then one (but clearly not the only) path forward is to imaginatively prefigure the faultlines along which ecomodernist dreams for a “good Anthropocene” might rupture.
对乌托邦主义的一个常见指控是,任何为更美好的未来创造蓝图的尝试都忽视了一个基本事实:人类的失败倾向。作为回应,社会梦想的捍卫者认为,一旦我们放弃乌托邦愿景中表面上固有的完美主义,失败就会产生。在这种重新评估的基础上,本文应用了工程和设计研究的一个重要教训,即通常需要人工故障模式来提高工具和机器的安全性。为了充实这一点,我转向乌托邦小说,讨论了金·斯坦利·罗宾逊的《资本中的科学》三部曲,该三部曲拒绝了对气候变化世界的技术乐观主义,但却赞扬了反资本主义科学界的变革潜力。最终,该论文声称,如果我们不能在不犯严重错误的情况下成功应对气候紧急情况,那么一条(但显然不是唯一的)前进道路就是富有想象力地预先预测生态现代主义者对“美好人类世”的梦想可能破裂的断层线。
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引用次数: 0
ChatGPT and Critical Political Science: Loren Goldman and Davide Panagia Respond ChatGPT与批判政治学:Loren Goldman和Davide Panagia回应
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2240597
Judith Grant, Claire Snyder-Hall, Edwin Daniel Jacob
the
这个
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引用次数: 0
The Partisan Court: The Era of Political Partisanship on the U. S. Supreme Court 党派法庭:美国最高法院的政治党派时代
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2237816
Tracy L. R. Lightcap
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引用次数: 0
Mass Pardons in America: Rebellion, Presidential Amnesty, and Reconciliation 美国的大规模赦免:叛乱、总统大赦与和解
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2237817
Stacy W. Maddern
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引用次数: 0
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