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ChatGPT and the Technical Ontologies of Critical Political Science ChatGPT与批判政治学的技术本体论
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2240604
Davide Panagia
Abstract The following paper asks what forms of critical political science are possible given the advent of Machine Learning algorithms like ChatGPT? The technical conditions that provoke this question stem from the fact that such automated systems do not generate identities and representations (as do traditional media with which critical political science conventionally contends) but produce instead rendered outputs based on Bayesian probability calculations. Thus the challenge before us is to theorize criticism vis-a-vis the technical ontologies of the algorithm dispositif.
下面的文章提出了这样一个问题:鉴于像ChatGPT这样的机器学习算法的出现,什么形式的批判性政治学是可能的?引发这个问题的技术条件源于这样一个事实,即这种自动化系统不产生身份和表征(就像批判政治科学通常认为的传统媒体那样),而是产生基于贝叶斯概率计算的呈现输出。因此,摆在我们面前的挑战是对算法配置的技术本体论进行理论化批评。
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引用次数: 0
The Specter of Dictatorship: Judicial Enabling of Presidential Power 独裁的幽灵:总统权力的司法授权
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2237815
G. Dodds
of this future utopia. The path that would take us from here (capitalism) to there (degrowth) is in fact not entirely clear. Considering the immense scale of this challenge, this should not be considered a major shortcoming. Additionally, the same could be said for the majority of Degrowth publications that share an orientation to future planning. How are the strategies described supposed to be integrated, scaled up (or down), and adjusted to different contexts? What role do political institutions play into the transition to Degrowth? The book does not provide fully satisfying answers to these key questions. For example, very little is said about the role of the state in bringing about change. It is also striking that the authors almost brush over their contention that “it is not at all clear under which conditions and based on what balance of social forces elites would give up their privileges, which are built on uneven development and global injustice and backed up by military might” (291). Overall though, while some readers might object to the lack of thorough political analysis, the book’s aim is not to be exhaustive but rather to convince that degrowth is a possible and desirable future, and to invite others to develop their own like-minded solutions. In this respect, the authors’ effort should be praised—even more so if scholars from different disciplines take on the challenge to fill the gaps in this book with more detailed proposals.
这个未来乌托邦。事实上,我们从这里(资本主义)到那里(衰退)的道路并不完全清楚。考虑到这一挑战的巨大规模,这不应被视为一个重大缺点。此外,Degrowth的大多数出版物也可以这样说,它们都有未来规划的方向。所描述的策略应该如何整合、扩大(或缩小)并根据不同的背景进行调整?政治机构在向德格罗斯过渡的过程中扮演了什么角色?这本书并没有为这些关键问题提供完全令人满意的答案。例如,很少有人谈论国家在带来变革方面的作用。同样令人震惊的是,作者们几乎忽略了他们的论点,即“根本不清楚精英们会在什么条件下,基于什么样的社会力量平衡,放弃他们的特权,这些特权建立在不均衡发展和全球不公正的基础上,并得到军事力量的支持”(291)。不过,总的来说,尽管一些读者可能会反对缺乏彻底的政治分析,但这本书的目的并不是详尽无遗,而是说服人们相信衰退是一个可能和可取的未来,并邀请其他人制定自己志同道合的解决方案。在这方面,作者的努力应该受到赞扬——如果来自不同学科的学者接受挑战,用更详细的建议填补本书的空白,那就更应该受到赞扬。
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引用次数: 0
Faith, Race, and Immigration: Assessing the Effect of Religiosity on Racial Beliefs and Attitudes 信仰、种族和移民:评估宗教对种族信仰和态度的影响
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2235210
Brandon R. Davis
Abstract How much, if at all, does religiosity influences racist and xenophobic beliefs? Evangelical support for bigoted and xenophobic policies is not a new phenomenon. Yet, despite the abundant scholarship on religiosity and race, we know little about the mechanisms through which scholars posit we are observing these negative outcomes. Namely, does religiosity affect support for bigoted and xenophobic attitudes? Alternatively, are demographics and belief systems more important predictors of bigoted and xenophobic attitudes? This paper is not an assessment of if religion affects politics or if politics affects religion. My contributions to the literature on race and politics include finding that religiosity has significant direct and indirect effects on attitudes toward racial minorities. I find that 10% of the negative effect on attitudes toward African Americans and 30% of the negative effect on attitudes toward Hispanics, immigrants, and the undocumented is an indirect effect of religiosity mediated through demographics and belief systems.
摘要宗教信仰对种族主义和仇外信仰的影响有多大(如果有的话)?福音派对偏执和仇外政策的支持并不是一个新现象。然而,尽管有大量关于宗教和种族的学术研究,但我们对学者们认为我们正在观察这些负面结果的机制知之甚少。也就是说,宗教信仰是否会影响对偏执和仇外态度的支持?或者,人口统计和信仰体系是偏执和仇外态度的更重要预测因素吗?本文不是对宗教是否影响政治或政治是否影响宗教的评估。我对种族和政治文献的贡献包括发现宗教信仰对少数种族的态度有着显著的直接和间接影响。我发现,对非裔美国人态度的10%的负面影响和对西班牙裔、移民和无证人员态度的30%的负面影响是宗教信仰通过人口统计和信仰体系介导的间接影响。
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引用次数: 0
The Future Is Degrowth: A Guide to a World beyond Capitalism 未来是去增长:一个超越资本主义的世界指南
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2237814
Aila Trasi
with cultural practices or identities that offer their own meaningful answers to major normative questions. In Russia’s case, similar contradictions are evident in the proposed “alternative” to the unipolar order; namely, the notion that Russia can supposedly protect the self-determination of the “periphery” from U.S. domination through its own military interventions and territorial acquisitions (71, 200). Given recent debates about the links between ideological views in Russia and the state’s international policies, Chebankova’s work is timely. As she indicates, some may take exception to the categorizations underlying her analysis, such as her decision to exclude fascism from her list of major ideological tendencies. Yet the analysis itself provides a rich foundation on which to raise further questions about how best to understand right-wing ideologies that have grown more prominent in Russia and the West. The book helps clarify the nuances of the country’s domestic politics, emphasizing the ideological commitments, divergences, and competitions that shape Russian politics from within, among those both aligned and opposed to Putin’s leadership. As a result, Chebankova complicates images of Russia as merely totalitarian or kleptocratic, revealing more intricate lines of ideological contest than one might expect from an outside perspective.
他们的文化习俗或身份为主要的规范性问题提供了自己有意义的答案。在俄罗斯的情况下,类似的矛盾在单极秩序的“替代方案”中也很明显;也就是说,俄罗斯可以通过自己的军事干预和领土收购来保护“外围”的自决免受美国的统治。鉴于最近关于俄罗斯意识形态观点与国家国际政策之间关系的争论,切班科娃的工作是及时的。正如她所指出的,有些人可能会对她的分析所依据的分类提出异议,比如她决定将法西斯主义从她的主要意识形态倾向清单中排除。然而,分析本身提供了一个丰富的基础,在此基础上提出了进一步的问题,即如何最好地理解在俄罗斯和西方日益突出的右翼意识形态。这本书有助于澄清俄罗斯国内政治的细微差别,强调了从内部塑造俄罗斯政治的意识形态承诺、分歧和竞争,包括那些支持和反对普京领导的人。因此,切班科娃将俄罗斯仅仅是极权主义或盗贼统治的形象复杂化,揭示了意识形态之争的复杂程度,超出了外界的预期。
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引用次数: 20
Bit Tyrants: The Political Economy of Silicon Valley 《比特暴君:硅谷的政治经济学
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2237819
Garrett Morrow
As evidenced by the actions of the United States legislative and executive branches of the last few years, the future of the American economy is being guided by a revived interest in industrial policy and a heightened awareness of the importance of basic and translational research. The 117th Congress was characterized by three enormous industrial and research spending bills. Two were bipartisan: the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (aka the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law) enacted on 15 November 2021, and the Chips and Science Act enacted on 9 August 2022. A third was partisan: the Inflation Reduction Act, enacted on 16 August 2022. While the Trump administration did try to cut research spending in the executive branch budget proposals, the former president ultimately signed budgets passed by Congress that raised scientific research spending at a faster rate than during the Obama administration. The success of Operation Warpspeed in developing COVID-19 vaccines shows the power and potential of federally directed translational scientific research spending and technology implementation. It is unlikely that the divided 118th Congress will change the trajectory of industrial and science policy, and it is difficult to imagine even the most ardent deficit hawk opposing the success of the Chips and Science Act in the face of elevated levels of economic nationalism due to industrial competition with China. Industrial policy, however, comes with the political criticisms that it gives government the power to “pick winners and losers” and gives private sector corporations the ability to take advantage of publicly funded research to build private wealth and power, sometimes to a monopolistic degree. In his book Bit Tyrants: The Political Economy of Silicon Valley, Rob Larson chronicles the monopolistic journey of several big tech Silicon Valley firms (Microsoft, Amazon, Google, and Facebook) and the ongoing battle over net neutrality. While the Silicon Valley firms exert their power in different ways, all four of the firms and their egotistical leaders (the “bit tyrants”) outlined by Larson take advantage of publicly funded research to build their power into a monopoly through business maneuvering and a keen understanding of network effects. Network effects are likely not as powerful in building big tech as Larson believes (Knee 2021), but throughout the book, Larson reiterates that a critical factor that enabled the rise of all the big tech companies is their initial reliance on publicly funded basic research. For example, Larson reiterates both the well-known history of the internet originating out of DARPA and the not-so-known reliance of nearly every component of Apple products on publicly-funded research (e.g., lithium-ion batteries originating out of Department of Energyfunded electrochemistry research). The federal government, through its many alphabet agencies, is great at funding potentially high-risk and low-reward, resource-intensive basic res
正如美国立法和行政部门过去几年的行动所证明的那样,美国经济的未来正在受到对工业政策的重新关注和对基础研究和转化研究重要性的高度认识的指导。第117届国会的特点是三项巨大的工业和研究支出法案。其中两个是两党合作的:2021年11月15日颁布的《基础设施投资和就业法案》(又名《两党基础设施法》),以及2022年8月9日颁布的《芯片和科学法案》。第三个与党派有关:2022年8月16日颁布的《通货膨胀削减法案》(Inflation Reduction Act)。虽然特朗普政府确实试图在行政部门的预算提案中削减研究支出,但这位前总统最终签署了国会通过的预算,以比奥巴马政府更快的速度增加了科研支出。“Warpspeed行动”在开发COVID-19疫苗方面的成功显示了联邦政府指导的转化科学研究支出和技术实施的力量和潜力。分裂的第118届国会不太可能改变产业和科学政策的轨迹,即使是最狂热的赤字鹰派也很难想象,在与中国的产业竞争导致经济民族主义水平上升的情况下,反对《芯片与科学法案》的成功。然而,产业政策也伴随着政治上的批评,认为它赋予了政府“挑选赢家和输家”的权力,并赋予私营企业利用公共资助的研究来积累私人财富和权力的能力,有时甚至达到垄断的程度。在他的《比特暴君:硅谷的政治经济》一书中,罗伯·拉森记录了几家硅谷大型科技公司(微软、亚马逊、b谷歌和Facebook)的垄断之旅,以及围绕网络中立性的持续斗争。虽然硅谷的公司以不同的方式行使权力,但拉森概述的这四家公司及其自负的领导者(“比特暴君”)都利用公共资助的研究,通过商业操纵和对网络效应的敏锐理解,将自己的权力建立到垄断地位。在建立大型科技公司方面,网络效应可能不像拉尔森认为的那样强大(Knee 2021),但在整本书中,拉尔森重申,所有大型科技公司崛起的一个关键因素是它们最初对公共资助的基础研究的依赖。例如,拉尔森重申了众所周知的互联网起源于DARPA的历史,以及鲜为人知的苹果产品几乎所有组件都依赖于公共资助的研究(例如,锂离子电池起源于能源部资助的电化学研究)。联邦政府,通过它的许多字母机构,在资助潜在高风险和低回报的资源密集型基础研究方面做得很好。对任何政府来说,挑战不是如何资助研究,而是如何帮助基础研究转化为实际的、对大多数人有意义的成果。这个挑战的解决方案是我与作者不同的地方。拉尔森对大型科技平台的有价值的经济分析让人失望,因为他在最后一章呼吁将互联网技术社会化,这一章充满希望,但最终令人失望。事实上,作者在概述反对互联网社会化的论据方面做得非常出色,相比之下,他为自己的号召性行动辩护显得苍白无力。拉森点
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引用次数: 5
Trumpism: Race, Class, Populism, and Public Policy 特朗普主义:种族、阶级、民粹主义与公共政策
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2237821
S. Bhattacharya
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引用次数: 0
Keywords for Capitalism: Power Society, Politics 关键词:资本主义:权力社会,政治
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2237824
John A. Grummel
how political language is often “ shaped by social context and partisan function ” (11), and, as such, the meaning of many keywords and/or their use is not always clear
政治语言是如何经常“受到社会背景和党派功能的影响”的(11),因此,许多关键词的含义和/或它们的用法并不总是明确的
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引用次数: 0
Problematizing Exclusionary Politics (or Fascism) in the Middle East and North Africa 中东和北非排他性政治(或法西斯主义)的问题化
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-15 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2219170
Saladdin Ahmed
Abstract In the absence of anti-fascist public education and debates, the marginalized majority, minority groups, and their political allies will continue to be brutalized in the region. Problematizing exclusionary politics is essential for recognizing the ongoing democratic struggles of the peoples of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. This article aims to stimulate more academic and public debates about fascism in MENA. Critically investigating the history of several waves of nationalism and their affinity with the first historical rise of fascism could enable us to better appreciate the challenges resistance movements in the MENA region have been facing. To that end, the persisting threat of fascism in Turkey, the Arab world, and Iran are examined critically. While the article applies the ideology form theory, a new critical theory of fascism, the soundness of the central argument regarding the significance of and the need for critiquing exclusionary, racist, and genocidal ideologies, movements, regimes, and politics does not rely on the theoretical application of the concept of fascism.
摘要在没有反法西斯公共教育和辩论的情况下,边缘化的大多数人、少数群体及其政治盟友将继续在该地区遭到残酷对待。要承认中东和北非地区人民正在进行的民主斗争,解决排斥政治问题至关重要。本文旨在激发更多关于中东和北非地区法西斯主义的学术和公众辩论。批判性地调查几波民族主义的历史及其与法西斯主义第一次历史崛起的关系,可以使我们更好地了解中东和北非地区抵抗运动所面临的挑战。为此,对土耳其、阿拉伯世界和伊朗持续存在的法西斯主义威胁进行了批判性的审视。虽然本文应用了意识形态形式理论,这是一种新的法西斯主义批判理论,但关于批判排斥性、种族主义和种族灭绝意识形态、运动、政权和政治的重要性和必要性的核心论点的合理性并不依赖于法西斯主义概念的理论应用。
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引用次数: 0
The Rise of Common-Sense Conservatism: The American Right and the Reinvention of the Scottish Enlightenment 常识性保守主义的兴起:美国右翼与苏格兰启蒙运动的重塑
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2205315
Haimo Li
ocracy, a more fine-grained and textured treatment of the contested and variegated information environment on which public opinion is formed and disseminated was warranted. Lafont’s latest book is a thought-provoking read for all interested in deepening democracy; it requires one to think through the ways that “quick fixes,” like micro-deliberation, miss opportunities to bring forth lasting change and fall short on democratic considerations. In my mind, questions still remain about how to achieve the long-game of large-scale deliberation and reason-giving for urgent political issues like climate change, inequality, and migration—those that are causing acute harm to vulnerable populations as we wait for serious policy change.
有必要对形成和传播公众舆论的有争议和多样化的信息环境进行更精细和更有质感的处理。拉丰的最新著作对所有对深化民主感兴趣的人来说都是发人深省的读物;它要求人们仔细思考,“快速解决方案”,如微观审议,会错过带来持久变革的机会,并没有达到民主考虑。在我看来,如何实现对气候变化、不平等和移民等紧迫政治问题的大规模审议和推理的长期游戏,仍然存在问题。在我们等待重大政策变化的过程中,这些问题正在对弱势群体造成严重伤害。
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引用次数: 3
The Last Years of Karl Marx: An Intellectual Biography 卡尔·马克思的最后岁月:一本知识分子传记
IF 0.6 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2023.2205292
Paul Blackledge
long-term history of imperialism seems to have escaped copy-editing. A few chapters, like the consideration of Columbia and the OECD, appear to misconstrue some of the literature the authors mean to consider. But the overall volume remains particularly strong, and even the chapters that may appear weaker have interesting things to say. The introduction offered by the editors alludes to some discord regarding what was to be included and identifies a number of topics that would simply be skipped. The volume is already over 650 pages so it would be unfair to identify more that should be considered, though I will offer a single suggestion. A concluding chapter might have identified areas of wide agreement, important open questions, some perspective on patterns of regional dynamics, along with possible directions for future conceptual or empirical research. Such an effort might still be undertaken, even if it must be published elsewhere. Reflections from the scholars who created this collection would be most welcome.
帝国主义的长期历史似乎逃过了文字编辑。有几章,比如对哥伦比亚大学和经合组织的考虑,似乎曲解了作者打算考虑的一些文献。但总体而言,这本书的内容仍然非常丰富,甚至那些看起来比较弱的章节也有有趣的内容。编辑提供的介绍暗示了一些关于将要包括的内容的不一致,并确定了一些可以直接跳过的主题。这本书已经有650多页了,所以要找出更多应该考虑的内容是不公平的,尽管我将提供一个建议。最后一章可以确定广泛一致的领域、重要的未决问题、对区域动态模式的一些看法,以及未来概念或实证研究的可能方向。这样的努力仍然可以进行,即使它必须在其他地方发表。我们非常欢迎创建这个作品集的学者们的意见。
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引用次数: 17
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