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The Art of Writing (and Collecting) Letters: the Case of Pliny’s and Symmachus’ Ep. 7.9 写作(和收集)信件的艺术:以普林尼和西马库斯为例,第7.9页
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-05-17 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10226
M. Zoeter
Although the Roman senator Q. Aurelius Symmachus (ca. ad 340-402) bequeathed a collection of over 900 letters, the search for allusions to earlier letter-writers in his letters has never been very successful. Although scholars used to argue that his collection of ten books was a deliberate imitation of Pliny’s collection, most scholars have now rejected this hypothesis. It is now accepted by most scholars that Symmachus published a first book and likely planned to publish another six books, which were posthumously published by his son Memmius.1 To this original collection of seven books, later generations added another three books to bring the number up to ten, which might indeed have been done in imitation of Pliny’s collection.2 It has long been recognized that Symmachus must have had some knowledge of Pliny’s letters, but the evidence is scarce. In his 1891 doctoral dissertation on Symmachus’ letters, Wilhelm Kroll listed all the resemblances that he could find between Pliny’s and Symmachus’ letters, but, as Gavin Kelly has demonstrated, only a few are convincing allusions.3 Kroll’s clearest finding of intertextuality, ep. 2.35 alluding to Pliny’s epp. 3.20 and 9.2, has been discussed by Alan Cameron in some
尽管罗马元老Q. Aurelius Symmachus(约公元340-402年)留下了900多封书信,但在他的书信中寻找早期写信人的典故却一直不太成功。虽然学者们过去认为他的十本书是故意模仿普林尼的藏书,但大多数学者现在都拒绝了这一假设。现在大多数学者都认为,西马库斯出版了第一本书,并可能计划再出版六本书,这些书是由他的儿子memmius在他死后出版的。在最初的七本书的基础上,后人又增加了三本书,使数量增加到十本,这可能确实是模仿普林尼的藏书长期以来,人们一直认为西马库斯一定对普林尼的信件有所了解,但证据很少。Wilhelm Kroll在他1891年关于Symmachus信件的博士论文中,列出了他所能找到的普林尼和Symmachus信件之间的所有相似之处,但是,正如Gavin Kelly所证明的,只有少数是令人信服的暗示克罗尔关于互文性的最清晰的发现是。2.35暗指普林尼的epp。3.20和9.2,已经被艾伦·卡梅隆讨论过了
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引用次数: 0
Diphilus’ Paralyomenos (P. Louvre 7733v, col. ii, 32-35): Reading the Evidence 狄非罗斯的《帕帕洛梅诺斯》(P. Louvre 7733v, col. ii, 32-35):阅读证据
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-05-16 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10169
I. Karamanou
P. Louvre 7733v is the only source to attest a comedy by Diphilus entitled Paralyomenos and fr. 59 K.-A. from this play. This article ventures a cautious interrogation of the available—albeit limited and thus unexplored—evidence, with the purpose of extracting as much material as possible that could shed light on this play’s dramatic circumstances. It is argued that the present participle in the title is suggestive of a possibly critical situation (discharge from military service or physical disability) occurring within the course or shortly before the opening of the plot. Given parallel dramatic situations, it could reasonably be inferred that the title-character’s peculiar position may have got him involved in circumstances producing comic effect. Moreover, the restoration of fr. 59 proposed in this article may provide clues to a dramatic crisis. Overall, a close reading of the evidence in conjunction with comic practice could give scope for mapping the material concerning Diphilus’ Paralyomenos onto the dramatic contexts of fourth-century comedy.
P. Louvre 7733v是唯一能证明Diphilus在公元59年创作的喜剧《帕尔帕诺墨诺斯》的来源。从这出戏里。本文大胆地对现有的证据(尽管有限,因此尚未探索)进行了谨慎的审查,目的是提取尽可能多的材料,以阐明这部戏剧的戏剧性环境。有人认为,标题中的现在分词暗示了一个可能的危急情况(退伍或身体残疾)发生在情节开始的过程中或前不久。考虑到平行的戏剧情境,我们可以合理地推断,主人公的特殊位置可能使他卷入了产生喜剧效果的环境中。此外,本文提出的59号船的修复可能为一场戏剧性的危机提供线索。总的来说,仔细阅读这些证据并结合喜剧实践,可以为将有关狄腓罗斯的帕尔帕墨诺斯的材料映射到四世纪喜剧的戏剧背景中提供空间。
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引用次数: 0
How to Turn a Hero into a Comic miles 如何把英雄变成喜剧人物
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-05-16 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10170
Silvia Speriani
This paper aims, on the one hand, at contributing to the analysis of one of the most enduring stock-characters in Roman comedy: the comic soldier, in its Plautine manifestations in particular. On the other hand, it will shed light on a much more serious soldier: Telamonian Ajax, and his in some way unfortunate reception. Weaving a twofold discussion of such apparently distant figures, I will evaluate the possible echoes of the mighty warrior Ajax in the parodic processes enacted by Plautus’ milites, as well as the role played in turn by these echoes in the Roman reception of Ajax himself. I will show how the Roman Ajax enhanced and developed comic nuances, which can be better understood through the trigger of Plautine memories and play a role in Rome’s own reflection on everchanging criteria for measuring valour.
本文的目的是,一方面,对罗马喜剧中最经久不衰的典型人物之一——喜剧士兵,特别是对其柏拉图式的表现形式进行分析。另一方面,它将揭示一个更严肃的士兵:泰拉莫尼亚·阿贾克斯,以及他在某种程度上不幸的遭遇。通过对这些看似遥远的人物的双重讨论,我将评估普劳图斯的军队在模仿过程中对强大的战士阿贾克斯的可能回应,以及这些回应在罗马人对阿贾克斯本人的接受中所起的作用。我将展示罗马的阿贾克斯是如何增强和发展喜剧的细微差别的,这些细微差别可以通过普劳丁记忆的触发来更好地理解,并在罗马自己对不断变化的衡量勇气的标准的反思中发挥作用。
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引用次数: 0
The Capture of the Capitoline in Roman Historical Thinking 罗马历史思想中的卡比托利尼陷落
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-05-11 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10222
J. Neel
This article argues that the stories of Tarpeia and of Manlius Capitolinus are variations on a single, historically attested concern about internal enemies on the Capitoline. Moreover, the unusual presentation of these stories in Ovid in particular can be explained by various chemical properties of the mint, most likely located near the temple of Juno Moneta. Concerns about the safety of the mint in the late Republic may have driven authorial interest in these tales.
本文认为,塔佩亚和曼利乌斯·卡比托利努斯的故事是对卡比托利亚内部敌人的一个单一的、历史证明的关注的变体。此外,这些故事在奥维德的不寻常表现可以用薄荷的各种化学性质来解释,薄荷很可能位于朱诺莫尼塔神庙附近。对共和国晚期造币厂安全的担忧可能激发了作者对这些故事的兴趣。
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引用次数: 0
Bucolica Einsidlensia 2.23-25 控制杆
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-05-11 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10167
Maxwell Hardy
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引用次数: 0
In Future Issues (in alphabetical order) 未来刊(按英文字母顺序排列)
3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-04-13 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-12347339
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引用次数: 0
Epic Boasts and Empty Threats 夸夸其谈和空洞的威胁
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-03-31 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10221
Z. Biles, Thérèse M. Watkins
An unnoticed allusion to Homer’s Iliad in Catullus c. 37 contributes to the poem’s recognized military theme by providing a clearer correspondence between figures from epic and those in Catullus’ poem, while also establishing a new framework for analyzing the dynamics of the poet’s verbal attack on his rivals that ultimately implicates him in his own mockery.
卡图卢斯在c. 37中对荷马的《伊利亚特》的一个未被注意到的典故,通过提供史诗中的人物与卡图卢斯诗歌中的人物之间更清晰的对应关系,有助于这首诗公认的军事主题,同时也建立了一个新的框架来分析诗人对他的对手的口头攻击的动态,最终将他牵连到他自己的嘲弄中。
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引用次数: 0
Revisiting Apuleius’ De re publica (Fulgentius, Expositio sermonum antiquorum 44)
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-03-31 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10177
This study focuses on a fragment of Apuleius’ lost De re publica preserved in Fulgentius, Expositio sermonum antiquorum 44. After reviewing earlier scholarship on this passage, it is argued that its Plautine vocabulary is consistent with Apuleius’ archaising style, far from being evidence against Apuleius’ paternity. An echo of Aristophanes, Knights 542 is discussed (a tag that later became a political adage), as well as of Plato, Republic 488a-489a and Cicero, Republic 1.11. It is suggested that the fragment might derive from a dialogue somewhat akin to the eponymous ones by Plato and Cicero, or from a speech on moral philosophy.
本研究的重点是保存在Fulgentius的Apuleius丢失的De republica片段,Expositio sermonum antiquorum 44。在回顾了关于这篇文章的早期学术研究之后,有人认为它的plautiine词汇与阿普列夫斯的仿古风格是一致的,远远不能作为反对阿普列夫斯父亲身份的证据。与阿里斯托芬的《骑士》542相呼应(这个标签后来成为政治格言),以及柏拉图的《理想国》4888 -489a和西塞罗的《理想国》1.11。有人认为,这段片段可能来自一段对话,类似于柏拉图和西塞罗的同名对话,或者来自一篇关于道德哲学的演讲。
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引用次数: 0
Searching for a Semantic Parallel to the Concept of Depression 寻找与抑郁概念相似的语义
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-03-31 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10168
Enrico Cerroni
This paper examines whether a semantic parallel to the modern use of the word depression can be identified in ancient Greek. To that end, it retraces the development of the lexical family of the verb θλίβω, ‘to press’, and the abstract noun θλῖψις to gain the emotional and psychological meaning of ‘pressure’ or ‘affliction’. An analysis of the collected data suggests that a similar valence may be found in Hellenistic and Imperial Greek. However, this development is disregarded by authors with greater stylistic ambitions. Even physicians such as Galen continue to use θλῖψις solely in a physical, concrete sense. Conversely, the conceptualization in the singular of the word de-pression is lacking in ancient Greek. An antecedent may be identified in the formation of the prefixed verb καταθλίβω and the derived noun κατάθλιψις, found only from Late Antiquity onward, but this retains a concrete valence.
本文考察了在古希腊语中是否存在与现代用法相似的“抑郁”一词。为此,它追溯了动词θλ βω(“压迫”)和抽象名词θλ ις的词谱家族的发展,以获得“压力”或“痛苦”的情感和心理含义。对收集到的数据的分析表明,在希腊语和帝国希腊语中可能发现类似的价电子。然而,这种发展被具有更大风格野心的作家所忽视。即使是像盖伦这样的医生也继续仅仅在物理的、具体的意义上使用θλ ις。相反,在古希腊语中,单词depression的单数形式是缺乏概念化的。一个先行词可以在前缀动词καταθλ末梢βω和衍生名词κατ θλιψ ς的形成中被识别出来,仅从古代晚期开始发现,但它保留了一个具体的价态。
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引用次数: 0
Ovid and Petronius’ Pyramus and Thisbe (Satyricon 131.8-11 and Metamorphoses 4.55-166) 奥维德和佩特罗尼乌斯的《皮拉摩斯和提斯比》(Satyricon 131.8-11, Metamorphoses 4.55-166)
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-03-31 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10163
P. Agócs, J. Lightfoot
Petronius’ engagement with Ovid’s poetry in the Croton episode of the Satyricon is more extensive than has previously been appreciated. As well as drawing upon Ovidian elegiac poetry, especially Amores 3.7, the description of Encolpius’ second failed tryst with Circe at Satyricon 131.8-11 also alludes to Ovid’s narrative of Pyramus and Thisbe at Metamorphoses 4.55-166. This ironic perversion of one of the Metamorphoses’ most innocent and tragic narratives parallels Petronius’ later Ovidian allusion at 135.3-137.12, where the story of the pious couple Philemon and Baucis (Met. 8.616-724) is recalled during Encolpius’ visit to Oenothea’s hut. Petronius’ engagement with the Metamorphoses during Encolpius’ exploits in Croton is thus shown to be deeper than has previously been realised.
佩特罗尼乌斯在《撒特利康》的克罗顿章节中对奥维德诗歌的描写比我们之前所理解的要广泛得多。除了借鉴奥维德的挽歌,尤其是《阿莫里斯》第3.7章,131.8年至1311年,对恩科尔皮俄斯与喀耳刻第二次失败幽会的描述,也暗指奥维德在《变形记》第4.55-166章中对皮拉摩斯和忒斯比的叙述。这种对《变形记》中最无辜、最悲惨的叙述之一的讽刺曲解与彼得罗尼乌斯后来在135.3-137.12的奥维德典喻相似,在那里,在恩科勒皮乌斯访问奥诺西娅的小屋时,回忆起了虔诚的菲利蒙和柏西斯夫妇的故事(Met. 8.616-724)。因此,在恩科尔皮乌斯在克罗顿探险期间,佩特罗尼乌斯与变形人的接触比以前认识到的要深刻得多。
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