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Lucretius’ Allegoresis and Invective 卢克莱修的讽喻与谩骂
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-27 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10207
Mikolaj Domaradzki
The present paper suggests that Lucretius’ Magna Mater interpretation (2.598-660) can fruitfully be approached through the lens of invective oratory. While this difficult passage of De rerum natura has long puzzled scholars, this article argues that in his interpretation Lucretius masterfully transforms the encomiastic topos of allegoresis into a powerful means of blame: the poet allegorically interprets various aspects of the cult of Cybele with a view to showing how religious convictions and customs go awry. When thus exposing the cult as impious, Lucretius ingeniously exploits several topoi of rhetorical hymns (nurture, propitiation, etc.) for the purpose of making his vituperation all the more compelling. Hence, on the reading advocated here, the Magna Mater interpretation is a carefully constructed invective against those aspects of the cult (of Cybele) which an Epicurean is bound to frown upon (providential illusion, divine punishment, etc.).
本文认为,卢克莱修对《母校》(Magna Mater)(2.598-660)的阐释可以通过谩骂演说的视角来进行,从而取得丰硕成果。De rerum natura》中的这一难解段落长期以来一直困惑着学者,本文认为卢克莱修在其阐释中巧妙地将 "寓言"(allegoresis)这一讽喻性拓扑转化为一种强有力的指责手段:诗人以寓言的方式阐释了对赛比利神崇拜的各个方面,以展示宗教信仰和习俗是如何出错的。在揭露这种邪教的不虔诚时,卢克莱修巧妙地利用了修辞赞美诗的几个主题(哺育、赎罪等),使他的抨击更加引人入胜。因此,根据本文所主张的解读,"母校 "的解释是对伊壁鸠鲁派必然憎恶的(赛比利)崇拜的那些方面(天意的幻觉、神的惩罚等)的精心抨击。
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引用次数: 0
Gegen wen ist Kuria Doxa 33 gerichtet? Kuria Doxa 33 面向哪些人群?
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-24 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10217
Jan Maximilian Robitzsch
Scholars usually understand Κύρια Δόξα (ΚΔ) 33 as an antiplatonic polemic. This paper denies the communis opinio. First, it argues for an ontological reading of the maxim according to which justice (understood as virtue) is not a body but a property. Second, it shows that the Stoics hold the very thesis disputed in ΚΔ 33, namely that virtue is a body. This makes the Stoa the natural target of the maxim. Finally, the paper deals with De rerum natura I.464-482: here Lucretius criticizes nameless opponents with regard to the thesis that events are to be understood as bodies. If these opponents can be identified with the Stoics, as is usually assumed, there is further evidence besides ΚΔ 33 that the Epicureans engaged with the Stoic thesis of corporealism.
学者们通常将Κύρια Δόξα (ΚΔ) 33 理解为反柏拉图论战。本文否认共通确念。首先,本文论证了对格言的本体论解读,根据这一解读,正义(理解为美德)不是一个主体,而是一种属性。其次,本文指出斯多亚派所持的论点正是 ΚΔ 33 中的争议论点,即美德是一个本体。这使得斯多亚学派自然而然地成为格言的目标。最后,本文论述了 De rerum natura I.464-482:在此,卢克莱修批评了无名反对者关于事件应被理解为身体的论点。如果这些反对者能像通常假设的那样与斯多葛派相提并论,那么除了 ΚΔ 33 之外,还有更多证据表明伊壁鸠鲁派参与了斯多葛派的肉体论。
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引用次数: 0
Statues, Roads, and Money 雕像、道路和金钱
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-24 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10249
Claire McGraw
The differences between the narratives about Augustus’ silver statues in Cassius Dio, Augustus himself, and Suetonius are better explained in the context of gift-debt and gift-exchange rather than focusing on cult alone. Whereas Suetonius and Augustus emphasize Augustus’ correction of the statues as a pious act and a statement on imperial honors, Dio overlooks honors and gods, instead revealing how the statues funded road repairs. In his history, Dio adapts the narrative to underscore the gap between the reality and the appearance of events: here, the exchange of statues for monetary gifts in Augustan Rome. Augustus, treating the statues as a gift, transforms them into something greater for the people’s benefit. The connection between the statues, the roads, and the money appears elsewhere in the two earlier narratives, but Dio alone links the gift-exchange of statues for money to Augustus’ ‘gift’ of roads.
卡西乌斯-迪奥、奥古斯都本人和苏埃托尼乌斯关于奥古斯都银制雕像的叙述之间的差异最好从礼物债务和礼物交换的角度来解释,而不是仅仅关注崇拜。苏埃托尼乌斯和奥古斯都强调奥古斯都改正雕像是一种虔诚的行为,也是对帝国荣誉的一种宣示,而迪奥则忽略了荣誉和神灵,而是揭示了雕像是如何为修路提供资金的。在他的历史中,迪奥对叙事进行了调整,以强调事件的现实与表象之间的差距:这里是奥古斯都时期罗马用雕像换取金钱礼物的情况。奥古斯都将雕像视为礼物,将其转化为造福人民的更伟大的东西。雕像、道路和金钱之间的联系出现在前面两段叙述的其他地方,但只有迪奥将雕像换金钱的礼物交换与奥古斯都 "赠送 "道路联系在一起。
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引用次数: 0
Provoking Politeness 挑衅礼貌
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-24 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10238
Oscar Goldman
Dialogic interaction plays important generic, poetic, and structural roles within hexametric Latin satire. One aspect of this interaction which has received little prior exegesis is the presence, or lack, of politeness. By adapting and applying existing models which study this sociolinguistic phenomenon, we can perceive not only patterned use of politeness across the genre, but further intertextuality between Latin satire and Roman comedy. Interactions in the works of Horace and Juvenal are illustrative of both shared ‘politeness-motifs’, as well as divergent stylistic adaptations which suit each poet’s literary agenda.
对话互动在拉丁文六度讽刺诗中扮演着重要的一般、诗意和结构性角色。这种互动的一个方面是礼貌的存在或缺乏,但此前很少有人对其进行过注释。通过调整和应用研究这一社会语言现象的现有模型,我们不仅可以发现整个体裁中礼貌的使用模式,还可以进一步发现拉丁讽刺诗与罗马喜剧之间的互文性。贺拉斯和尤韦纳尔作品中的互动既说明了共同的 "礼貌主题",也说明了适合每位诗人文学议程的不同文体改编。
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引用次数: 0
Pistis and Apodeixis: On the Disputed Interpretation of Aristotle, Rhetoric 1.1, 1355a5-6 Pistis and Apodeixis:关于亚里士多德《修辞学》1.1,1355a5-6 的争议性解释
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-24 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10218
Jamie Dow
‘We are convinced most of all whenever we take something to have been demonstrated’ (1355a5-6). The meaning and significance of this claim is a key point of dispute between those who take Aristotle’s project in the Rhetoric to be defending his distinctively argument-centred kind of rhetoric on the grounds that it is most persuasively effective, and those for whom he does so on the more normatively-charged grounds that this is the most valuable kind of rhetoric, and best delivers rhetoric’s distinctive benefits to civic communities. On the interpretation defended, the claim links being convinced (πιστεύειν) and the things that get us convinced (πίστεις) to the kind of epistemic merits possessed above all by demonstrations. This saves Aristotle from an implausible generalisation about the persuasive supremacy of deductive arguments. Since πίστεις are clearly central to Aristotelian rhetoric, this interpretation also lends support to the more normative understanding of Aristotle’s project overall.
每当我们认为某事已被证明时,我们就会被说服"(1355a5-6)。有人认为亚里士多德在《修辞学》中的计划是以论证为中心的修辞最有说服力为由,为他这种独特的修辞辩护;也有人认为亚里士多德是以规范为中心的修辞最有价值为由,为他这种修辞辩护。根据所捍卫的解释,这一主张将被说服(πιστεύειν)和使我们被说服的事物(πίστεις)与证明所具有的认识论优点联系起来。这使亚里士多德免于对演绎论证的说服力至高无上做出难以置信的概括。由于πίστεις显然是亚里士多德修辞学的核心,这种解释也支持对亚里士多德的整体计划的规范性理解。
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引用次数: 0
Comic Receptions at Machon fr. 16.258-284 Gow 马孔的喜剧招待会》fr. 16.258-284 Gow
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-23 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10210
Max Leventhal
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引用次数: 0
On Prodicus and the Derveni Papyrus 关于普罗迪库斯和德尔维尼纸莎草纸
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-19 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10195
John Henry
Another identification for the author of the Derveni papyrus has been suggested: the fifth-century BCE sophist Prodicus of Ceos. Producing over 18 testimonia, Lebedev argues that the Derveni papyrus and the thought of Prodicus agree on many points that have previously been disregarded, including their linguistic approach and cosmological doctrines. On the basis of this evidence, it is suggested that Prodicus wrote the Derveni papyrus as an atheistic polemic and a sophistic deconstruction of popular religion. However, this article will suggest that the testimonia does not establish the case, and consequently the authorship of the Derveni papyrus remains undetermined.
有人提出了《德尔维尼纸莎草纸》作者的另一个身份:公元前五世纪塞奥斯的诡辩家普罗迪库斯。列别杰夫提供了超过 18 项证据,认为德尔维尼纸莎草纸和普罗迪库斯的思想在许多以前被忽视的观点上是一致的,包括他们的语言方法和宇宙论学说。根据这些证据,有人认为普罗迪库斯撰写《德尔维尼纸莎草纸》的目的是进行无神论论战和对流行宗教进行诡辩解构。然而,本文将指出,这些证据并不能证明这一点,因此《德尔维尼纸莎草纸》的作者仍未确定。
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引用次数: 0
‘Solving’ the Paradox of the Odyssean Ethiopians’ Twin Dual Localization 解决 "奥德赛埃塞俄比亚人 "双重双重本地化的悖论
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-19 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10194
Joel Gordon
This paper considers the narrative significance of localization in Homer’s Odyssey, in particular singular places that are associated with multiple spaces (identified here as dual localization). Our reading posits that spatial features hold narrative significance and, once uncovered, this resolves ‘problematic’ issues that may arise from spatial paradoxes. The chosen case study is the Odyssean land of the Ethiopians with its twin dual localization: (1) it is located simultaneously at the eastern and western peripheries of the world while also located singularly ‘with Poseidon’; and (2) this peripheral localization contrasts with a later ‘real world’ setting in Egypt/North Africa. While this people’s localization has been the subject of prior study, this paper presents a novel analysis: these localizations serve a characterizing function which, in turn, relates to the thematic function of Menelaus’ embedded narrative as foreshadowing the primary narrative of Odysseus’ nostos.
本文探讨了《荷马史诗-奥德赛》中本地化的叙事意义,尤其是与多重空间相关联的奇异地点(本文称之为双重本地化)。我们的解读认为,空间特征具有叙事意义,一旦揭示出来,就能解决空间悖论可能带来的 "问题"。我们选择的案例研究是埃塞俄比亚人的奥德赛之国,它具有双重地方化特征:(1) 它同时位于世界的东部和西部边缘,同时又 "与波塞冬 "在一起;(2) 这种边缘地方化特征与后来在埃及/北非的 "真实世界 "背景形成鲜明对比。虽然这一民族的地方化是之前研究的主题,但本文提出了一个新颖的分析:这些地方化具有描述特征的功能,反过来又与墨奈劳斯的嵌入叙事的主题功能有关,预示着奥德修斯的乡愁的主要叙事。
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引用次数: 0
A Note on Anonymus Iamblichi 2.7 关于 Anonymus Iamblichi 2.7 的说明
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-03 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10209
Gerard J. Pendrick
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引用次数: 0
Qui volunt eos cognoscere, Argonautas legant 阿耳戈诺塔斯人是我们的朋友
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-03 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10214
Alexandra Madeła
The late antique De excidio Troiae historia, supposedly written by a soldier in the Trojan War, Dares the Phrygian, encourages the reader to consult a work called Argonautae. This article discusses three possibilities of how to understand this reference—it could either be a comment by the real author of this pseudonymous work, or the supposed translator Nepos, or the ostensible author Dares. It argues that audiences in antiquity were familiar with the idea of literature written prior to the Trojan War, and debates the possibility that the Trojan Dares might refer to a poem about the Argonauts which was composed by the mythical Orpheus. It comes to the conclusion that the reference is intentionally ambiguous.
古代晚期的《特洛伊史》(De excidio Troiae historia)据说是由特洛伊战争中的一名士兵--弗里吉亚人达雷斯--所写,该书鼓励读者查阅一本名为《阿尔戈诺特人》(Argonautae)的著作。本文讨论了如何理解这一参考文献的三种可能性--它可能是这本假名作品的真正作者、假定的译者尼波斯或表面上的作者达雷斯的评论。研究认为,古代的读者对特洛伊战争之前的文学作品非常熟悉,并讨论了《特洛伊达雷斯》可能指的是神话中的奥菲斯创作的关于阿尔戈诺特人的诗歌的可能性。最后得出的结论是,这种提法是故意含糊其辞的。
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引用次数: 0
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MNEMOSYNE
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