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Voces Furiarum Voces Furiarum
3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-20 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-12347344
Joshua M. Paul
Abstract I argue that Priapus offers a bilingual gloss on the name ‘Tisiphone’ in Horace, Satires 1.8. I trace the folk etymology of the Fury’s name and identify various passages in which Latin authors emphasize a perceived connection between Tisiphone and φωνή , voice. I then demonstrate how this bilingual pun casts Priapus as a narrator capable of learned, Alexandrian wordplay.
摘要本文认为,普里阿普斯对贺拉斯《讽刺篇》第1.8章中的“提西福涅”这个名字进行了双语阐释。我追溯了“愤怒”这个名字的民间词源,并找出了拉丁作者强调Tisiphone和φωνή (voice)之间的联系的各种段落。然后,我展示了这个双语双关语是如何将普里阿普斯塑造成一个能够学习亚历山大式文字游戏的叙述者的。
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引用次数: 0
Reading Skillfully 熟练地阅读
3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-20 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10212
Travis Mulroy
Abstract This paper examines Socrates’ problematic analogy of reading big and little letters in Book 2 of Plato’s Republic . The examination highlights a significant grammatical detail, which has been generally overlooked in contemporary Platonic scholarship: Socrates refers to the justice of the city as ‘doing one’s own thing’ ( τὸ αὑτοῦ πράττων ), in the singular, but the justice of the individual as ‘doing one’s own things’ ( τὰ αὑτοῦ πράττων ), in the plural. In terms of Socrates’ analogy, the big and little letters of justice are not, in fact, the same. Ultimately, the paper argues that Socrates’ analogy of reading big and little letters is intentionally problematic, intended to draw attention to this literal difference between the justice of the city and the justice of the individual. The paper concludes with a discussion of a few immediate implications of this grammatical detail for interpreting the argument of Plato’s Republic .
摘要本文考察了苏格拉底在柏拉图《理想国》第二卷中关于阅读大小字母的类比问题。考试突出了一个重要的语法细节,这在当代柏拉图主义的学术研究中通常被忽视:苏格拉底将城市的正义称为“做自己的事”(ττ α το ο πρ alpha των),以单数形式,但个人的正义称为“做自己的事”(ττ α το ο πρ alpha των),以复数形式。根据苏格拉底的类比,正义的大字和小字,实际上是不一样的。最后,这篇论文认为苏格拉底关于阅读大小字母的类比是故意有问题的,目的是让人们注意到城市正义与个人正义之间的字面差异。本文最后讨论了这一语法细节对解释柏拉图《理想国》论证的一些直接影响。
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引用次数: 0
Noisy Omens and Enslaved Gods 嘈杂的预兆和被奴役的神
3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-18 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10213
Matthieu Réal
Abstract I offer a reconsideration of Zoilus’ treatise Against Homer’s Poetry . Two fragments of this work, F9a and F14 Fogagnolo, especially showcase Zoilus’ significance in the context of ancient literary criticism. F9a is usually considered a sarcastic comment on Homer’s lack of realism. I propose instead that it is a critique of the way the poet crafted the bird omen of Il. 10.174-177: Zoilus regarded the omen as a symbolic device and focused on the details of the analogical relationship between interpretandum and the interpretamentum . I also suggest that Aristotle F369 Gigon may have originated as a defense of Homer against one of Zoilus’ criticisms. Through a new translation of F14, I show that Zoilus did not content himself with analyzing problematic lines of Homer in isolation, but also assessed passages of the poem in light of other relevant passages within the same poem. In short, he criticized Homer from Homer .
摘要本文对索伊拉斯的《反荷马诗论》进行了重新思考。这部作品的两个片段,F9a和F14 Fogagnolo,特别展示了Zoilus在古代文学批评背景下的重要性。F9a通常被认为是对荷马缺乏现实主义的讽刺。相反,我认为这是对诗人在Il, 10, 174-177中描述鸟的预兆的批评:,苏伊卢斯把预兆看作是一种象征性的手段,并专注于解释和解释之间类比关系的细节。我也认为亚里士多德的f369gigon,可能起源于对荷马的辩护,反对索伊勒斯的批评。通过对F14的新翻译,我表明Zoilus并不满足于孤立地分析荷马的有问题的诗句,而是根据同一首诗中的其他相关段落来评估这首诗的段落。简而言之,他从荷马的角度来批评荷马。
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引用次数: 0
Was Medusa a Priestess of Athena? 美杜莎是雅典娜的女祭司吗?
3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-18 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10182
John Henry
Abstract In Book 4 of Ovid’s Metamorphoses , the famous backstory of the Gorgon Medusa is related by her slayer Perseus: Neptune raped her in the temple of Minerva, and the goddess turned her hair into snakes out of divine vengeance for the desecration of her sanctuary. With few exceptions, most Ovid scholars are hesitant to posit any explanation for Medusa’s appearance at the temple, which does not appear to be justified in Ovid’s poem as it stands. In this article, the possibilities will be further explored: was Medusa (1) a priestess, (2) a suppliant or (3) simply a young woman of otherwise unspecified status? On further examination of the Book 4 passage, it will be argued that Ovid presents the metamorphosis myth of Medusa as an allusion, and that earlier sources were more likely to be forthcoming in their identification of the character.
在奥维德的《变形记》第4卷中,杀死美杜莎的凶手珀尔修斯讲述了美杜莎的著名背景故事:海王星在密涅瓦神庙中强奸了她,女神为了报复她的庇护所被亵渎,把她的头发变成了蛇。除了少数例外,大多数奥维德学者都不愿对美杜莎出现在神庙做出任何解释,这在奥维德的诗中似乎是不合理的。在这篇文章中,我们将进一步探讨这些可能性:美杜莎是(1)一个女祭司,(2)一个恳求者,还是(3)一个身份不明的年轻女子?在进一步研究第四卷的段落时,我们会认为奥维德把美杜莎的变形神话作为典故,而早期的资料更有可能是他们对这个角色的认同。
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引用次数: 0
Muses as ‘Fellow Citizens’? 缪斯是“同胞”?
3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-12 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-12347340
Tomasz Mojsik
Abstract In line 1 of the so-called Seal (118 AB), Posidippus invokes Μοῦσαι πολιήτιδες (‘Muses fellow citizens’). This fact has puzzled scholars for years, as the Muses are nowhere else referred to as such. Referring to an epigram of Queen Eurydice, a dedication in honour of the Muses from the Pella area as well as evidence of cultural activity in the Macedonian capital, I demonstrate that the term πολιήτιδες used in the poem is related to the poet’s hometown. I also illustrate that naming the Muses ‘fellow citizens’ and placing their statues in the agora, theatre or gymnasion reflected the central position of mousikē , education and literature, in Greek culture. In addition, I draw a parallel with the phenomenon of honouring poets with statues at central points in the city, often surrounded by the Muses.
在所谓的印章(118ab)的第一行中,Posidippus引用了Μο υ σαι πο ι»τιδες('缪斯同胞')。这一事实多年来一直困扰着学者们,因为在其他地方没有提到过缪斯。我提到欧律狄刻女王的一句格言,一篇来自佩拉地区的纪念缪斯女神的献词,以及马其顿首都文化活动的证据,我证明这首诗中使用的πολι τιδες一词与诗人的家乡有关。我还说明,将缪斯命名为“同胞”,并将她们的雕像放置在集市、剧院或体育馆,反映了mousikæ、教育和文学在希腊文化中的中心地位。此外,我还将这一现象与在城市中心点设立雕像以纪念诗人的现象作了类比,这些雕像通常被缪斯女神围绕着。
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引用次数: 0
The Names of Sidonius’ Addressees and the Manuscript Tradition of the Letters 西多尼乌斯的收信人姓名与书信的手稿传统
3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-12 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10223
Giulia Marolla
Abstract Sidonius is often the only source of information on his addressees. Following Dolveck’s stemma codicum of Sidonius’ Letters , the present contribution offers a timely reassessment of the manuscript tradition attesting the names of his addressees by using manuscript studies and onomastics as a tool for prosopography. The paper first examines the evolution of onomastics in the Late Antique West and Sidonius’ own name. These introductory remarks are closed by some considerations on what is commonly believed to be Sidonius’ epitaph and whether it bears the author’s name or that of his son Apollinaris. The contribution then analyses some of the most noteworthy case studies of diverging readings of names of addressees in his collection, questioning the prosopographical tradition. The survey shows that the popularity enjoyed by some names—rather than attested variants—in Sidonius’ prosopography is a remnant of prior editions and of their influence over the collective knowledge of the author.
西顿尼斯通常是他的收件人的唯一信息来源。继Dolveck的西多尼乌斯书信的茎codicum,目前的贡献提供了一个及时的手稿传统的重新评估,证明了他的收件人的名字,通过使用手稿研究和专门学作为人文学的工具。本文首先考察了古西方晚期名词的演变和西多尼乌斯自己的名字。这些介绍性的评论以一些通常被认为是西多尼乌斯墓志铭的考虑作为结束,以及它是否带有作者的名字或他的儿子阿波利纳里斯的名字。然后,贡献分析了一些最值得注意的案例研究,对他收集的收信人的名字进行了不同的解读,质疑了人物学的传统。调查显示,在西多尼乌斯的自传中,一些名字(而不是经过证实的变体)的受欢迎程度是先前版本的残余,也是它们对作者集体知识的影响。
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引用次数: 0
The Subdivision of Boys in the Leonidean Decree (IG V.1 19) 列奥尼德法令中男孩的细分(IG V.1 19)
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-15 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10174
Shanshan Bai
This paper examines two problematic appellations of boy victors, παῖς καθαρός and παῖς κρίσεως τῆς Ἀγησιλάου, and the subdivision of boys in the Spartan festival Leonidea in inscription IG V.1 19. I propose several emendations to the edition of this inscription with the hope to correct a mistake and add two events into the athletic contest. I argue that age and birth were important criteria for the sub-classification of παῖδες, whereas physical development did not play a major role in the process. By means of adopting different categorizations in different games, Sparta memorialized its heroes, both warriors in the past Persian war and contemporary benefactors, innovated its traditions of athletic training and contests, and displayed its reputation of excellence in the Leonidea.
本文考察了两个有问题的男孩战胜者πα ι ς καθαρός和πα ι ς κρ汪汪σεως τ τ ςἈγησιλ ο ου的称谓,以及碑文IG V.1 19中斯巴达节日Leonidea中男孩的细分。我建议对这个题词的版本进行几处修改,希望能纠正一个错误,并在田径比赛中增加两个项目。我认为年龄和出生是πα ι δες子分类的重要标准,而身体发育在此过程中并不起主要作用。斯巴达通过在不同的比赛中采用不同的分类来纪念它的英雄,既有过去波斯战争中的战士,也有当代的恩人,创新了它的体育训练和比赛传统,并在列奥尼奥节中展示了它的卓越声誉。
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引用次数: 0
Τὸ κενὸν τοῦ πολέμου (Th. 3.30.4) and Its Uses in Greek and Latin Texts Τὸκενὸντοῦπολέμου(Th 3.30.4)及其使用希腊语和拉丁语文本
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-27 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10193
Antonis Tsakmakis
The analysis of Thucydides 3.30.4 (from the speech of Teutiaplos), which contains the obscure phrase τὸ κενὸν τοῦ πολέμου, as well as of all occurrences of the same phrase in Greek and Latin texts confirms the reading κενόν against the vv.ll. καινόν and κοινόν, and helps establishing the meaning of the proverbial expression πολλὰ (τὰ) κενὰ τοῦ πολέμου. It does not refer to a mental state (illusion etc.), as has been generally assumed, but to a particular situation that can emerge in warfare. The ‘void of war’ means that one side is in a way neutralized. One of the two opponents is either unable or unwilling to fight, or is clearly inferior, to the degree that it withdraws or surrenders without a battle. The investigation of the proverb’s semantics also leads to a better understanding of the Thucydidean use and improves the understanding of Teutiaplos’ speech (Th. 3.30).
修昔底德3.30.4(来自tetiaplos的演讲),其中包含了模糊的短语το κεν ν ν το ο πολ ου,以及在希腊语和拉丁语文本中出现的所有相同短语,分析证实了对vv.ll的阅读κεν ν ν。κ和καινόνοινόν,并帮助建立的意义众所周知的表达式πολλὰ(τὰ)κενὰτοῦπολέμου。它并不是指一种精神状态(幻觉等),而是指战争中可能出现的一种特殊情况。“战争的虚空”意味着一方在某种程度上被中立了。两个对手中的一个要么不能或不愿战斗,要么明显处于劣势,以至于不战而退或投降。对谚语语义的研究也有助于更好地理解修昔底德的用法,并提高对特提亚普洛斯讲话的理解(见3:30)。
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引用次数: 0
Le culte de la déesse dardanienne, dea Dard(…), au cœur de la diplomatie divine de l’armée romaine 对达达尼安女神dea Dard的崇拜是罗马军队神圣外交的核心
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-27 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10171
Arben Hajdari, Christophe J. Goddard
Tributes to the enigmatic dea Dard(…) show a typically Roman political and religious intention to show respect for a local deity, within the framework of the control of isolated but strategic areas in the heart of the Illyrian region and the province of Moesia Superior. These acts of piety reflect the desire on the part of the Roman authorities to carry out diplomatic action with the local population, particularly in the vicinity of the stationes, often away from the legions and officia of which they were a detachment. In any case, these dedications cannot be considered irrefutable proof of the resistance of a Dardanian identity to the Roman order. They do, of course, suggest that the cult of these local and enigmatic deities had survived in the heart of the province of Moesia Superior. The paradox lies in the fact that we know more about the existence of these local deities thanks to the tributes of Roman soldiers, even if their names remain unknown.
对神秘的达尔德(…)的致敬显示了典型的罗马政治和宗教意图,即在控制伊利里亚地区中心的孤立但具有战略意义的地区和莫西亚苏必利尔省的框架内,对当地神灵表示尊重。这些虔诚的行为反映了罗马当局希望与当地居民进行外交行动的愿望,特别是在车站附近,通常远离军团和官员,他们是一个支队。在任何情况下,这些奉献不能被认为是无可辩驳的证据,达达尼尔身份对罗马秩序的抵抗。当然,它们确实表明,对这些当地神秘神灵的崇拜在摩西亚苏必利尔省的中心地区幸存下来。矛盾之处在于,由于罗马士兵的贡品,我们对这些当地神灵的存在有了更多的了解,尽管他们的名字仍然未知。
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引用次数: 0
Olivier ou palmier ? 橄榄树还是棕榈树?
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1163/1568525x-bja10173
Ana Valtierra
The oldest Greek sources narrate how Leto at the time of childbirth held on to a palm tree on the island of Delos to help herself with the effort of contractions. Under this palm tree, the god Apollo was born, making it an element of sacred worship of which the ancients said that it never died. Despite the clarity of the sources in the plant identification from the 5th century BC onwards, we can observe an attempt to appropriate the sacred tree of Leto’s childbirth that is made manifest through written and visual sources. Thus, the olive tree or the image of Athena began to appear as protagonists of the myth. They began to oversee the birth of the god Apollo. This iconographic manipulation had a single purpose: to justify, through religion, the economic and political control of a key commercial centre in the Greek world.
最古老的希腊文献讲述了莱托在分娩时如何抓住提洛斯岛上的一棵棕榈树来帮助自己进行宫缩。在这棵棕榈树下,阿波罗神诞生了,使它成为一种神圣的崇拜元素,古人说它永远不会死。尽管从公元前5世纪开始的植物鉴定来源很清楚,但我们可以观察到,通过书面和视觉来源,人们试图挪用莱托分娩的神圣之树。因此,橄榄树或雅典娜的形象开始作为神话的主角出现。他们开始监督阿波罗神的诞生。这种对图像的操纵只有一个目的:通过宗教来证明对希腊世界重要商业中心的经济和政治控制是正当的。
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