Environmental Justice最新文献

英文中文

Wild Urban Injustice: A Critical POET Model to Advance Environmental Justice 狂野的城市不公正:促进环境正义的关键诗人模式

IF 2 Q2 Social Sciences

Environmental Justice

Pub Date : 2023-02-17 DOI: 10.1089/env.2022.0022

C. Cannon, A. McInturff, P. Alagona, David N. Pellow

引用次数: 1

Holding State Agencies Accountable: The Creation of an Environmental Justice Scorecard for Maryland State Agencies 保持国家机构的责任:马里兰州机构环境正义记分卡的创建

IF 2 Q2 Social Sciences

Environmental Justice

Pub Date : 2023-02-15 DOI: 10.1089/env.2022.0080

Vivek Ravichandran, Sophia D'Alonzo, Symone Stephens, Apoorva Ajith, Rose Hu, Sacoby M. Wilson

引用次数: 0

Unincorporated and Underserved: Critical Stormwater Infrastructure Challenges in South Texas Colonias 未合并和服务不足:南德克萨斯州科洛尼亚州的关键雨水基础设施挑战

IF 2 Q2 Social Sciences

Environmental Justice

Pub Date : 2023-02-15 DOI: 10.1089/env.2022.0062

D. Rivera

引用次数: 1

Resistance, Acceptance, and Quiescence: The Role of Social Networks in Predicting Responses to a New Natural Gas Pipeline 抵制，接受和沉默:社会网络在预测对新天然气管道的反应中的作用

Q2 Social Sciences

Environmental Justice

Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1089/env.2021.0112

Shannon Elizabeth Bell, Stephen Gerus, Danielle R. Mullins, Michael Hughes

As a wide body of social movement scholarship demonstrates, inaction in the face of environmental injustice is far more frequent than mobilization. Using the case of the Mountain Valley Pipeline (MVP)—a highly controversial natural gas pipeline that has been under construction through the Appalachian Mountains of Virginia and West Virginia since 2018—we ask: what conditions predict whether a person who has experienced negative quality-of-life impacts from this pipeline will take action or resign themselves to quiescence? Through our analysis of responses to a 92-question survey questionnaire that our team mailed to residents living in 10 of the counties through which the MVP is being constructed, we find that the most powerful predictors of quiescence are variables related to social networks. Among respondents reporting negative quality-of-life impacts from the pipeline, those with neighbors supporting the pipeline were nine times more likely to be quiescent, and those who were not sure how their neighbors felt about the pipeline were five times more likely to be quiescent. On the other hand, those who had joined a social media group focused on stopping the pipeline were nine times more likely to take part in resistance actions than those who had not. We situate our findings within existing scholarship on social movements, which points to the centrality of social networks for predicting social movement participation and quiescence, while also adding nuance to discussions of neoliberalism and sites of acceptance.

大量的社会运动研究表明，面对环境不公，不作为远比动员更常见。以山谷管道(MVP)为例，这条极具争议的天然气管道自2018年以来一直在弗吉尼亚州和西弗吉尼亚州的阿巴拉契亚山脉建设中，我们问道:什么样的条件可以预测一个经历了这条管道对生活质量的负面影响的人是会采取行动还是让自己沉默?我们的团队向10个县的居民邮寄了一份包含92个问题的调查问卷，通过对问卷的回答进行分析，我们发现与社交网络相关的变量是最有力的预测因素。在报告管道对生活质量产生负面影响的受访者中，那些邻居支持管道的人沉默的可能性是其9倍，而那些不确定邻居对管道的看法的人沉默的可能性是其5倍。另一方面，那些加入了专注于阻止管道的社交媒体小组的人参与抵抗行动的可能性是没有加入的人的九倍。我们将我们的发现置于现有的社会运动学术研究中，这些研究指出了社会网络在预测社会运动参与和平静方面的中心地位，同时也为新自由主义和接受地点的讨论增加了细微差别。

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引用次数: 1

Acknowledgment of Reviewers 2022 审稿人致谢

Q2 Social Sciences

Environmental Justice

Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1089/env.2022.29015.ack

Environmental JusticeVol. 16, No. 1 AcknowledgmentAcknowledgment of Reviewers 2022Published Online:27 Jan 2023https://doi.org/10.1089/env.2022.29015.ackAboutSectionsView articleView Full TextPDF/EPUB Permissions & CitationsPermissionsDownload CitationsTrack CitationsAdd to favorites Back To Publication ShareShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditEmail View article"Acknowledgment of Reviewers 2022." Environmental Justice, 16(1), pp. 89–90FiguresReferencesRelatedDetails Volume 16Issue 1Feb 2023 InformationCopyright 2023, Mary Ann Liebert, Inc., publishersTo cite this article:Acknowledgment of Reviewers 2022.Environmental Justice.Feb 2023.89-90.http://doi.org/10.1089/env.2022.29015.ackPublished in Volume: 16 Issue 1: January 27, 2023PDF download

环境JusticeVol。16、No. 1致谢审稿人2022出版在线:2023年1月27日https://doi.org/10.1089/env.2022.29015.ackAboutSectionsView articleView全文pdf /EPUB Permissions & CitationsPermissionsDownload CitationsTrack CitationsAdd to favorites返回出版物ShareShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditEmail查看文章“致谢审稿人2022”。环境司法，16(1)，pp. 89 - 90 figurereferencesrelateddetails vol . 16 issue 1Feb 2023信息版权所有，Mary Ann Liebert, Inc.， publisher .本文引用:致谢审稿人2022。环境正义。Feb 2023.89-90.http://doi.org/10.1089/env.2022.29015.ackPublished in Volume: 16 Issue 1: January 27, 2023PDF下载

引用次数: 0

Coercion via Eminent Domain and Legal Fees: The Acceptance of Gas Extraction in West Virginia 通过征用权和法律费用的强制:西弗吉尼亚州天然气开采的接受

Q2 Social Sciences

Environmental Justice

Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1089/env.2021.0093

Martina Angela Caretta, Erin Brock Carlson

Residents in Central Appalachia face the emotional, physical, and financial impacts of the energy independence goal that the United States has been pursuing for the past several decades. In this region, extractive industries have historically been supported by powerful energy lobbies, tax breaks, and legislation that disregard environmental protections, resulting in the construction of a reticular energy infrastructure across Appalachia. We investigate this neoliberal policy environment by sharing the experiences of West Virginian residents living along gas pipelines, gathered via walk-along interviews and photovoice. Two main legal and economic pressures, the extensive legal fees needed to fight efforts to build natural gas pipelines on private land and the threat of eminent domain, emerge from our findings. Using the lens of environmental justice, we show how neoliberal policies strongly endorsed and supported by the state, combined with a deeply rooted nostalgia for energy development, have positioned West Virginia as a site of acceptance for unconventional energy extraction. Ultimately, we argue that neoliberalism has brought about legal and economic stressors that force many West Virginia landowners to accept extraction and its many byproducts.

阿巴拉契亚中部的居民面临着美国过去几十年来一直追求的能源独立目标带来的情感、身体和经济上的影响。在这个地区，采掘业历来受到强大的能源游说团体、税收减免和无视环境保护的立法的支持，导致在整个阿巴拉契亚地区建设了网状的能源基础设施。我们通过分享居住在天然气管道沿线的西弗吉尼亚州居民的经验，通过行走访谈和照片语音收集，来调查这种新自由主义的政策环境。两个主要的法律和经济压力，即反对在私有土地上修建天然气管道所需的大量法律费用和征用权的威胁，从我们的调查结果中浮现出来。利用环境正义的镜头，我们展示了新自由主义政策是如何得到国家的大力支持和支持的，再加上对能源开发的根深蒂固的怀念，使西弗吉尼亚州成为接受非常规能源开采的地方。最终，我们认为新自由主义带来了法律和经济压力，迫使许多西弗吉尼亚州的土地所有者接受开采及其许多副产品。

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引用次数: 3

Community Science as Resistance to Neoliberal Scientific Praxis. 社区科学是对新自由主义科学实践的抵制。

IF 2 Q2 Social Sciences

Environmental Justice

Pub Date : 2023-02-01 Epub Date: 2023-01-27 DOI: 10.1089/env.2021.0099

Jennifer S Carrera, Sarah Bailey, Ronnie Wiggins, Cynthia Watkins, Laura Sullivan, Melissa Mays, Kent Key

Background: Flint is a site of resistance to neoliberalism specifically because of the actions of Flint residents. The impacts of this organizing are due, in part, to sustained efforts to reimagine how communities can contribute to scientific knowledge production. We argue that Flint residents' efforts to advance a community-driven research (CDR) agenda represent an important and successful resistance to neoliberal scientific regulatory practices.

Methods: We present Flint as a case study in CDR as a form of resistance. This article uses participatory observation within community-based research and draws from the personal experiences of the research team as long-term and lifelong residents of Flint who were actively involved in different aspects of community mobilizing during the water crisis.

Case study: We highlight Flint's rich and sustained community-based participatory research history, resident-led data collection efforts to assess the environmental and health conditions, a resident-led effort to tell the story of the water crisis from the residents' perspective, and recent efforts to develop and advance a CDR model.

Discussion: Community-led research efforts in Flint follow Leitner et al.'s typology of contesting neoliberalism through opting in to neoliberal science to advance community needs, collecting data to support direct opposition through protest and mobilization, creating alternative knowledge frames, and using CDR to disengage from the traditional scientific model.

Conclusions: Through CDR, Flint residents work in direct resistance to the tacit integration of neoliberal values into science and alternatively advance community organizing as a key aspect of science toward environmental justice.

背景：由于弗林特居民的行动，弗林特成为抵制新自由主义的地方。这种组织活动之所以产生影响，部分原因在于他们持续努力重新构想社区如何为科学知识的生产做出贡献。我们认为，弗林特居民推进社区驱动研究（CDR）议程的努力是对新自由主义科学监管实践的一次重要而成功的抵制：我们将弗林特作为一个案例研究，将社区驱动研究作为一种抵制形式。本文在以社区为基础的研究中采用了参与式观察法，并借鉴了研究团队作为弗林特市长期和终身居民的个人经验，他们在水危机期间积极参与了社区动员的各个方面：案例研究：我们重点介绍了弗林特丰富而持续的社区参与式研究历史、居民主导的数据收集工作以评估环境和健康状况、居民主导的从居民角度讲述水危机故事的工作，以及最近开发和推进社区参与式研究模式的工作：讨论：弗林特市由社区主导的研究工作遵循了莱特纳等人提出的类型学观点，即通过选择新自由主义科学来推进社区需求，收集数据以支持通过抗议和动员来直接反对新自由主义，创建替代知识框架，以及使用 CDR 来脱离传统的科学模式，从而对新自由主义提出质疑：通过 CDR，弗林特居民直接抵制了新自由主义价值观与科学的默契结合，并将社区组织作为实现环境正义科学的一个关键方面加以推进。

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引用次数: 0

Ambiguities at Sites of Acceptance: Agrarian Neoliberalism and Herbicide Exposure in Argentina 接受地点的歧义:阿根廷的农业新自由主义和除草剂暴露

Q2 Social Sciences

Environmental Justice

Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1089/env.2021.0104

Pablo Lapegna, Johana Kunin

In this article, we study how dominant ideas on herbicide-dependent agriculture are reappropriated and recreated at different scales in farming towns of the Argentine Pampas. First, we analyze the discourses of national reach, to show how herbicide use is institutionally justified, promoted, and legitimized, while also being downplayed or minimized. Second, and based on our interviews with people who benefit from herbicide-dependent agriculture, we inspect how they interpret and reframe national actors' discourses. Our analysis shows ambivalences toward the risks of agrochemical exposure, a tendency to dilute them by pointing to people's quotidian coexistence with other environmental hazards, and a reinterpretation of the right to use agrochemicals in terms of national sovereignty and individual rights to prosperity. We also identify an understanding of the role of the state that overlapped with the typical neoliberal stance but also departed from it in significant ways. This study contributes to the understanding of “sites of acceptance” and to the environmental justice literature by focusing on understudied places, actors, and processes.

在本文中，我们研究了在阿根廷潘帕斯草原的农业城镇中，依赖除草剂农业的主导思想是如何在不同规模上被重新利用和重建的。首先，我们分析了国家范围内的话语，以显示除草剂的使用是如何在制度上合理、推广和合法化的，同时也被淡化或最小化。其次，根据我们对从依赖除草剂的农业中受益的人们的采访，我们考察了他们如何解释和重新构建国家行动者的话语。我们的分析显示，人们对农用化学品暴露的风险存在矛盾心理，一种倾向是通过指出人们与其他环境危害的日常共存来淡化风险，另一种倾向是从国家主权和个人繁荣权利的角度重新解释农用化学品的使用权。我们还确定了一种对国家角色的理解，这种理解与典型的新自由主义立场重叠，但也在很大程度上偏离了它。本研究通过关注未被充分研究的地点、行为者和过程，有助于理解“接受地点”和环境正义文献。

引用次数: 2

Petro-Security State Power and the Imaginaries of Extremism: An Analysis of U.S. Critical Infrastructure Trespass Bills Targeting Anti-Pipeline Advocacy Movements 石油安全国家权力和极端主义的想象:美国针对反管道倡导运动的关键基础设施侵入法案分析

Q2 Social Sciences

Environmental Justice

Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1089/env.2021.0102

Kirk Jalbert, Sherri Wasserman, Homero Garza Navarro, Natalie Florence

Petrochemical pipelines have taken center stage in public debates about the impacts of resource extraction dependencies and calls for greater participation in environmental governance. However, these concerns can run counter to the interests of the petrochemical industry and state security imaginaries that frame critics as threats. These imaginaries are evident in a suite of critical infrastructure (CI) trespass bills introduced by U.S. state legislatures implicating the activities of anti-pipeline protest movements. In a comparative analysis of 51 CI trespass bills, we find significant patterns in how criminal activities are defined across bills, as well as how individuals, aiding organizations, and the tactical practices of activists are positioned as threats. Additional findings show that CI trespass bills are more likely to emerge from states with heavy investments in pipeline infrastructure, states with contested pipelines, and states dominated by conservative political parties. Finally, we illustrate how major components of bills are authored by the American Legislative Exchange Council, a group that supports the interests of petrochemical companies. We argue that, by broadly designating those who resist pipelines as threats, trespass bills serve to strengthen petro-security state powers, thus transforming sites of resistance to petrochemical development into sites of acceptable risk for the externalities of free market industrialism under the pretense of protecting national security. We suggest that these developments may have multiple negative effects, including eroding the public's right to question pipelines and exacerbating patterns of social injustice, as well as unintended positive effects in strengthening organized resistance.

在有关资源开采依赖影响的公众辩论中，石化管道问题已经占据了中心位置，并呼吁更多地参与环境治理。然而，这些担忧可能与石化行业的利益和将批评者视为威胁的国家安全想象背道而驰。在美国各州立法机构提出的一系列涉及反管道抗议活动的关键基础设施(CI)侵入法案中，这些想象显而易见。在对51个CI非法侵入法案的比较分析中，我们发现了如何在法案中定义犯罪活动的重要模式，以及如何将个人，援助组织和活动家的战术实践定位为威胁。其他调查结果表明，CI侵权法案更有可能出现在管道基础设施投资巨大的州，管道有争议的州，以及由保守政党主导的州。最后，我们说明了法案的主要组成部分是如何由美国立法交流委员会(一个支持石化公司利益的组织)撰写的。我们认为，通过将那些抵制管道的人广泛地指定为威胁，非法侵入法案有助于加强石油安全国家权力，从而在保护国家安全的幌子下，将抵制石化开发的地点转变为自由市场工业主义外部性的可接受风险地点。我们认为，这些发展可能会产生多重负面影响，包括侵蚀公众质疑管道的权利，加剧社会不公正的模式，以及加强有组织抵抗的意外积极影响。

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引用次数: 1

Association Between Topsoil Lead Concentrations and the Risk of Violent Crime 表层土壤铅浓度与暴力犯罪风险之间的关系

IF 2 Q2 Social Sciences

Environmental Justice

Pub Date : 2023-01-25 DOI: 10.1089/env.2022.0077

B. Guinn, K. Baumgartner, S. D. Boone, J. Gaskins, Haifeng Zhang, K. Zierold

引用次数: 0

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