Pub Date : 2022-08-06DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2022.2110040
Eray Alim
ABSTRACT Although International Relations experts acknowledge the importance of prudence in policy-making processes, the term has not been properly operationalised in scholarly works. This work seeks to fill the existing gap in the literature by offering a conceptual and analytical framework of this idea. In addressing the question of what is means to act prudently in foreign affairs, this article takes the foreign policy pursued by Turkey during the Syrian Crisis as its case study. I show that prudence is intimately tied to policy-makers’ ability to developing an awareness of situational and historical constraints regarding the issue at hand. And this can only be achieved, provided that policy-makers do not succumb to cognitive bias. Turkey’s dismal foreign policy performance in Syria demonstrates that political leaders’ failure to appreciate the relevant intrinsic and extrinsic factors in a given foreign policy setting generates the risk of running into costly mishaps.
{"title":"Prudence as an Antidote to Foreign Policy Adventurism: The Case of Turkey in the Syrian Crisis","authors":"Eray Alim","doi":"10.1080/13600826.2022.2110040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2022.2110040","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Although International Relations experts acknowledge the importance of prudence in policy-making processes, the term has not been properly operationalised in scholarly works. This work seeks to fill the existing gap in the literature by offering a conceptual and analytical framework of this idea. In addressing the question of what is means to act prudently in foreign affairs, this article takes the foreign policy pursued by Turkey during the Syrian Crisis as its case study. I show that prudence is intimately tied to policy-makers’ ability to developing an awareness of situational and historical constraints regarding the issue at hand. And this can only be achieved, provided that policy-makers do not succumb to cognitive bias. Turkey’s dismal foreign policy performance in Syria demonstrates that political leaders’ failure to appreciate the relevant intrinsic and extrinsic factors in a given foreign policy setting generates the risk of running into costly mishaps.","PeriodicalId":46197,"journal":{"name":"Global Society","volume":"37 1","pages":"292 - 314"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-08-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48797504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-15DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2022.2094222
Jana Hönke, Eric Cezne, Yifan Yang
ABSTRACT This article brings to fore long-standing intricacies and dilemmas in Brazil’s and China’s international positioning. It reveals the complex discursive repertoires shaping the Brazilian and Chinese sense of Self in the world, in the Global South, and, more particularly, in relation to Africa. It engages with the concept of “liminality” to highlight how constructing South–South relationships and invoking Southern identities have been ambiguous, indeterminate—thus liminal—endeavors in these countries’ international affairs. By dissecting their diplomatic and corporate narratives towards Africa, our analysis demonstrates, notwithstanding tensions and contradictions, how Brazilian and Chinese actors have creatively acted upon this liminality to pursue foreign policy goals and economic projects. In doing so, the article stresses the floating, ambiguous nature of powerful constructs such as “South” (and “West”), and binary oppositions between them. It concludes by discussing how a liminality perspective allows us to understand the unfixed and multifaceted nature of roles and identities in international relations.
{"title":"Liminally Positioned in the South: Reinterpreting Brazilian and Chinese Relations with Africa","authors":"Jana Hönke, Eric Cezne, Yifan Yang","doi":"10.1080/13600826.2022.2094222","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2022.2094222","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 This article brings to fore long-standing intricacies and dilemmas in Brazil’s and China’s international positioning. It reveals the complex discursive repertoires shaping the Brazilian and Chinese sense of Self in the world, in the Global South, and, more particularly, in relation to Africa. It engages with the concept of “liminality” to highlight how constructing South–South relationships and invoking Southern identities have been ambiguous, indeterminate—thus liminal—endeavors in these countries’ international affairs. By dissecting their diplomatic and corporate narratives towards Africa, our analysis demonstrates, notwithstanding tensions and contradictions, how Brazilian and Chinese actors have creatively acted upon this liminality to pursue foreign policy goals and economic projects. In doing so, the article stresses the floating, ambiguous nature of powerful constructs such as “South” (and “West”), and binary oppositions between them. It concludes by discussing how a liminality perspective allows us to understand the unfixed and multifaceted nature of roles and identities in international relations.","PeriodicalId":46197,"journal":{"name":"Global Society","volume":"37 1","pages":"197 - 224"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46965733","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-14DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2022.2098701
Steve Wood
ABSTRACT The COVID-19 pandemic gave new impetus to the influence of face and status on the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the political leadership of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Occurring when relations between the PRC and the liberal-democratic world were already tense, the pandemic introduced a new vector into a highly politicised context involving domestic and global audiences. It caused the CCP acute embarrassment, undermined its status ambition, and intensified an extant resentment towards perceived competitors and critical voices. Anxieties about loss of face and status manifested in the histrionics and policies of CCP/PRC officials and state media towards the United States and Australia.
{"title":"The Chinese Communist Party and the COVID-19 Pandemic: Face Loss, Status Anxiety, Resentment","authors":"Steve Wood","doi":"10.1080/13600826.2022.2098701","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2022.2098701","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The COVID-19 pandemic gave new impetus to the influence of face and status on the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the political leadership of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Occurring when relations between the PRC and the liberal-democratic world were already tense, the pandemic introduced a new vector into a highly politicised context involving domestic and global audiences. It caused the CCP acute embarrassment, undermined its status ambition, and intensified an extant resentment towards perceived competitors and critical voices. Anxieties about loss of face and status manifested in the histrionics and policies of CCP/PRC officials and state media towards the United States and Australia.","PeriodicalId":46197,"journal":{"name":"Global Society","volume":"37 1","pages":"245 - 265"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47539064","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-13DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2022.2098092
Dechun Zhang, Yujing Xu
ABSTRACT COVID-19, as a major public health crisis, has triggered nationalism to different degrees all around the world. This study utilises an online survey to explore the relationships between media use, media trust, and nationalism in China during the COVID-19 pandemic. We found that the level of nationalism was still considerably high in China at the time of the pandemic and that the role of the media in nation-state building enterprises remains significant. It becomes more pervasive after the news media's adoption of digitalisation. Our study argues that contemporary China's expression of nationalism is socially constructed by media and rooted in its Chinese Confucian culture. Meanwhile, the Chinese government is increasingly designing the news media and manages social media. It has already successfully constructed a sense of nationalism to facilitate its own interests in response to the national crisis. This has led nationalism being embodied in the media's constructed social reality.
{"title":"When Nationalism Encounters the COVID-19 Pandemic: Understanding Chinese Nationalism From Media Use and Media Trust","authors":"Dechun Zhang, Yujing Xu","doi":"10.1080/13600826.2022.2098092","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2022.2098092","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT COVID-19, as a major public health crisis, has triggered nationalism to different degrees all around the world. This study utilises an online survey to explore the relationships between media use, media trust, and nationalism in China during the COVID-19 pandemic. We found that the level of nationalism was still considerably high in China at the time of the pandemic and that the role of the media in nation-state building enterprises remains significant. It becomes more pervasive after the news media's adoption of digitalisation. Our study argues that contemporary China's expression of nationalism is socially constructed by media and rooted in its Chinese Confucian culture. Meanwhile, the Chinese government is increasingly designing the news media and manages social media. It has already successfully constructed a sense of nationalism to facilitate its own interests in response to the national crisis. This has led nationalism being embodied in the media's constructed social reality.","PeriodicalId":46197,"journal":{"name":"Global Society","volume":"37 1","pages":"176 - 196"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48695318","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-23DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2022.2052026
Mikael Baaz, Mona Lilja
Notable scholars within International Relations (IR) have nuanced the concept of resistance, as well as, more generally, paving the way for acknowledging how Foucauldian approaches support thinking about resistance within IR (see e.g. Death 2016; Odysseos, Death, and Malmvig 2016; Lilja and Vinthagen 2014; Malmvig 2016). Based on this theme, this special issue aims to further carve out forms and nuances of resistance. Not surprisingly, there are several papers in Global Society that address creative responses to power, as well as power’s responses back. Not least, a recent special edition of the journal has made the study of resistance more complex by embracing “counter-conducts”; that is, a concept that was recently recovered fromMichel Foucault’s Security, Territory, Population (2009) lectures. We find the constructive use of the concept of counter-conducts interesting and original. However, in our thinking, the valorisation of the concept, in some senses, leads to an omission of Foucault’s multiple forms of resistance. Resistance, in Foucault’s texts, is sometimes described as resistance against authorities (sometimes the state and other governing units, and sometimes local authorities; Foucault 2009, 201; Foucault 1982, 329–331; Foucault 1991, 149). In other texts, however, he describes resistance as a discursive phenomenon. Discursive resistance, which appears as repetitions of signs across time, more generally, does not signal major ruptures, breaks or discontinuities. Indeed, this resistance, which occasionally aims to establish alternative truths, could be seen as a slow-motion form of resistance as it suffers from the inescapable time-lag of processes of signification (Lilja 2021, 2018). It is the strategic codification of different points of resistance that, in the end, becomes the hotbed for radical social change (Foucault 1990, 96; Bhabha 1994). Sometimes, these more linguistic forms of resistance take the form of reverse discourse. According to Foucault (1990, 101–102):
{"title":"“Reverse Discourse” Revisited: Cracks, Formations, and a Complex Understanding of Power","authors":"Mikael Baaz, Mona Lilja","doi":"10.1080/13600826.2022.2052026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2022.2052026","url":null,"abstract":"Notable scholars within International Relations (IR) have nuanced the concept of resistance, as well as, more generally, paving the way for acknowledging how Foucauldian approaches support thinking about resistance within IR (see e.g. Death 2016; Odysseos, Death, and Malmvig 2016; Lilja and Vinthagen 2014; Malmvig 2016). Based on this theme, this special issue aims to further carve out forms and nuances of resistance. Not surprisingly, there are several papers in Global Society that address creative responses to power, as well as power’s responses back. Not least, a recent special edition of the journal has made the study of resistance more complex by embracing “counter-conducts”; that is, a concept that was recently recovered fromMichel Foucault’s Security, Territory, Population (2009) lectures. We find the constructive use of the concept of counter-conducts interesting and original. However, in our thinking, the valorisation of the concept, in some senses, leads to an omission of Foucault’s multiple forms of resistance. Resistance, in Foucault’s texts, is sometimes described as resistance against authorities (sometimes the state and other governing units, and sometimes local authorities; Foucault 2009, 201; Foucault 1982, 329–331; Foucault 1991, 149). In other texts, however, he describes resistance as a discursive phenomenon. Discursive resistance, which appears as repetitions of signs across time, more generally, does not signal major ruptures, breaks or discontinuities. Indeed, this resistance, which occasionally aims to establish alternative truths, could be seen as a slow-motion form of resistance as it suffers from the inescapable time-lag of processes of signification (Lilja 2021, 2018). It is the strategic codification of different points of resistance that, in the end, becomes the hotbed for radical social change (Foucault 1990, 96; Bhabha 1994). Sometimes, these more linguistic forms of resistance take the form of reverse discourse. According to Foucault (1990, 101–102):","PeriodicalId":46197,"journal":{"name":"Global Society","volume":"36 1","pages":"301 - 308"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46597474","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-26DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2022.2052022
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia
ABSTRACT Since Tahir Square, a series of movements and uprisings have spread around Africa. Redefining themselves as “citizens” movements to emphasise their “rights”, one of the most significant characteristics is their tendency to couch their aspirations in terms that resonate the liberal moral order. Yet in so doing they also create a new subjectivity and redefine democracy, development and human rights. With the cases of Y'en a Marre in Senegal, and LUCHA in DRC, the article analyses this rearticulation, not as reproducing the dominant discourse, but as a reversed discourse that criticises and challenges the status quo. Following Foucault's approach, the paper embraces the circular, contradictory and tactical nature of discourses, but expands it with African political theory and resistance theory to articulate resistance as acts that attack and subvert power at the same time that create new subjectivities.
摘要自塔希尔广场以来，一系列运动和起义在非洲各地蔓延。将自己重新定义为“公民”运动，以强调自己的“权利”，最重要的特征之一是他们倾向于用与自由主义道德秩序产生共鸣的方式来表达自己的愿望。然而，在这样做的过程中，他们也创造了一种新的主体性，并重新定义了民主、发展和人权。本文以塞内加尔的Y'en a Marre和刚果民主共和国的LUCHA为例，分析了这种重新表述，不是作为对主导话语的再现，而是作为对现状的批判和挑战的反向话语。遵循福柯的方法，本文接受了话语的循环性、矛盾性和战术性，但用非洲政治理论和抵抗理论对其进行了扩展，将抵抗表述为攻击和颠覆权力的行为，同时创造了新的主体性。
{"title":"Reversing “Liberal” Aspirations: A View from “Citizen’s” Movements in Africa","authors":"Marta Iñiguez de Heredia","doi":"10.1080/13600826.2022.2052022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2022.2052022","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since Tahir Square, a series of movements and uprisings have spread around Africa. Redefining themselves as “citizens” movements to emphasise their “rights”, one of the most significant characteristics is their tendency to couch their aspirations in terms that resonate the liberal moral order. Yet in so doing they also create a new subjectivity and redefine democracy, development and human rights. With the cases of Y'en a Marre in Senegal, and LUCHA in DRC, the article analyses this rearticulation, not as reproducing the dominant discourse, but as a reversed discourse that criticises and challenges the status quo. Following Foucault's approach, the paper embraces the circular, contradictory and tactical nature of discourses, but expands it with African political theory and resistance theory to articulate resistance as acts that attack and subvert power at the same time that create new subjectivities.","PeriodicalId":46197,"journal":{"name":"Global Society","volume":"36 1","pages":"409 - 430"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44350364","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-19DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2022.2061923
T. Kivimäki
ABSTRACT This article investigates, by means of computer-assisted qualitative and quantitative discourse analysis, how and when ideology was securitized in US presidential speech. It reveals how securitizing speech justifies methods and targets in the resistance of “dangerous ideologies” that are problematic for democracies. The analysis reveals that the entanglement of oppositional ideologies with security was articulated in the context of the War on Terror. While the original need to see ideologies as an existential threat was necessary to justify the exclusion of the ideologies of the Taliban and Saddam Hussein from the elections in Afghanistan and Iraq in 2004 and 2005 respectively, the securitization of ideologies then spread to issue areas beyond terror and to geographic contexts outside of these two countries, all the way to US domestic political competition. The need to avoid embarrassment in Iraq and Afghanistan may have thus affected US democracy.
{"title":"When Ideologies Became Dangerous: An Analysis of the Transformation of the Relationship Between Security and Oppositional Ideologies in US Presidential Discourse","authors":"T. Kivimäki","doi":"10.1080/13600826.2022.2061923","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2022.2061923","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article investigates, by means of computer-assisted qualitative and quantitative discourse analysis, how and when ideology was securitized in US presidential speech. It reveals how securitizing speech justifies methods and targets in the resistance of “dangerous ideologies” that are problematic for democracies. The analysis reveals that the entanglement of oppositional ideologies with security was articulated in the context of the War on Terror. While the original need to see ideologies as an existential threat was necessary to justify the exclusion of the ideologies of the Taliban and Saddam Hussein from the elections in Afghanistan and Iraq in 2004 and 2005 respectively, the securitization of ideologies then spread to issue areas beyond terror and to geographic contexts outside of these two countries, all the way to US domestic political competition. The need to avoid embarrassment in Iraq and Afghanistan may have thus affected US democracy.","PeriodicalId":46197,"journal":{"name":"Global Society","volume":"37 1","pages":"225 - 244"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-04-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48168314","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2022.2059848
Idris Ahmedi, Karlstads Universitet, R. Aitken, Trine Villumsen, Fabio Henrique Bittes, P. Brannagan, Shamini Chandran, Takeshi Daimon, Itziar Mujika Chao, Hernan Ramirez, Sheila H. Rao, T. Shaw, Karen L. Smith, Jackie Smith, Liam P. D. Stockdale, Filip Strandberg, Taku Tamaki, E. Tomalin
Idris Ahmedi, Karlstads universitet; Rob Aitken, University of Alberta; Olumuyiwa Amao, University of Otago; Lere Amusan, North-West University; Deepa Badrinarayana, Chapman University; Jordan Becker, Vrije Universiteit Brussel; Felix Berenskoetter, SOAS University of London; Trine Villumsen Berling, Dansk Institut for Internationale Studier; Pınar Bilgin, Bilkent University; Fabio Henrique Bittes Terra, A Universidade Federal do ABC; Peter Bloom, University of Essex; Manuela Boatcă, Universität Freiburg; Paul Michael Brannagan, Manchester Metropolitan University; Adrian Bua, De Montfort University; Jessica Cadesky, University of Ottawa; Sydney Calkin, Queen Mary University of London; Andreu Casero Ripollés, Universitat Jaume I; David Chandler, University of Westminster; Shamini Chandran, University of Colombo; Jérémie Cornut, Simon Fraser University; Takeshi Daimon, Waseda University; Charlotte Dany, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main; Marwan Darweish, Coventry University; Cedric H. de Coning, Norsk Utenrikspolitisk Institutt; Jeff DeWitt, Kennesaw State University; Hylke Djiksta, Maastricht University; Maria Erlander, La Trobe University; Rosemary Foot, University of Oxford; Rosa Freedman, University of Reading; Li Fujian,外交學院; Jean-Paul Gagnon, University of Canberra; Basil Germond, Lancaster University; Ciaran Gillespie, University of Surrey; Penny Griffin, UNSW Sydney; Bernhard Gunter, American University; Toni Haastrup, University of Stirling; Ian Hall, Griffith University; Hannes Hansen-Magnusson, Cardiff University; Sara Hellmüller, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies; Robert Herian, Open University; Gunhild Hoogensen Gjørv, UiT Norges arktiske universitet; Hendrik Huelss, Syddansk Universitet; Jutta Joachim, Radboud Universiteit; Amanda Källstig, University of Manchester; Kazushige Kobayashi, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies; Kei Koga, Nanyang Technological University; Romain Lachat, Sciences Po; Pak Lee, University of Kent; Benjamin Leffel, University of California, Merced; Luca Mavelli, University of Kent; Maria Clara Medina (University of Gothenburg), Göteborgs universitet; Silvia Menegazzi, LUISS Guido Carli; Saliha Metinsoy, Rijksuniversiteit Groningen; Hugh Miall, University of Kent; Mariana Mota Prado, University of Toronto; Itziar Mujika Chao, Universidad del País Vasco; Christopher O’Connor, University of Ontario Institute of Technology; Louiza Odysseos, University of Sussex; Nathaniel O’Grady, University of Manchester;Mitchell A. Orenstein, University of Pennsylvania; Camilla Orjuela, Göteborgs universitet; Susan Park, University of Sydney; Jonathan Pickering, University of Canberra; Berenike Prem, Universität Bremen; Hernan Ramirez, Universidad Nacional
{"title":"Acknowledgement to Global Society Peer Reviewers","authors":"Idris Ahmedi, Karlstads Universitet, R. Aitken, Trine Villumsen, Fabio Henrique Bittes, P. Brannagan, Shamini Chandran, Takeshi Daimon, Itziar Mujika Chao, Hernan Ramirez, Sheila H. Rao, T. Shaw, Karen L. Smith, Jackie Smith, Liam P. D. Stockdale, Filip Strandberg, Taku Tamaki, E. Tomalin","doi":"10.1080/13600826.2022.2059848","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2022.2059848","url":null,"abstract":"Idris Ahmedi, Karlstads universitet; Rob Aitken, University of Alberta; Olumuyiwa Amao, University of Otago; Lere Amusan, North-West University; Deepa Badrinarayana, Chapman University; Jordan Becker, Vrije Universiteit Brussel; Felix Berenskoetter, SOAS University of London; Trine Villumsen Berling, Dansk Institut for Internationale Studier; Pınar Bilgin, Bilkent University; Fabio Henrique Bittes Terra, A Universidade Federal do ABC; Peter Bloom, University of Essex; Manuela Boatcă, Universität Freiburg; Paul Michael Brannagan, Manchester Metropolitan University; Adrian Bua, De Montfort University; Jessica Cadesky, University of Ottawa; Sydney Calkin, Queen Mary University of London; Andreu Casero Ripollés, Universitat Jaume I; David Chandler, University of Westminster; Shamini Chandran, University of Colombo; Jérémie Cornut, Simon Fraser University; Takeshi Daimon, Waseda University; Charlotte Dany, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main; Marwan Darweish, Coventry University; Cedric H. de Coning, Norsk Utenrikspolitisk Institutt; Jeff DeWitt, Kennesaw State University; Hylke Djiksta, Maastricht University; Maria Erlander, La Trobe University; Rosemary Foot, University of Oxford; Rosa Freedman, University of Reading; Li Fujian,外交學院; Jean-Paul Gagnon, University of Canberra; Basil Germond, Lancaster University; Ciaran Gillespie, University of Surrey; Penny Griffin, UNSW Sydney; Bernhard Gunter, American University; Toni Haastrup, University of Stirling; Ian Hall, Griffith University; Hannes Hansen-Magnusson, Cardiff University; Sara Hellmüller, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies; Robert Herian, Open University; Gunhild Hoogensen Gjørv, UiT Norges arktiske universitet; Hendrik Huelss, Syddansk Universitet; Jutta Joachim, Radboud Universiteit; Amanda Källstig, University of Manchester; Kazushige Kobayashi, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies; Kei Koga, Nanyang Technological University; Romain Lachat, Sciences Po; Pak Lee, University of Kent; Benjamin Leffel, University of California, Merced; Luca Mavelli, University of Kent; Maria Clara Medina (University of Gothenburg), Göteborgs universitet; Silvia Menegazzi, LUISS Guido Carli; Saliha Metinsoy, Rijksuniversiteit Groningen; Hugh Miall, University of Kent; Mariana Mota Prado, University of Toronto; Itziar Mujika Chao, Universidad del País Vasco; Christopher O’Connor, University of Ontario Institute of Technology; Louiza Odysseos, University of Sussex; Nathaniel O’Grady, University of Manchester;Mitchell A. Orenstein, University of Pennsylvania; Camilla Orjuela, Göteborgs universitet; Susan Park, University of Sydney; Jonathan Pickering, University of Canberra; Berenike Prem, Universität Bremen; Hernan Ramirez, Universidad Nacional","PeriodicalId":46197,"journal":{"name":"Global Society","volume":"36 1","pages":"i - ii"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49452359","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.2021150
J. Berten, Matthias Kranke
ABSTRACT This special issue introduction develops the concept of anticipatory global governance by focusing on the practices through which international organisations (IOs) imagine and establish “present futures” across diverse transnational issue areas. Rather than following a conventional chronological stance, the contributors adopt a constructivist perspective on time to detail the logics and effects of anticipatory practices. In this introductory article, we suggest that the analysis of IOs’ anticipatory practices and the resulting present futures can broaden our understanding of global governance in two ways. First, we highlight the implications of how IOs problematise and govern yet-uncertain future transnational issues. Second, we reveal how in this process IOs perform, rather than simply wield, authority by sanctioning a wide range of visions. The special issue develops a general conceptual vocabulary for the study of anticipatory global governance, and provides empirical evidence on how IOs govern by anticipation.
{"title":"Anticipatory Global Governance: International Organisations and the Politics of the Future","authors":"J. Berten, Matthias Kranke","doi":"10.1080/13600826.2021.2021150","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2021.2021150","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This special issue introduction develops the concept of anticipatory global governance by focusing on the practices through which international organisations (IOs) imagine and establish “present futures” across diverse transnational issue areas. Rather than following a conventional chronological stance, the contributors adopt a constructivist perspective on time to detail the logics and effects of anticipatory practices. In this introductory article, we suggest that the analysis of IOs’ anticipatory practices and the resulting present futures can broaden our understanding of global governance in two ways. First, we highlight the implications of how IOs problematise and govern yet-uncertain future transnational issues. Second, we reveal how in this process IOs perform, rather than simply wield, authority by sanctioning a wide range of visions. The special issue develops a general conceptual vocabulary for the study of anticipatory global governance, and provides empirical evidence on how IOs govern by anticipation.","PeriodicalId":46197,"journal":{"name":"Global Society","volume":"36 1","pages":"155 - 169"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49041084","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.2021147
Thomas Müller
ABSTRACT How do states use benchmarks to organise their collective action? Although states increasingly rely on benchmarks to steer their collective action towards futures they deem desirable, research in IR has not yet unpacked the ways in which benchmarks alleviate – but also sometimes worsen – collective action problems. I argue that benchmarking enables states to tackle three interrelated problems: the coordination problem by the setting of common goals, the burden-sharing problem by the setting of individual goals and the assurance problem by generating comparative dynamics that are conducive to the fulfilment of these goals. Benchmarking thus amounts to a form of “self-binding” to certain futures. I illustrate and explore this self-binding through a case study of the two percent spending goal that NATO publicly adopted in 2014. The case study provides insights into how states back their commitment to goals through benchmarking while circumscribing the resulting pressure game to avert detrimental effects.
{"title":"Self-Binding via Benchmarking: Collective Action, Desirable Futures, and NATO’s Two Percent Goal","authors":"Thomas Müller","doi":"10.1080/13600826.2021.2021147","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2021.2021147","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How do states use benchmarks to organise their collective action? Although states increasingly rely on benchmarks to steer their collective action towards futures they deem desirable, research in IR has not yet unpacked the ways in which benchmarks alleviate – but also sometimes worsen – collective action problems. I argue that benchmarking enables states to tackle three interrelated problems: the coordination problem by the setting of common goals, the burden-sharing problem by the setting of individual goals and the assurance problem by generating comparative dynamics that are conducive to the fulfilment of these goals. Benchmarking thus amounts to a form of “self-binding” to certain futures. I illustrate and explore this self-binding through a case study of the two percent spending goal that NATO publicly adopted in 2014. The case study provides insights into how states back their commitment to goals through benchmarking while circumscribing the resulting pressure game to avert detrimental effects.","PeriodicalId":46197,"journal":{"name":"Global Society","volume":"36 1","pages":"170 - 187"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49177200","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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