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Food policy and state formation in Senegal and Uganda 塞内加尔和乌干达的粮食政策和国家形成
IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-05-11 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1924632
A. Ouedraogo, Klaus Schlichte
ABSTRACT Food policy is a predominantly overlooked vector of state formation in Africa. Comparing the trajectories of food policy in Senegal and Uganda, this article shows how internationally embedded food policies underpin state domination. It highlights three themes – early colonial food policies, the rise of organisational knowledge and the internationalisation of state domination through multilateral “assistance”. This argument is based on field research in both countries and on official documents and secondary literature. Its theoretical orientation draws upon a historical sociology of the State, as opposed to the idea of the heroic nation-state or the State as a component of “global ‘governance'”. We claim that food policy is highly politicised and that its effects on the State deserve much more attention in International Relations (IR), on the one hand, and state theory on the other. To study politics around food, we argue, would help to globalise IR.
在非洲,粮食政策是国家形成的一个主要被忽视的媒介。通过比较塞内加尔和乌干达的粮食政策轨迹,本文展示了国际粮食政策是如何支撑国家统治的。它突出了三个主题——早期殖民时期的粮食政策、组织知识的兴起以及通过多边“援助”实现国家统治的国际化。这一论点是基于两国的实地调查以及官方文件和二手文献。它的理论取向借鉴了国家的历史社会学,而不是英雄民族国家或国家作为“全球‘治理’”组成部分的想法。我们认为食品政策是高度政治化的,一方面,它对国家的影响应该在国际关系(IR)中得到更多的关注,另一方面,在国家理论中得到更多的关注。我们认为,研究围绕食物的政治将有助于国际关系的全球化。
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引用次数: 0
Globalisation, Black Swans, and financialisation as social constructions: A Discursive Institutional Analysis of Banamex, Citibank, and Scotiabank in Argentina 全球化、黑天鹅和作为社会结构的金融化:阿根廷Banamex、花旗银行和丰业银行的话语制度分析
IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-04-23 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1901662
Christian Hernandez
ABSTRACT Despite over twenty years of political resistance, globalisation endures, both as a discourse and political project. While many works have established how discourses of globalisation serve to constrain and/or guide macroeconomic policy, the dynamic nexus that exists between microeconomic decision-making processes vis-à-vis macroeconomic conditions is a less explored matter. Epistemologically, this paper offers a means of gaining analytical purchase over the logics, motivations, and thought processes of international bankers – and the financial press, which chronicle their actions. This is accomplished via a rigorous discursive-content analysis that gauges how said agents understood globalisation, the role of finance, the state, and even how market sentiment was factored into their ontological worldview. Ultimately, the goal is to establish an historical and spatiotemporally heterogeneous analysis on if, how, and what ideas of globalisation and neoliberalism influenced/rationalized the financialization of Argentine banks during the 1990s and how these evolved en route to Argentina's 2001 collapse.
尽管有二十多年的政治阻力,全球化作为一种话语和政治项目仍然存在。虽然许多著作已经确定了全球化话语如何限制和/或指导宏观经济政策,但微观经济决策过程与-à-vis宏观经济条件之间存在的动态联系是一个较少探索的问题。在认识论上,本文提供了一种方法,可以对国际银行家的逻辑、动机和思维过程以及记录他们行为的金融媒体进行分析。这是通过严格的话语内容分析来完成的,该分析衡量了上述代理人如何理解全球化、金融的角色、国家,甚至是市场情绪如何被纳入他们的本体论世界观。最终,目标是建立一个历史和时空异质性分析,分析全球化和新自由主义的思想是否、如何以及哪些思想影响了20世纪90年代阿根廷银行的金融化/合理化,以及这些思想在阿根廷2001年崩溃的过程中如何演变。
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引用次数: 1
Non-state Diplomacies and Norm-making during the Occupy Central and Umbrella Movement: Hong Kong’s Canadian Residents 占中雨伞运动中的非国家外交与规范:香港的加拿大居民
IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-04-22 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1895082
Susan J. Henders
ABSTRACT The article advances understanding of the relationships between diplomacies and governance and the role of non-state actors in them, through a case study of migrant norm-making. Drawing from 50 interviews, the analysis examines how Canadian residents of Hong Kong during the 2014 Occupy Central and Umbrella Movement protests enacted through their diplomatic practices what Wiener calls the “meanings-in-use” of norms—specifically, respect for democracy and human rights, as well as foreign non-interference. These NSA diplomatic practices made visible world order's contested multi-level normative frames within a local democratization struggle. The analysis provides starting points for research on how transnational lives, liminal identifications, class, denizenship, and state power shape NSA diplomacies. It advances the theorizing of norm-making within diplomacy, using insights from critical diplomacy studies, including the “other diplomacies” approach.
摘要本文通过对移民规范制定的案例研究,加深了对外交与治理之间关系以及非国家行为者在其中的作用的理解。该分析从50次采访中得出结论,考察了在2014年占领中环和雨伞运动抗议活动中,香港的加拿大居民是如何通过他们的外交实践实施维纳所说的规范、尊重民主和人权以及外国不干涉的“本质含义”的。美国国家安全局的这些外交做法使世界秩序在地方民主化斗争中有争议的多层次规范框架变得显而易见。该分析为研究跨国生活、边缘身份、阶级、居民身份和国家权力如何影响NSA外交提供了起点。它利用批判性外交研究的见解,包括“其他外交”方法,推进了外交规范制定的理论化。
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引用次数: 0
International Organisations and the Proliferation of Scientised Global Reporting, 1947–2019 国际组织与科学全球报告的扩散,1947-2019
IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-04-20 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1902284
Mike Zapp
ABSTRACT As novel instruments in global governance, international organisations’ (IOs) global reports have emerged in all policy sectors in the more recent period. Drawing on an original dataset of N = 363 editions from N = 95 explicitly global reports from the period 1947–2019, this study documents the rise of reporting and uses citation and content analyses to examine the changing role of science. Reporting based on scientific research and quantitative indicators increases over time and across all sectors, yet particularly striking since the late 1980s and most in sectors dealing with human development and the environment. Drawing on arguments from world society theory, the sociology of quantification and post-truth approaches, this work argues that while reports provide IOs with new legitimacy in science-based governance, their scientised and quantified nature is likely to make IO activities the target of antiscientific populist rhetoric and critical arguments about a reductionist interpretation of science.
摘要作为全球治理的新工具,国际组织的全球报告在最近一段时间出现在所有政策部门。根据N=363个版本的原始数据集绘制 = 从1947年到2019年,共有95份明确的全球报告,本研究记录了报告的兴起,并使用引文和内容分析来检验科学不断变化的作用。基于科学研究和定量指标的报告随着时间的推移在所有部门都有所增加,但自20世纪80年代末以来尤其引人注目,大多数报告都是在涉及人类发展和环境的部门。根据世界社会理论、量化社会学和后真相方法的论点,这项工作认为,虽然报告为IO在基于科学的治理中提供了新的合法性,但它们的科学化和量化性质可能会使IO活动成为反科学民粹主义言论和关于科学还原主义解释的批评论点的目标。
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引用次数: 3
A Cosmopolitan Reading of Modern Monetary Theory 现代货币理论的世界性解读
IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-03-19 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1898343
Konsta Kotilainen
ABSTRACT The increasingly influential neochartalist Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) comes with a nation-state-centric framing of politics. The neochartalists argue that many alleged globalisation-related constraints on national economic policy are illusory or seriously overstated. In their view, monetarily sovereign states enjoy substantial autonomy over their fiscal and monetary policy decisions. The neochartalist diagnosis thus seems to undermine cosmopolitan calls for supranational forms of macroeconomic governance. However, this paper argues that if we pay serious attention to a range of subtler obstacles and strategic incentives that apply especially to small currency-issuing states, cosmopolitan aspirations remain well-motivated. Accordingly, the political implications of MMT are reexamined and a case for supranational exercise of monetary sovereignty is made. The paper goes on to demonstrate how the standard state-centric approach to currency privileges can prove counterproductive from the perspective of democratic governance. It is concluded that neochartalism and cosmopolitanism can fruitfully both correct and enrich each other.
摘要影响越来越大的新哈特主义现代货币理论是以国家为中心的政治框架。新宪章主义者认为,许多所谓的与全球化有关的对国家经济政策的限制是虚幻的,或者被严重夸大了。在他们看来,货币主权国家在财政和货币政策决策方面享有很大的自主权。因此,新宪章主义的诊断似乎破坏了世界对超国家形式宏观经济治理的呼吁。然而,本文认为,如果我们认真关注一系列微妙的障碍和战略激励措施,特别是适用于小货币发行国,那么国际化的愿望仍然是积极的。因此,重新审视了MMT的政治含义,并提出了超国家行使货币主权的理由。本文继续论证了从民主治理的角度来看,以国家为中心的货币特权标准方法可能会适得其反。结果表明,新宪章主义和世界主义可以卓有成效地相互修正和丰富。
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引用次数: 1
Advocacy Coalition Constellations and Norm Collisions: Insights from International Drug Control, Human Trafficking, and Child Labour 倡导联盟的星座和规范冲突:来自国际药物管制、人口贩运和童工的见解
IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1885352
Anna Holzscheiter, Sassan Gholiagha, A. Liese
ABSTRACT To date, there has been little research on how advocacy coalitions influence the dynamic relationships between norms. Addressing norm collisions as a particular type of norm dynamics, we ask if and how advocacy coalitions and the constellations between them bring such norm collisions to the fore. Norm collisions surface in situations in which actors claim that two or more norms are incompatible with each other, promoting different, even opposing, behavioural choices. We examine the effect of advocacy coalition constellations (ACC) on the activation and varying evolution of norm collisions in three issue areas: international drug control, human trafficking, and child labour. These areas have a legally codified prohibitive regime in common. At the same time, they differ with regard to the specific ACC present. Exploiting this variation, we generate insights into how power asymmetries and other characteristics of ACC affect norm collisions across our three issue areas.
摘要到目前为止,关于倡导联盟如何影响规范之间的动态关系的研究很少。将规范冲突视为一种特殊类型的规范动态,我们想知道倡导联盟及其之间的星座是否以及如何将这种规范冲突凸显出来。规范冲突出现在行为者声称两种或两种以上规范相互不兼容的情况下,从而促进不同甚至相反的行为选择。我们研究了倡导联盟星座(ACC)对三个问题领域的规范冲突的激活和不同演变的影响:国际药物管制、人口贩运和童工。这些领域有一个共同的法律禁止制度。与此同时,它们在具体的行政协调会方面也有所不同。利用这种变化,我们深入了解了ACC的权力不对称和其他特征如何影响我们三个问题领域的规范碰撞。
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引用次数: 7
Contesting Human Rights Defenders at the United Nations Human Rights Council 联合国人权理事会上的人权捍卫者
IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-02-19 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1881049
M. Voss
ABSTRACT Human rights defenders (HRD) are facing shrinking spaces. The United Nations Human Rights Council (Council) is one of these potentially shrinking spaces. At the Council, there exists significant contestation over HRD and their role in human rights protection. Resolutions on HRD are facing contestation including lengthy debates and record-setting numbers of amendments by opponents of HRD initiatives. This paper uses theories of contestation from international relations to examine how Member States both advocate for and against HRD at the Council. Case study analysis including participant observation and elite-level interviews are used to examine strategies used by Member States. The paper finds that both advocates and proponents use a multitude of strategies aimed at defending or defeating the validity and application of HRD resolutions. This type of contestation matters for HRD because it eventually impacts the ability of defenders to promote and protect human rights on the ground.
摘要:人权维护者(HRD)面临着日益缩小的空间。联合国人权理事会(理事会)就是这些潜在的缩小空间之一。在人权理事会,人们对人权发展及其在保护人权方面的作用存在重大争议。关于人力资源开发的决议正面临争议,包括长时间的辩论和反对人力资源开发倡议的人提出的创纪录的修正案。本文运用国际关系中的争议理论来考察会员国如何在理事会中既支持又反对人力资源开发。案例研究分析包括参与者观察和精英级别访谈,用于审查会员国使用的战略。论文发现,倡导者和支持者都使用了多种策略,旨在捍卫或挫败人权发展决议的有效性和适用性。这种类型的争论对人权发展很重要,因为它最终会影响维权者在当地促进和保护人权的能力。
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引用次数: 2
Epistemic Transformation at the Margins: Resistance to Digitalisation and Datafication within Global Human Rights Advocacy 边缘的认识论转型:全球人权倡导中对数字化和数据化的抵制
IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-02-03 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1879028
A. Markland
ABSTRACT A post-human “transformation thesis” has emerged which posits that global politics is being radically altered by digital technologies and datafication. There is a polemical tendency to generalise about macro-level revolutions in both the techniques of governance and knowledge production across different political spheres, ranging from international security to development, humanitarianism and human rights. By instead applying a meso-level lens on global politics, this article cautions against excessive generalisations about epistemic transformations. It does so by emphasising the ways in which technological changes are mediated through field-specific struggles. This point is illustrated by demonstrating the absence of a radical data revolution within the field of global human rights advocacy. Through a sociological analysis of leading human rights NGOs and their epistemic cultures, it shows how that the field's humanistic sub-culture limits the adoption of novel digital- and data-centric practices.
摘要一个后人类的“转型论”已经出现,它认为全球政治正在被数字技术和数据化彻底改变。从国际安全到发展、人道主义和人权等不同政治领域的治理技术和知识生产的宏观层面的革命有一种普遍化的争论趋势。相反,本文将中观层面的视角应用于全球政治,提醒人们不要过度概括认识论的转变。它通过强调通过特定领域的斗争来调解技术变革的方式来做到这一点。这一点可以通过证明全球人权倡导领域没有发生激进的数据革命来说明。通过对主要人权非政府组织及其认识文化的社会学分析,它表明了该领域的人文亚文化如何限制了新的以数字和数据为中心的做法的采用。
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引用次数: 2
The Social Life of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda: A Digital Social Network Analysis 妇女的社会生活、和平与安全议程:数字社会网络分析
IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-20 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1875996
Caitlin Hamilton, J. McSwiney, Nyibeny Naam, Laura J. Shepherd
ABSTRACT In the twenty years since the adoption of United Nations Security Council resolution 1325 on “women, peace and security” (in 2000), civil society organisations have continued to shape the agenda's development and work towards its implementation, although geographical and other disparities in recognition, access, and authority over the agenda exist. In this research, we explore the online interactions among civil society organisations working on policy and practice related to the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. Informed by a postcolonial theoretical framework, and using social network analysis, we analyse data from the Twitter and Facebook accounts of a WPS social network, seeded by social media pages of 21 organisations. Our data suggest that a small group of organisations based in the global North have disproportionate visibility in online activities related to the WPS agenda, and that this has implications for issues of diversity and representation in the network.
摘要自2000年联合国安理会通过关于“妇女、和平与安全”的第1325号决议以来的二十年里,民间社会组织继续推动议程的制定并努力实施,尽管在承认、参与和管理议程方面存在地域和其他方面的差异。在这项研究中,我们探讨了从事妇女、和平与安全议程相关政策和实践的民间社会组织之间的在线互动。根据后殖民理论框架,并使用社交网络分析,我们分析了来自WPS社交网络的推特和脸书账户的数据,这些账户由21个组织的社交媒体页面播种。我们的数据表明,总部位于全球北方的一小群组织在与WPS议程相关的在线活动中具有不成比例的可见性,这对网络中的多样性和代表性问题产生了影响。
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引用次数: 5
Acknowledgement to Global Society Peer Reviewers 向全球学会同行评审员致谢
IF 1.6 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13600826.2021.1866149
R. Amer, N. Andrews, Gülşen Aydın, Catherine Baker, Tugba Basaran, Soumita Basu, Sergio Caballero, S. Son
Ramses Amer, Uppsala University; Nathan Andrews, University of Northern British Columbia; Gülşen Aydin, Atatürk Üniversitesi; Catherine Baker, University of Hull; Tugba Basaran, University of Kent; Soumita Basu, South Asian University; Invild Bode, Syddansk Universitet; Chris Brown, London School of Economics; Oldrich Bures, Metropolitní univerzita Praha; Anthony Burke, University of New South Wales; Sergio Caballero, Universidad de Deusto; Emilios Christodoulidis, University of Glasgow; Elaine Coburn, York University; Noé Cornago, Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea; Elise DeCamp, Western Michigan University; Michael X. Delli Carpini, University of Pennsylvania; Edwin Egede, Cardiff University; David Feltmate, Auburn University at Montgomery; Huiyun Feng, Griffith University; Selina Gallo-Cruz, College of the Holy Cross; Ruben Gonzalez Vicente, Universiteit Leiden; Thorsten Gromes, Hessische Stiftung Friedensund Konfliktforschung; Andrew Hom, University of Edinburgh; Hendrik Huelss, University of Kent; Ahmed Shafiqul Huque, McMaster University; Cristina Juverdeanu, King’s College London;Kai Michael Kenkel, Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro; Catarina Kinnvall, Lunds universitet; Kriszta Kovács, Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung; MariaCaterina La Barbera, Universidad Nebrija; Anthony Lang, University of St Andrews; Paul MacDonald, Wellesley College; Joseph MacKay, Australian National University; Hilary Matfess, Yale University; Luca Mavelli, University of Kent; Christopher McIntosh, Bard College; Frédéric Mégret, McGill University; Elizabeth Mendenhall, University of Rhode Island; Javier Moreno Zacares, University of Warwick; Philip Nel, University of Otago; Cian O’Driscoll, Australian National University; Tony Porter, McMaster University; Elisabeth Prügl, Graduate Institute Geneva; Darren Purcell, University of Oklahoma; Jason Ralph, University of Leeds; Chris Rogers, University of Warwick; Doerthe Rosenow, Oxford Brookes University; Andrea Schneiker, Universität Siegen; Sarah A. Son, University of Sheffield; Brent Steele, University of Utah; Jelena Subotic, Georgia State University; Alex Sutton, Oxford Brookes University; Pawel Surowiec, University of Sheffield; Jacqui True, Monash University; Carolijn van Noort, University of the West of Scotland; Maaike Verbruggen, Vrije Universiteit Brussel; Julia Welland, University of Warwick; Wendy Willems, London School of Economics; Rachel Woodward, Newcastle University.
乌普萨拉大学Ramses Amer;北不列颠哥伦比亚大学Nathan Andrews;Gülşen Aydin,阿塔图尔克大学;Catherine Baker,赫尔大学;肯特大学Tugba Basaran;南亚大学苏米塔·巴苏;因维尔德·博德,锡丹斯克大学;Chris Brown,伦敦经济学院;Oldrich Bures,Metropolitiníuniverzita Praha;安东尼·伯克,新南威尔士大学;塞尔吉奥·卡巴列罗,德斯托大学;Emilios Christodoulidis,格拉斯哥大学;伊莱恩·科伯恩,约克大学;NoéCornago,Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea;Elise DeCamp,西密歇根大学;Michael X.Delli Carpini,宾夕法尼亚大学;Edwin Egede,卡迪夫大学;David Feltmate,奥本大学蒙哥马利分校;格里菲斯大学冯惠云;圣十字学院Selina Gallo Cruz;鲁本·冈萨雷斯·维森特,莱顿大学;Thorsten Gromes,Hessische Friedensund Konfliktforschung基金会;Andrew Hom,爱丁堡大学;肯特大学Hendrik Huelss;Ahmed Shafiqul Huque,麦克马斯特大学;Cristina Juverdeanu,伦敦国王学院;Kai-Michael Kenkel,里约热内卢天主教大学;Catarina Kinnvall,Lunds universitet;Kriszta Kovács,Wissenschaftszzentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung;MariaCaterina La Barbera,Nebrija大学;Anthony Lang,圣安德鲁斯大学;Paul MacDonald,韦尔斯利学院;Joseph MacKay,澳大利亚国立大学;Hilary Matfess,耶鲁大学;Luca Mavelli,肯特大学;克里斯托弗·麦金托什,巴德学院;弗雷德里克·梅格雷特,麦吉尔大学;Elizabeth Mendenhall,罗德岛大学;哈维尔·莫雷诺·扎卡雷斯,华威大学;菲利普·内尔,奥塔哥大学;Cian O'Driscoll,澳大利亚国立大学;托尼·波特,麦克马斯特大学;Elisabeth Prügl,日内瓦研究生院;俄克拉荷马大学Darren Purcell;Jason Ralph,利兹大学;华威大学Chris Rogers;Doerthe Rosenow,牛津布鲁克斯大学;Andrea Schneiker,齐根大学;Sarah A.Son,谢菲尔德大学;Brent Steele,犹他大学;乔治亚州立大学耶莱娜·苏博蒂奇;Alex Sutton,牛津布鲁克斯大学;谢菲尔德大学Pawel Surowiec;Jacqui True,莫纳什大学;Carolijn van Noort,苏格兰西部大学;Maaike Verbruggen,布鲁塞尔Vrije大学;华威大学Julia Welland;Wendy Willems,伦敦经济学院;Rachel Woodward,纽卡斯尔大学。
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引用次数: 0
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Global Society
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