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How to Read a Volcano 如何解读火山
IF 0.4 1区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2014-05-06 DOI: 10.1353/APA.2014.0006
J. Welsh
Readings of the Aetna typically celebrate its scientific virtues while diminishing its qualities as poetry. By exploring the literary aspirations, didactic organization, and persistent textualization of enquiry in the Aetna, this paper argues that the poem seeks to be regarded not as “science in verse” but rather as “poetry as science.” That shift throws light on the poem’s empiricism, its relationship to its didactic predecessors, and the coherence of its diverse contents. The resulting explanation suggests that the Aetna has as much to say about conceptions of poetry, artistry, and the organization of knowledge as it does about first-century science.
对Aetna的解读通常颂扬它的科学美德,同时贬低它作为诗歌的品质。通过对《Aetna》的文学抱负、教学组织和持续的文本化探究的探索,本文认为,这首诗寻求的不是被视为“诗中的科学”,而是被视为“作为科学的诗”。这种转变揭示了这首诗的经验主义,它与说教前辈的关系,以及它多样化内容的连贯性。由此产生的解释表明,Aetna对诗歌、艺术和知识组织的概念和它对一世纪科学的描述一样多。
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引用次数: 3
Reinvention in Terence’s Eunuchus 特伦斯笔下的太监的改造
IF 0.4 1区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2014-05-06 DOI: 10.1353/APA.2014.0004
R. R. Caston
The Eunuchus thematizes the problem of not being first and offers a distinctive solution. In the prologue, Terence laments his position as a latecomer to comedy and complains that there is nothing new to say. Characters within the play resent being typecast and fated to repeat the same old part. But through reinvention, these characters alter their standing, asserting both their autonomy and individuality. In the same way, Terence will insist on his agency as a playwright to blend and manipulate familiar comic conventions in order to create something new. What gets called contaminatio is a solution, not a problem.
《太监》将“不是第一”的问题主题化,并提供了一个独特的解决方案。在开场白中,特伦斯哀叹自己是喜剧的后来者,并抱怨没有什么新东西可说。剧中的角色不喜欢被定型,也不喜欢重复同样的老角色。但通过重塑,这些角色改变了自己的地位,主张自己的自主性和个性。同样,特伦斯将坚持他作为剧作家的机构,融合和操纵熟悉的喜剧惯例,以创造新的东西。所谓的污染是一种解决方案,而不是问题。
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引用次数: 29
The Transmission of Suetonius’s Caesars in the Middle Ages 苏托尼乌斯的凯撒在中世纪的传承
IF 0.4 1区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2014-05-06 DOI: 10.1353/APA.2014.0000
R. Kaster
The medieval manuscript tradition (9th–13th centuries) of Suetonius’s De vita Caesarum has not been fully understood, and no complete and accurate stemma of the earliest extant witnesses has been drawn. This paper, based upon a fresh collation of the manuscripts, describes in detail the constitution of the tradition’s two main branches, the main lines of contamination that can be traced within and between them, and the “family tree” best suited to reconstructing the archetype from which all extant copies of the work ultimately descend.
苏埃托尼乌斯的《凯撒的生存》的中世纪手稿传统(9 - 13世纪)还没有被完全理解,也没有完整和准确的现存最早证人的体系。本文基于对手稿的新整理,详细描述了传统的两个主要分支的构成,可以在它们内部和之间追踪到的主要污染线,以及最适合重建原型的“家谱”,所有现存的作品副本最终都会下降。
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引用次数: 14
The Poetics of the Catalogue in the Hesiodic Theogony 《和合神学》中目录的诗学
IF 0.4 1区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2013-11-26 DOI: 10.1353/APA.2013.0014
C. Faraone
Some Hesiodic catalogues praise the individual named last as superlative and worthy of greater description or narrative. This traditional feature reveals different levels of composition. The catalogues of the Muses or the Titans, for example, reveal two versions, one claiming that groups operate collectively and another stressing the individual agency of the last-named sibling (Calliope or Cronus). In other cases the original framework of the catalogue seems to have been extended by additional names that aim at a different compositional scheme. Plato’s myth of the locusts in the Phaedrus (259c–d) and the closing verses of the famous Catalogue of Ships in Iliad 2 may reflect the same phenomenon.
一些Hesiodic目录称赞最后一个人是最高级的,值得更多的描述或叙述。这一传统特征揭示了不同层次的构图。例如,缪斯女神或泰坦女神的目录就揭示了两种版本,一种声称群体是集体运作的,另一种则强调了姓氏最后的兄弟姐妹(卡莉欧佩或克洛诺斯)的个人代理。在其他情况下,目录的原始框架似乎已经扩展了额外的名称,旨在不同的组成方案。柏拉图在《费德鲁斯篇》(259c-d)中关于蝗虫的神话和《伊利亚特2》中著名的《船舶目录》的结尾处的诗句可能反映了同样的现象。
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引用次数: 17
Editor’s Note Editor’s音符
IF 0.4 1区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2013-11-26 DOI: 10.1353/apa.2013.0007
Katharina Volk
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引用次数: 0
A Tale of Two Sisters: Studies in Sophocles’ Tereus 两姐妹的故事:索福克勒斯《泰诺斯》研究
IF 0.4 1区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2013-11-26 DOI: 10.1353/APA.2013.0016
L. Coo
This paper aims to reassess the role of sister- and siblinghood in the fragmentary Tereus of Sophocles, a play unusual in its dramatization of a close and collaborative relationship between two sisters. The plot hinges on their recognition and reunion, and the all-female bond of sisterhood is shown to outweigh both wife-husband and mother-son obligations. Finally, a close reading of three fragments suggests that the play was characterized by the language and imagery of siblinghood, which reflect the thematic centrality of sisterhood to this tragedy.
本文的目的是重新评估姐妹和兄弟姐妹在索福克勒斯的支离破碎的泰诺斯中的作用,这是一部不同寻常的戏剧,它将两姐妹之间的亲密合作关系戏剧化。故事情节围绕着她们的认识和重聚展开,女性之间的姐妹情谊超过了夫妻和母子之间的责任。最后,通过对三个片段的细读,我们可以发现,该剧的语言和意象都以姐妹情为特征,这也反映了姐妹情在这部悲剧中的主题中心地位。
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引用次数: 30
Dolios in Odyssey 4 and 24: Penelope’s Plotting and Alternative Narratives of Odysseus’s νόστος 《奥德赛4》和《奥德赛24》中的多里俄斯:佩内洛普对奥德修斯ν ν στος的策划与另类叙述
IF 0.4 1区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2013-11-26 DOI: 10.1353/APA.2013.0013
B. Haller
The abortive messages that Dolios almost but never conveys from Penelope to Laertes and from Laertes’ farm to Penelope in Books 4 and 24 of the Odyssey allude to alternative versions of Odysseus’s νόστος in which Odysseus returned to Ithaca with an armed band and expelled the suitors with the knowing collusion of Penelope and Laertes. By referencing these epichoric variants, Homer creates a narrative opening for his original audience to infer that Penelope and Laertes conspire to use the palace and Laertes’ farm as power centers from which to lead the insurrection against the suitors upon Odysseus’s return, while at the same time articulating norms of licit and illicit means of trickery through the divergent fates of Dolios and his “bad seed” offspring Melanthios and Melantho.
在《奥德赛》第4卷和第24卷中,多里奥斯几乎但从未传达过从佩内洛普到莱尔提斯以及从莱尔提斯的农场到佩内洛普的流产信息,暗示了奥德修斯的ν ν στος的另一个版本,在这个版本中,奥德修斯带着武装部队回到伊萨卡岛,在佩内洛普和莱尔提斯的勾结下驱逐了求婚者。通过引用这些史诗的变体,荷马为他的原著读者创造了一个叙事的开端,让他们推断佩内洛普和莱尔提斯密谋利用宫殿和莱尔提斯的农场作为权力中心,在奥德修斯回来后领导反抗追婚者的起义,同时通过多里俄斯和他的“坏种子”后代梅兰提斯和梅兰托的不同命运,清晰地表达了合法和非法欺骗手段的规范。
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引用次数: 2
A Brief History of Athenian Political Comedy (c. 440–c. 300) 《雅典政治喜剧简史》(约440 -公元前)300)
IF 0.4 1区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2013-11-26 DOI: 10.1353/APA.2013.0011
J. Henderson
This paper reassesses the production-pattern of politically engaged comedy of the Aristophanic type, traditionally considered the hallmark of the Old Comic period, in light of recent work on the comic fragments, and finds that such plays were relatively infrequent, produced only when demagogues were ascendant by poets who opposed them, and that this pattern seems to hold for the fourth century as well.
本文重新评估了阿里斯托芬类型的政治参与喜剧的生产模式,传统上被认为是旧喜剧时期的标志,根据最近对喜剧片段的研究,发现这样的戏剧相对较少,只有当煽动者被反对他们的诗人占据优势时才会产生,这种模式似乎也适用于四世纪。
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引用次数: 1
The Specter of Tantalus: Didactic Latency in De rerum natura
IF 0.4 1区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2013-11-26 DOI: 10.1353/APA.2013.0008
S. Holm
At the end of his third book, Lucretius concludes his arguments against the fear of death and the neurotic desires brought on by this fear with a metaphor that has been difficult for interpreters to fathom: et sitis aequa tenet vitai semper hiantis (3.1084). This paper offers a new reading of this passage as a tacit reference to the myth of Tantalus, which functions as a latent mythological allegory for chronic psychological dissatisfaction. This reading solves local problems of interpretation and, more significantly, provides insight into the didacticism of Lucretius’s sub-surface polemic against myth.
在他的第三本书的结尾,卢克莱修用一个难以理解的比喻来总结他反对死亡恐惧和这种恐惧带来的神经质欲望的论点:et sitis aequa tenet vitai semper hiantis(3.1084)。本文提供了一种新的解读,认为这是对坦塔罗斯神话的一种隐性参考,它是对慢性心理不满的一种潜在的神话寓言。这种阅读解决了解释的局部问题,更重要的是,提供了对卢克莱修对神话的深层争论的教诲主义的洞察。
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引用次数: 2
Caesar’s Comet, the Julian Star, and the Invention of Augustus 凯撒的彗星,朱利安之星,以及奥古斯都的发明
IF 0.4 1区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2013-11-26 DOI: 10.1353/APA.2013.0010
Nandini B. Pandey
Octavian is credited with turning a comet seen in 44 b.c.e. into a symbol of Julius Caesar’s divinity and using it to advance his own political aims. Yet historical evidence argues against this account. Moreover, representations of the sidus Iulium (Julian star) on coins and in poetry adopt diverse and autonomous perspectives on the princeps. The idea that Augustus circulated the sidus as part of an image campaign seems instead to originate with Ovid, whose deification narrative at Metamorphoses 15.745–851 retrojected the princeps ’s mature power onto his early career and fueled the belief that Augustus gained and maintained power through propaganda.
屋大维把公元前44年看到的一颗彗星变成了凯撒神性的象征,并用它来推进自己的政治目标。然而,历史证据反驳了这种说法。此外,硬币和诗歌中对朱利安星(sidus Iulium)的表现采用了不同的、自主的观点。奥古斯都将sidus作为形象运动的一部分传播的想法似乎起源于奥维德,他在变形记15.745-851中的神化叙述将元首成熟的权力回溯到他早期的职业生涯中,并助长了奥古斯都通过宣传获得和维持权力的信念。
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引用次数: 14
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Transactions of the American Philological Association
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