Abstract:During the COVID-19 pandemic, as Indonesia mobilized to deliver vaccines to the population, an unexpected phenomenon occurred: political parties became directly involved in the vaccine delivery effort. In this article, we draw on online reports and interviews to demonstrate that these campaigns acted as an extension of the patronage politics that dominate the country's political arena. The involvement of political parties had little effect on the national vaccination effort, as parties delivered a relatively small number of vaccines and often targeted areas that already had high coverage. Instead, parties and politicians used these events to strengthen links with constituents and supporters. We identify three main pathways that allowed political parties to access the vaccines: lobbying by members of the national legislature's health commission; through local governments; and by direct executive government access to the national Ministry of Health. This "hijacking" of a national policy for clientelistic purposes provides insight into the presence of intra-party coordination of patronage goods but also demonstrates the personalization and fragmentation of patronage distribution highlighted in the existing literature. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings for the quality of public healthcare and other services in Indonesia.
{"title":"Parties, Patronage and COVID-19 Vaccination Distribution in Indonesia","authors":"Lila Sari, E. Aspinall, Haryanto, A. Armunanto","doi":"10.1355/cs45-1a","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/cs45-1a","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:During the COVID-19 pandemic, as Indonesia mobilized to deliver vaccines to the population, an unexpected phenomenon occurred: political parties became directly involved in the vaccine delivery effort. In this article, we draw on online reports and interviews to demonstrate that these campaigns acted as an extension of the patronage politics that dominate the country's political arena. The involvement of political parties had little effect on the national vaccination effort, as parties delivered a relatively small number of vaccines and often targeted areas that already had high coverage. Instead, parties and politicians used these events to strengthen links with constituents and supporters. We identify three main pathways that allowed political parties to access the vaccines: lobbying by members of the national legislature's health commission; through local governments; and by direct executive government access to the national Ministry of Health. This \"hijacking\" of a national policy for clientelistic purposes provides insight into the presence of intra-party coordination of patronage goods but also demonstrates the personalization and fragmentation of patronage distribution highlighted in the existing literature. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings for the quality of public healthcare and other services in Indonesia.","PeriodicalId":46227,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Southeast Asia","volume":"43 1","pages":"1 - 29"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80912689","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Political transition theory has clear indicators for successful democratization, including the two-turnover test in elections, rule of law, press freedom and institutional reform. However, the distinction between system change and regime change remains ambiguous. After rapid political transitions from authoritarian to democratic systems, old guard elites seek to recapture power and protect their wealth in countries such as Indonesia and the Philippines. The authors characterize this as a process of dynastic regime recovery, with elite networks seeking to control discursive spaces as part of a broader strategy to regain political power and legitimacy. Political distortions persist in rapid transitions to democracy, and this article examines the ways in which interlocking elites from the Suharto era strategically adapted to Indonesia's competitive multi-party system. The authors gathered data from 21 interviews with the Suharto family and their associates, as well as observations from an exclusive commemorative event celebrating the centenary of Suharto's birth in June 2021. The centenary celebration was a network-led revanchist effort to promote a positive narrative about Suharto's presidency, as a constituent part of a complex regime recovery strategy. The 2022 election of Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr. in the Philippines indicates that there are opportunities for the rehabilitation of formerly discredited political dynasties. The recovery of the Suharto family legacy, business networks and political party coalitions has yet to ensure institutional recapture or electoral victory, but it is too soon to write a definitive political obituary.
{"title":"Dictators Never Die: Political Transition, Dynastic Regime Recovery and the 2021 Suharto Commemoration in Indonesia","authors":"A. Tyson, Nawawī","doi":"10.1355/cs44-3b","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/cs44-3b","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Political transition theory has clear indicators for successful democratization, including the two-turnover test in elections, rule of law, press freedom and institutional reform. However, the distinction between system change and regime change remains ambiguous. After rapid political transitions from authoritarian to democratic systems, old guard elites seek to recapture power and protect their wealth in countries such as Indonesia and the Philippines. The authors characterize this as a process of dynastic regime recovery, with elite networks seeking to control discursive spaces as part of a broader strategy to regain political power and legitimacy. Political distortions persist in rapid transitions to democracy, and this article examines the ways in which interlocking elites from the Suharto era strategically adapted to Indonesia's competitive multi-party system. The authors gathered data from 21 interviews with the Suharto family and their associates, as well as observations from an exclusive commemorative event celebrating the centenary of Suharto's birth in June 2021. The centenary celebration was a network-led revanchist effort to promote a positive narrative about Suharto's presidency, as a constituent part of a complex regime recovery strategy. The 2022 election of Ferdinand \"Bongbong\" Marcos Jr. in the Philippines indicates that there are opportunities for the rehabilitation of formerly discredited political dynasties. The recovery of the Suharto family legacy, business networks and political party coalitions has yet to ensure institutional recapture or electoral victory, but it is too soon to write a definitive political obituary.","PeriodicalId":46227,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Southeast Asia","volume":"394 1","pages":"421 - 452"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78080817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:How do Filipinos remember their history? To date this question still has no systematic answer. This article provides quantitative, descriptive results from two nationally representative surveys that show how Filipinos view three of the country's major historical events: the Spanish colonization of the Philippines; martial law under President Ferdinand Marcos; and the 1986 People Power Revolution. The descriptive results include several takeaways, including: first, the modal response towards all three events was indifference (versus positive or negative feelings); second, positive feelings towards martial law were highest among those who were alive at that time; third, the distribution of feelings towards these historical events was similar across individuals with different educational achievement; and finally, a surprising proportion of respondents expressed positive feelings towards both martial law and People Power. We discuss the potential limitations of our study and conclude by considering the implications of these results for the Philippines' contemporary politics.
{"title":"How do Filipinos Remember Their History? A Descriptive Account of Filipino Historical Memory","authors":"Dean C. Dulay, A. Hicken, A. Menon, Ronald Holmes","doi":"10.1355/cs44-3d","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/cs44-3d","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:How do Filipinos remember their history? To date this question still has no systematic answer. This article provides quantitative, descriptive results from two nationally representative surveys that show how Filipinos view three of the country's major historical events: the Spanish colonization of the Philippines; martial law under President Ferdinand Marcos; and the 1986 People Power Revolution. The descriptive results include several takeaways, including: first, the modal response towards all three events was indifference (versus positive or negative feelings); second, positive feelings towards martial law were highest among those who were alive at that time; third, the distribution of feelings towards these historical events was similar across individuals with different educational achievement; and finally, a surprising proportion of respondents expressed positive feelings towards both martial law and People Power. We discuss the potential limitations of our study and conclude by considering the implications of these results for the Philippines' contemporary politics.","PeriodicalId":46227,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Southeast Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"482 - 514"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81076655","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Since Myanmar joined ASEAN in 1997, the organization has tried to socialize it in the belief that the country would steadily conform to the bloc's common purpose of preserving peace and stability in Southeast Asia. The Myanmar military's (Tatmadaw) ouster of the elected quasi-civilian government on 1 February 2021, and the ensuing political violence across the country, represent a critical opportunity for ASEAN to demonstrate that the organization remains committed to the aforementioned common purpose as well as the promotion of democratic principles and human rights. Given that ASEAN's efforts to socialize Myanmar have been neither consistent nor adequately followed through, the 2021 coup should not be regarded as an isolated event. The situation is further exacerbated by ASEAN's complacency regarding Myanmar's internal affairs during the National League for Democracy's (NLD) tenure between 2016 and 2021. During this period, the Tatmadaw conducted numerous human rights abuses, particularly against the Rohingya, and the political system was still heavily dominated by the military. Because of the inconsistent multilateral approach that ASEAN has adopted towards Myanmar, the organization now risks becoming entangled in great power competition. This entanglement resulted from a phase in ASEAN-Myanmar relations known as "perilous ambivalence", which would have significant repercussions for ASEAN's credibility, image and legitimacy on the global stage. To ensure that ASEAN remains at the centre of the Indo-Pacific security architecture, there is a need for a coherent long-term policy to monitor, engage and address any internal threats that could undermine peace and stability in the region through continuous enhanced interaction. The 2021 Myanmar coup d'état, and its subsequent fallout, provides a compelling case for such a policy.
{"title":"ASEAN's Socialization of Myanmar: Perilous Ambivalence, the 2021 Coup and the Way Forward","authors":"G. M. Drajat","doi":"10.1355/cs44-3c","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/cs44-3c","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Since Myanmar joined ASEAN in 1997, the organization has tried to socialize it in the belief that the country would steadily conform to the bloc's common purpose of preserving peace and stability in Southeast Asia. The Myanmar military's (Tatmadaw) ouster of the elected quasi-civilian government on 1 February 2021, and the ensuing political violence across the country, represent a critical opportunity for ASEAN to demonstrate that the organization remains committed to the aforementioned common purpose as well as the promotion of democratic principles and human rights. Given that ASEAN's efforts to socialize Myanmar have been neither consistent nor adequately followed through, the 2021 coup should not be regarded as an isolated event. The situation is further exacerbated by ASEAN's complacency regarding Myanmar's internal affairs during the National League for Democracy's (NLD) tenure between 2016 and 2021. During this period, the Tatmadaw conducted numerous human rights abuses, particularly against the Rohingya, and the political system was still heavily dominated by the military. Because of the inconsistent multilateral approach that ASEAN has adopted towards Myanmar, the organization now risks becoming entangled in great power competition. This entanglement resulted from a phase in ASEAN-Myanmar relations known as \"perilous ambivalence\", which would have significant repercussions for ASEAN's credibility, image and legitimacy on the global stage. To ensure that ASEAN remains at the centre of the Indo-Pacific security architecture, there is a need for a coherent long-term policy to monitor, engage and address any internal threats that could undermine peace and stability in the region through continuous enhanced interaction. The 2021 Myanmar coup d'état, and its subsequent fallout, provides a compelling case for such a policy.","PeriodicalId":46227,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Southeast Asia","volume":"68 1","pages":"453 - 481"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86095074","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Based on cross-national surveys and reflexive stocktaking, this special issue seeks to gain a better understanding of the opportunities and challenges to advancing the debates on Global International Relations (IR) in six Southeast Asian academic communities, namely Cambodia, Indonesia, Singapore, Thailand, the Philippines and Vietnam. Reflecting on various political and socio-economic variables that have shaped the contours of the discipline, it is argued that the primary challenges to advancing Global IR are the dominance of existing mainstream IR theories in teaching and research, and the propensity for scholars based in Southeast Asia to conduct policy- and empirical-oriented research. However, amid these challenges, the contributors have argued that there are some opportunities for the development of Global IR in the region. These include prospects for pre-theorization and conceptualization based on the abundance of empirical-based research, support for familiarizing students with publications by local scholars and constructivism's growing popularity. Finally, the article proposes some measures to advance Global IR.
{"title":"Conclusion: The State of IR in Southeast Asia—Heavily Western but Still Evolving","authors":"Chanintira na Thalang","doi":"10.1355/cs44-2h","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/cs44-2h","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Based on cross-national surveys and reflexive stocktaking, this special issue seeks to gain a better understanding of the opportunities and challenges to advancing the debates on Global International Relations (IR) in six Southeast Asian academic communities, namely Cambodia, Indonesia, Singapore, Thailand, the Philippines and Vietnam. Reflecting on various political and socio-economic variables that have shaped the contours of the discipline, it is argued that the primary challenges to advancing Global IR are the dominance of existing mainstream IR theories in teaching and research, and the propensity for scholars based in Southeast Asia to conduct policy- and empirical-oriented research. However, amid these challenges, the contributors have argued that there are some opportunities for the development of Global IR in the region. These include prospects for pre-theorization and conceptualization based on the abundance of empirical-based research, support for familiarizing students with publications by local scholars and constructivism's growing popularity. Finally, the article proposes some measures to advance Global IR.","PeriodicalId":46227,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Southeast Asia","volume":"11 1","pages":"315 - 335"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87498397","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Vietnam's open-door policy and its proactive international integration since the 1990s have allowed International Relations (IR) to become a popular field of study in Vietnam. Based on the sociology of science framework, combined with in-depth surveys of Vietnamese IR scholars and personal reflections of the author's experience within Vietnamese IR academia, this article examines the state of the IR discipline as well as the challenges and prospects for advancing Global IR in Vietnam. It argues that while Vietnamese IR scholarship has become more diversified and increasingly integrated with evolving trends in the field, the country's IR community retains a distinctive and somewhat ambivalent view of the non-Western IR movement due to historical, institutional and political factors. Nonetheless, with its unique position as a postcolonial socialist state that has successfully integrated into international society, Vietnam has great potential in making contributions towards forging a common heritage in the IR discipline.
{"title":"Between Integration and Differentiation: International Relations Studies and the Promise of Global IR in Vietnam","authors":"Thuy T. Do","doi":"10.1355/cs44-2g","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/cs44-2g","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Vietnam's open-door policy and its proactive international integration since the 1990s have allowed International Relations (IR) to become a popular field of study in Vietnam. Based on the sociology of science framework, combined with in-depth surveys of Vietnamese IR scholars and personal reflections of the author's experience within Vietnamese IR academia, this article examines the state of the IR discipline as well as the challenges and prospects for advancing Global IR in Vietnam. It argues that while Vietnamese IR scholarship has become more diversified and increasingly integrated with evolving trends in the field, the country's IR community retains a distinctive and somewhat ambivalent view of the non-Western IR movement due to historical, institutional and political factors. Nonetheless, with its unique position as a postcolonial socialist state that has successfully integrated into international society, Vietnam has great potential in making contributions towards forging a common heritage in the IR discipline.","PeriodicalId":46227,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Southeast Asia","volume":"6 1","pages":"289 - 314"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84591983","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Despite an association with claims of Asian exceptionalism, the discipline of International Relations (IR) in Singapore tends to reflect approaches common to mainstream Anglophone, North American and, to a lesser extent, British perspectives on the discipline. Intellectual paradigms such as realism and constructivism seem to have a particularly enduring hold on teaching, research and knowledge production, even though the awareness of Global IR and alternative viewpoints is relatively widespread. The reasons for this divergence between statements about a focus on Asia and adherence to more conventional disciplinary norms are varied. The internationalization of Singapore academia, which incentivizes publication in highly-ranked international journals and university presses dominated by Anglophone academia, seems to be a key reason. Other explanations include a need to conform to the preferences of state funders who tend to view the world in policy rather than conceptual terms, and the fact that IR scholars in Singapore predominantly receive their training from parts of the Anglophone world. Limitations on being able to study Singapore in-depth also mean that Singapore-based scholars tend to engage intellectually with work that examines disparate locations outside of the country—even if they are in Asia—rather than systematically consider Singapore's position in the world.
{"title":"Discipline over Exceptionalism: Singapore-based Scholars, Regional Sensitivities and the Appeal of Anglophone International Relations Approaches","authors":"J. I. Chong","doi":"10.1355/cs44-2d","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/cs44-2d","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Despite an association with claims of Asian exceptionalism, the discipline of International Relations (IR) in Singapore tends to reflect approaches common to mainstream Anglophone, North American and, to a lesser extent, British perspectives on the discipline. Intellectual paradigms such as realism and constructivism seem to have a particularly enduring hold on teaching, research and knowledge production, even though the awareness of Global IR and alternative viewpoints is relatively widespread. The reasons for this divergence between statements about a focus on Asia and adherence to more conventional disciplinary norms are varied. The internationalization of Singapore academia, which incentivizes publication in highly-ranked international journals and university presses dominated by Anglophone academia, seems to be a key reason. Other explanations include a need to conform to the preferences of state funders who tend to view the world in policy rather than conceptual terms, and the fact that IR scholars in Singapore predominantly receive their training from parts of the Anglophone world. Limitations on being able to study Singapore in-depth also mean that Singapore-based scholars tend to engage intellectually with work that examines disparate locations outside of the country—even if they are in Asia—rather than systematically consider Singapore's position in the world.","PeriodicalId":46227,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Southeast Asia","volume":"3 1","pages":"230 - 249"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86514555","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Based on survey data and reflexive stocktaking, this article examines the status of IR in three areas, namely teaching, research and theory application, with the purpose of understanding the opportunities and challenges with respect to advancing the debates on Global IR from the perspective of Thai academe. While the current state of the discipline reveals many challenges, this article argues that the prospects for progressing the debates on Global IR are contingent on how Thai academics seek opportunities for theory building through inductive reasoning and critically questioning the relevance of mainstream IR theories to local contexts outside the West. Equally important is how Thai IR scholars realize the potential for policy-oriented research to lead to pre-theorization. However, whatever is inferred from these local experiences must offer useful implications beyond national and regional boundaries.
{"title":"Advancing Global IR from a Thai Perspective: Opportunities for Pre-theorization and Conceptualization","authors":"Chanintira na Thalang","doi":"10.1355/cs44-2e","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/cs44-2e","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Based on survey data and reflexive stocktaking, this article examines the status of IR in three areas, namely teaching, research and theory application, with the purpose of understanding the opportunities and challenges with respect to advancing the debates on Global IR from the perspective of Thai academe. While the current state of the discipline reveals many challenges, this article argues that the prospects for progressing the debates on Global IR are contingent on how Thai academics seek opportunities for theory building through inductive reasoning and critically questioning the relevance of mainstream IR theories to local contexts outside the West. Equally important is how Thai IR scholars realize the potential for policy-oriented research to lead to pre-theorization. However, whatever is inferred from these local experiences must offer useful implications beyond national and regional boundaries.","PeriodicalId":46227,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Southeast Asia","volume":"34 1","pages":"250 - 273"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82135933","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:In response to the increasing calls for contributions to the Global International Relations (IR) project, this article presents a reflexive study of IR research and teaching trends in Indonesia. It examines the challenges and opportunities to promote Global IR from an Indonesian perspective. The research for this article was conducted via an online survey between August and December 2020, combined with the authors' personal experiences in research and teaching, as well as secondary sources, especially books and journal articles published by Indonesian IR scholars. The survey finds that constructivism and realism are the most popular theories for Indonesian IR scholars, and positivism is the dominant research principle. In line with these trends, research is more focused on empirically-based and policy-oriented objectives than conceptual ones. Furthermore, universities have been adapting their IR courses to meet the demands of the job market rather than to address the debates in the discipline. Despite these obstacles, the authors have observed that there is a growing interest in non-Western IR discourses in Indonesian IR scholarship, creating the potential to advance Global IR.
{"title":"Promoting Global IR under the Dominance of Mainstream Theories and the Liberalization of Universities: Reflections from Indonesia","authors":"I. Wicaksana, Yohanes William Santoso","doi":"10.1355/cs44-2c","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/cs44-2c","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In response to the increasing calls for contributions to the Global International Relations (IR) project, this article presents a reflexive study of IR research and teaching trends in Indonesia. It examines the challenges and opportunities to promote Global IR from an Indonesian perspective. The research for this article was conducted via an online survey between August and December 2020, combined with the authors' personal experiences in research and teaching, as well as secondary sources, especially books and journal articles published by Indonesian IR scholars. The survey finds that constructivism and realism are the most popular theories for Indonesian IR scholars, and positivism is the dominant research principle. In line with these trends, research is more focused on empirically-based and policy-oriented objectives than conceptual ones. Furthermore, universities have been adapting their IR courses to meet the demands of the job market rather than to address the debates in the discipline. Despite these obstacles, the authors have observed that there is a growing interest in non-Western IR discourses in Indonesian IR scholarship, creating the potential to advance Global IR.","PeriodicalId":46227,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Southeast Asia","volume":"1 1","pages":"207 - 229"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82205589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article examines the development of teaching and research in International Relations (IR) in Cambodia. It argues that IR is a relatively nascent academic discipline, but a growing one. The discipline started to develop incrementally in the 2000s, partially resulting from the internationalization of higher education and growing student demand in the country. This preliminary study finds that mainstream Western theories dominate the discipline in Cambodia and realism is the dominant school of thought within it. Cambodian scholars, nevertheless, have a growing interest in exploring and learning Global IR, especially Asian IR. National experiences and circumstances are the key sources for developing indigenous IR theories, potentially contributing to the debates on Global IR. The publications by Cambodian IR scholars at home and abroad are highly valued by the local academic community. However, the lack of institutional support and research funding constrains IR-related research and publishing in Cambodia.
{"title":"International Relations as a Discipline in Cambodia: Still Nascent but Developing","authors":"V. Chheang","doi":"10.1355/cs44-2b","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/cs44-2b","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article examines the development of teaching and research in International Relations (IR) in Cambodia. It argues that IR is a relatively nascent academic discipline, but a growing one. The discipline started to develop incrementally in the 2000s, partially resulting from the internationalization of higher education and growing student demand in the country. This preliminary study finds that mainstream Western theories dominate the discipline in Cambodia and realism is the dominant school of thought within it. Cambodian scholars, nevertheless, have a growing interest in exploring and learning Global IR, especially Asian IR. National experiences and circumstances are the key sources for developing indigenous IR theories, potentially contributing to the debates on Global IR. The publications by Cambodian IR scholars at home and abroad are highly valued by the local academic community. However, the lack of institutional support and research funding constrains IR-related research and publishing in Cambodia.","PeriodicalId":46227,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Southeast Asia","volume":"42 1","pages":"184 - 206"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90662171","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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