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In the Dragon’s Shadow: Southeast Asia in the Chinese Century 龙的阴影下:中国世纪的东南亚
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-12-10 DOI: 10.1355/cs42-3g
S. Strangio, Malcolm Cook
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引用次数: 0
Resolving Land-Use Conflicts over Indonesia's Customary Forests: One Map, Power Contestations and Social Justice 解决印尼传统森林的土地使用冲突:一张地图、权力争夺和社会正义
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-12-10 DOI: 10.1355/CS42-3C
Laely Nuhidayah, P. Davies, S. Alam
Abstract:Indonesia's One Map Policy aims to produce a standardized and single map which can clarify and provide a consistent record of land tenure with a view to resolving land-use conflicts in the forestry sector. The implementation of this policy has faced many challenges, including contestations over land ownership, uncertainty over the status of indigenous customary lands and other procedural obstacles associated with generating a single master map. While significant parts of Indonesia's forests are owned and managed by indigenous peoples, this has not always been uniformly recognized across different legal jurisdictions. This is slowly changing following a 2012 Constitutional Court decision to formally recognize customary indigenous lands and forests. Despite this ruling, obstacles remain in rectifying past practices and decisions as well as streamlining the complex array of forestry governance arrangements currently applied throughout Indonesia. This article suggests the resolution of land-use conflicts within the forestry sector must be premised on principles of forest sustainability, which must include addressing the social justice concerns of indigenous peoples and local communities as well as improving their capacity to manage customary forests.
摘要:印度尼西亚的“一张地图政策”旨在制作一份标准化的单一地图,该地图可以澄清并提供一致的土地权责记录,从而解决林业部门的土地使用冲突。这项政策的执行面临许多挑战,包括对土地所有权的争论、对土著习惯土地地位的不确定以及与生成单一总地图有关的其他程序障碍。虽然印度尼西亚的大部分森林由土著人民拥有和管理,但不同司法管辖区并不总是统一承认这一点。在2012年宪法法院正式承认土著传统土地和森林之后,这种情况正在慢慢改变。尽管作出了这项裁决,但在纠正过去的做法和决定以及精简目前在印度尼西亚各地适用的一系列复杂的林业管理安排方面仍然存在障碍。这篇文章建议,解决林业部门内的土地使用冲突必须以森林可持续性原则为前提,这必须包括解决土著人民和当地社区的社会正义问题,以及提高他们管理习惯森林的能力。
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引用次数: 2
Motherhood Identity in the 2019 Indonesian Presidential Elections: Populism and Political Division in the National Women's Movement 2019年印尼总统选举中的母性认同:全国妇女运动中的民粹主义与政治分裂
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-08-31 DOI: 10.1355/cs42-2d
K. Dewi
Abstract:Motherhood identity was intensively deployed during campaigns for the 2019 Indonesian presidential elections. Based on interviews conducted with women's activists in Jakarta and surrounding areas from September 2018 to April 2019, this article analyses the contestation of ideas about motherhood identity expressed in the campaign rhetoric of the "power of emak-emak" (ordinary, working-class mothers) and "Ibu Bangsa" (Mothers of the Nation). It argues that the "power of emak-emak", used by the Prabowo-Sandi campaign, is a populist narrative that sought to empower ordinary mothers and was similar to the use of motherhood identity as a populist narrative in Latin America. Meanwhile, the Jokowi-Ma'ruf slate advanced the idea of Ibu Bangsa, which is less related to ordinary women's daily problems. This article reveals how the debate among women's activists over the two contending terms signifies the political division of the women's movement, including in its support for the two presidential candidates. This article not only seeks to enrich the discourse on gender and populism in Indonesia, but also provides a current portrait of the Indonesian women's movement.
摘要:在2019年印尼总统大选期间,母亲身份被广泛使用。本文基于2018年9月至2019年4月期间对雅加达及周边地区女性活动家的采访,分析了“普通工人阶级母亲的力量”和“国民母亲”等竞选口号中关于母亲身份的争论。它认为,Prabowo-Sandi运动使用的“emak-emak的力量”是一种民粹主义叙事,旨在赋予普通母亲权力,类似于拉丁美洲使用母亲身份作为民粹主义叙事。与此同时,佐科维-马鲁夫阵营提出了“伊布邦萨”的概念,这与普通女性的日常问题关系不大。这篇文章揭示了妇女活动家之间关于两个竞争术语的辩论如何表明妇女运动的政治分歧,包括对两位总统候选人的支持。本文不仅试图丰富印尼性别与民粹主义的论述,也提供印尼妇女运动的现况。
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引用次数: 6
Reconciling Pragmatism with Idealism in the European Union's Security Cooperation with ASEAN 欧盟与东盟安全合作中的实用主义与理想主义的调和
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-08-31 DOI: 10.1355/cs42-2b
Angela Pennisi di Floristella
Abstract:The European Union (EU) has recently shown a greater interest in strengthening its security ties with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Yet, over the last few years, the EU has had to face a number of hard realities that have challenged the organization from both within and outside its borders. Why and how, in such a complex scenario, the EU is seeking to strengthen its security relations with ASEAN has thus become a salient question. In order to answer this question, this article recognizes the utility of "principled pragmatism" as a conceptual and operational lens to analyse the recent recalibration of the EU's security policy towards ASEAN. To this end, it first provides a conceptual analysis of principled pragmatism and operationalizes this concept in the context of the EU's security policy towards ASEAN. Second, it examines why principled pragmatism arose and how it is reflected in such a policy. Finally, it seeks to shed some light on the implications and controversial issues resulting from the EU's attempt to find a middle way between a pragmatic stance and a principled foreign and security policy towards Southeast Asia.
摘要:欧盟(EU)最近对加强与东南亚国家联盟(ASEAN)的安全关系表现出更大的兴趣。然而,在过去的几年里,欧盟不得不面对一些严峻的现实,这些现实既来自欧盟内部,也来自欧盟外部。因此,在如此复杂的情况下,欧盟为何以及如何寻求加强与东盟的安全关系,已成为一个突出的问题。为了回答这个问题,本文承认“有原则的实用主义”的效用,作为一个概念和操作的镜头来分析最近欧盟对东盟安全政策的重新校准。为此,本文首先对原则性实用主义进行了概念性分析,并在欧盟对东盟安全政策的背景下对这一概念进行了操作。其次,探讨了原则实用主义产生的原因,以及它如何反映在这种政策中。最后,它试图阐明欧盟试图在务实立场和原则性外交和安全政策之间找到一条中间道路所产生的影响和争议问题。
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引用次数: 0
Civilian Resistance and the Failure of the Indonesian Counterinsurgency Campaign in Nduga, West Papua 西巴布亚省恩杜加的平民抵抗和印尼反叛乱运动的失败
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-08-31 DOI: 10.1355/cs42-2f
Hipolitus Ringgi Wangge, Camellia B Webb-Gannon
Abstract:The indigenous people of West Papua have contested their controversial annexation by Indonesia since 1969. In response, the Indonesian military (TNI) has launched a series of counterinsurgency operations to defeat the National Liberation Army of West Papua (TPN-PB) while simultaneously trying to inculcate a sense of Indonesian nationalism among West Papuan civilians. To obtain legitimacy and achieve success, counterinsurgency operations must gain the support of civil society. This article examines the TNI's on-going counterinsurgency campaign in the West Papuan highlands regency of Nduga. Since late 2018, the TNI has been unsuccessful in winning over civil society to its objectives in Nduga. Instead of cultivating good relationships with Nduga civil society by respecting property and local culture, the military has used indiscriminate violence against Nduga citizens and added to their history of collective trauma. In this article, we argue that through acts of non-cooperation such as internal migration/ displacement, disobedience and resistance, the people of Nduga have defied the TNI and undermined its counterinsurgency efforts. We conclude that the counterinsurgency operation has created more harm than good in Nduga. And, counter to its aims, it has not only failed to win local support, it has also re-energized the West Papuan movement for independence in Nduga.
摘要:自1969年以来,西巴布亚的土著人民一直反对印度尼西亚对其有争议的吞并。作为回应,印尼军方(TNI)发起了一系列反叛乱行动,以击败西巴布亚民族解放军(TPN-PB),同时试图在西巴布亚平民中灌输印尼民族主义意识。为了获得合法性并取得成功,反叛乱行动必须获得公民社会的支持。本文考察了TNI在西巴布亚高地恩杜加摄政地区正在进行的反叛乱运动。自2018年底以来,TNI未能成功争取民间社会支持其在恩杜加的目标。军方没有通过尊重财产和当地文化与恩杜加公民社会建立良好关系,而是对恩杜加公民滥用暴力,增加了他们集体创伤的历史。在本文中,我们认为,通过内部迁移/流离失所、不服从和抵抗等不合作行为,恩杜加人民违抗了TNI,破坏了其平叛努力。我们的结论是,反叛乱行动在恩杜加弊大于利。而且,与它的目标相反,它不仅没有赢得当地的支持,而且还重新激发了西巴布亚在恩杜加的独立运动。
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引用次数: 9
Vietna’s Strategic Thinking During the Third Indochina War.
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-08-31 DOI: 10.1355/cs42-2g
Ang Cheng Guan
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引用次数: 0
Malapportionment in Myanmar's Elections: A Slumbering Menace 缅甸选举中的不公平分配:一个沉睡的威胁
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-08-31 DOI: 10.1355/cs42-2a
Kai Ostwald, Constant Courtin
Abstract:Myanmar's use of colonial-era administrative boundaries as the basis for electoral constituencies creates a staggering degree of malapportionment that meets or exceeds the world's highest levels. This article systematically assesses malapportionment and its implications for Myanmar's democratization and broader political development. Myanmar's malapportionment significantly over-represents ethnic minority and rural areas, even after controlling for other factors. This challenges the prevalent notion that the political system is decisively stacked in favour of the majority Bamar. Few practical effects of malapportionment have manifested thus far, since political actors have generally not incorporated it into their electoral strategies. As they do, non-Bamar will be well positioned to play a more decisive role in the country's politics, adding to the broader challenge of Bamar centrality. But strategic responses to malapportionment may also trigger serious problems that harm governance and reduce the legitimacy of elections. Furthermore, malapportionment risks exacerbating ethnic tensions by fuelling a narrative of Bamar precarity.
摘要:缅甸使用殖民时代的行政边界作为选举选区的基础,造成了惊人程度的不公平分配,达到或超过了世界最高水平。本文系统地评估了分配不均及其对缅甸民主化和更广泛的政治发展的影响。即使在控制了其他因素之后,缅甸的比例失调也明显超过了少数民族和农村地区。这挑战了一种流行的观念,即政治体系绝对有利于占多数的缅族。到目前为止,分配不当的实际影响很少,因为政治行动者一般没有将其纳入其选举战略。当他们这样做的时候,非缅族将处于有利地位,在国家政治中发挥更决定性的作用,增加缅族中心地位的更广泛挑战。但是,对分配不当的战略反应也可能引发严重问题,损害治理,降低选举的合法性。此外,比例失调可能会加剧种族间的紧张关系,助长有关缅族不稳定的说法。
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引用次数: 6
Special Economic Zones and the Need for Proper Governance: Empirical Evidence from Indonesia 经济特区与适当治理的必要性:来自印度尼西亚的经验证据
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-08-31 DOI: 10.1355/cs42-2e
S. Hidayat, S. Negara
Abstract:The relationship between the performance of Special Economic Zones (SEZs) and their governance is an under-researched topic. Despite their popularity as a development policy tool in developing countries, many SEZs fail to achieve their intended goals. A key factor determining the success of SEZs is their governance set-up. This article examines the designs and practices of governance in three SEZs in Indonesia—two tourism-oriented SEZs and one industry-oriented SEZ. Exploring the gap between the theoretical concept of "good governance" and the actual governance practices in SEZ development and operation, the article finds that current governance designs and practices neglect the importance of local contexts, which in turn results in suboptimal outcomes. We therefore suggest that the designs and practices for SEZ governance should be adjusted to reflect local socio-economic, cultural and political conditions. In other words, successful SEZ models should be based on a governance framework that needs to be both "good" and "proper".
摘要:经济特区绩效与政府治理之间的关系是一个尚未得到充分研究的课题。尽管经济特区在发展中国家作为一种发展政策工具受到欢迎,但许多经济特区未能实现其预期目标。决定经济特区成功的一个关键因素是它们的治理机制。本文考察了印尼三个经济特区的治理设计和实践——两个以旅游为导向的经济特区和一个以工业为导向的经济特区。本文通过对“善治”理论概念与经济特区开发运营实际治理实践之间差距的探讨,发现当前的治理设计和实践忽视了当地环境的重要性,从而导致了次优结果。因此,我们建议调整经济特区治理的设计和实践,以反映当地的社会经济、文化和政治条件。换句话说,成功的经济特区模式应该建立在一个既“好”又“合适”的治理框架之上。
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引用次数: 4
Vietnam: A Pathway from State Socialism. 越南:一条脱离国家社会主义的道路。
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-08-31 DOI: 10.1355/cs42-2j
Olga Dror
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引用次数: 0
Fighting for Virtue: Justice and Politics in Thailand by Duncan McCargo (review) 《为美德而战:泰国的正义与政治》作者:邓肯·麦卡格(书评)
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-08-31 DOI: 10.1355/cs42-2k
Tomas Larsson
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Contemporary Southeast Asia
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