Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/2201473X.2021.2007749
Vanessa Whittington, E. Waterton
ABSTRACT The Uluru Climb, located within Uluru-Kata Tjuta National Park, Australia, was permanently closed to tourists on the 26 October 2019 after decades of controversy. Determined by a unanimous vote of the Anangu majority Board of Management, news of the Climb’s closure quickly captured popular, political and media attention, not all of which was positive. Drawing on two periods of fieldwork – the first in November 2012 (n = 68 interviewees) and the second in May 2019 (n = 62 interviewees) – this paper discusses visitor responses to the Climb both in terms of the ongoing coloniality evident in discourses of nationalism and individual rights and the possibility of the transformation of such views via a range of emotional and affective engagements. We highlight the prevalence of feelings of ownership, empathy and shame in the deployment of a range of views on the Climb and other cultural restrictions, as well as their political implications in the context of contemporary Australian settler-colonialism. In so doing, we position an ethic of relationality as key to the mobilisation of feelings, emotions and affects necessary to transform the outlook of visitors in the context of ongoing reconciliation debates between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australians.
位于澳大利亚Uluru- kata Tjuta国家公园内的乌鲁鲁攀登，经过数十年的争议，于2019年10月26日永久对游客关闭。在阿南古族多数管理委员会的一致投票决定下，攀登峰关闭的消息迅速引起了公众、政界和媒体的关注，但并非所有的消息都是积极的。根据两个时期的实地考察——第一次是在2012年11月(n = 68名受访者)，第二次是在2019年5月(n = 62名受访者)——本文讨论了游客对攀登的反应，包括在民族主义和个人权利的话语中明显存在的持续殖民主义，以及通过一系列情感和情感参与转变这种观点的可能性。我们强调了在对攀登和其他文化限制的一系列观点的部署中普遍存在的所有权感，同理心和羞耻感，以及它们在当代澳大利亚定居者殖民主义背景下的政治含义。在这样做的过程中，我们将关系伦理定位为在土著和非土著澳大利亚人之间正在进行的和解辩论的背景下，转变游客观点所必需的情感、情绪和影响的关键。
{"title":"Closing the climb: refusal or reconciliation in Uluru-Kata Tjuta National Park?","authors":"Vanessa Whittington, E. Waterton","doi":"10.1080/2201473X.2021.2007749","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2201473X.2021.2007749","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Uluru Climb, located within Uluru-Kata Tjuta National Park, Australia, was permanently closed to tourists on the 26 October 2019 after decades of controversy. Determined by a unanimous vote of the Anangu majority Board of Management, news of the Climb’s closure quickly captured popular, political and media attention, not all of which was positive. Drawing on two periods of fieldwork – the first in November 2012 (n = 68 interviewees) and the second in May 2019 (n = 62 interviewees) – this paper discusses visitor responses to the Climb both in terms of the ongoing coloniality evident in discourses of nationalism and individual rights and the possibility of the transformation of such views via a range of emotional and affective engagements. We highlight the prevalence of feelings of ownership, empathy and shame in the deployment of a range of views on the Climb and other cultural restrictions, as well as their political implications in the context of contemporary Australian settler-colonialism. In so doing, we position an ethic of relationality as key to the mobilisation of feelings, emotions and affects necessary to transform the outlook of visitors in the context of ongoing reconciliation debates between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australians.","PeriodicalId":46232,"journal":{"name":"Settler Colonial Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"553 - 572"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73815637","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/2201473X.2021.2007748
A. Schrauwers
ABSTRACT This analysis of the corporate ‘franchise state’ in the settler colony of Upper Canada (Ontario) highlights its role in introducing both a liberal market and a corporate revolution. I contrast the liberal legislative project to create laissez faire markets with the private corporate agenda of those legislators, a group of ‘gentlemanly capitalists’ known as the Family Compact. The corporation became the vehicle by which these oligarchs controlled trade and introduced managed markets in the fictitious commodities of land, labor and money; the fictitious commodities were legal reifications (as was the corporation itself) used to govern the trade in real commodities. Control of these corporations allowed these gentlemanly capitalists to also assume control of British emigration and thereby introduce new forms of ‘systemic colonization’ and settler colonialism; and change conceptions of colonial citizenship from loyalism to liberalism. The corporate revolution was thus key to the formation of liberal settler colonialism in the province.
{"title":"The liberal corporate order and the market transition in colonial Upper Canada, 1825–1841","authors":"A. Schrauwers","doi":"10.1080/2201473X.2021.2007748","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2201473X.2021.2007748","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This analysis of the corporate ‘franchise state’ in the settler colony of Upper Canada (Ontario) highlights its role in introducing both a liberal market and a corporate revolution. I contrast the liberal legislative project to create laissez faire markets with the private corporate agenda of those legislators, a group of ‘gentlemanly capitalists’ known as the Family Compact. The corporation became the vehicle by which these oligarchs controlled trade and introduced managed markets in the fictitious commodities of land, labor and money; the fictitious commodities were legal reifications (as was the corporation itself) used to govern the trade in real commodities. Control of these corporations allowed these gentlemanly capitalists to also assume control of British emigration and thereby introduce new forms of ‘systemic colonization’ and settler colonialism; and change conceptions of colonial citizenship from loyalism to liberalism. The corporate revolution was thus key to the formation of liberal settler colonialism in the province.","PeriodicalId":46232,"journal":{"name":"Settler Colonial Studies","volume":"2 1","pages":"533 - 552"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79354427","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/2201473X.2021.2001961
Geraldine Lublin
ABSTRACT Notwithstanding predictions about the exhaustion of the so-called Myth of White Argentina, recent developments signal the continuing vitality of Argentina’s European creation myth. How can it be that, despite the victories secured by more than three decades of Indigenous and Afrodescendant activism, it may prove so hard to topple? This article borrows insights from settler colonial theory to address the endurance of the Myth of Whiteness in Argentina not only as a discursive construction of racial domination but also as a fundamental structure that obscures the shady claims of the Argentine state to the land it occupies. As well as investigating the explanatory power of the analytical framework for the particular case, the article unpicks the layers contained in the narrative of White Argentina, drawing attention to the crucial role the European creation myth has played not only in Argentine history but most importantly in the current cycle of ‘progressive neoextractivism’. Contextualising Argentina within settler colonial studies also contributes to debunking accounts of Argentinean exceptionalism by locating Argentina within global logics of settler colonial domination and providing a wider framework which may help identify illuminating commonalities in the international context.
{"title":"Adjusting the focus: looking at Patagonia and the wider Argentine state through the lens of settler colonial theory","authors":"Geraldine Lublin","doi":"10.1080/2201473X.2021.2001961","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2201473X.2021.2001961","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Notwithstanding predictions about the exhaustion of the so-called Myth of White Argentina, recent developments signal the continuing vitality of Argentina’s European creation myth. How can it be that, despite the victories secured by more than three decades of Indigenous and Afrodescendant activism, it may prove so hard to topple? This article borrows insights from settler colonial theory to address the endurance of the Myth of Whiteness in Argentina not only as a discursive construction of racial domination but also as a fundamental structure that obscures the shady claims of the Argentine state to the land it occupies. As well as investigating the explanatory power of the analytical framework for the particular case, the article unpicks the layers contained in the narrative of White Argentina, drawing attention to the crucial role the European creation myth has played not only in Argentine history but most importantly in the current cycle of ‘progressive neoextractivism’. Contextualising Argentina within settler colonial studies also contributes to debunking accounts of Argentinean exceptionalism by locating Argentina within global logics of settler colonial domination and providing a wider framework which may help identify illuminating commonalities in the international context.","PeriodicalId":46232,"journal":{"name":"Settler Colonial Studies","volume":"10 1","pages":"386 - 409"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81498822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/2201473X.2021.1999155
Lucy Taylor, Geraldine Lublin
ABSTRACT This introduction to the Special Issue of Settler Colonial Studies on Latin America locates the articles within the field of settler colonial theory and places it within the context of Latin American Studies. It reflects on the potential of settler colonial theory to provide fresh perspectives on the Latin American reality, and opens discussion about how Latin American experiences and critical analysis might complicate and enrich theorising about settler colonialism in Anglophone locations and beyond. These broad aims are explored in detail in the articles whose main topics and conclusions are also described in the text. Overall, this introduction sets the intellectual scene and identifies for the reader the central arguments developed by the contributing authors, thus providing a solid foundation from which readers – whether they are familiar with Latin America or not – can engage with the articles collected here.
{"title":"Settler colonial studies and Latin America","authors":"Lucy Taylor, Geraldine Lublin","doi":"10.1080/2201473X.2021.1999155","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2201473X.2021.1999155","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This introduction to the Special Issue of Settler Colonial Studies on Latin America locates the articles within the field of settler colonial theory and places it within the context of Latin American Studies. It reflects on the potential of settler colonial theory to provide fresh perspectives on the Latin American reality, and opens discussion about how Latin American experiences and critical analysis might complicate and enrich theorising about settler colonialism in Anglophone locations and beyond. These broad aims are explored in detail in the articles whose main topics and conclusions are also described in the text. Overall, this introduction sets the intellectual scene and identifies for the reader the central arguments developed by the contributing authors, thus providing a solid foundation from which readers – whether they are familiar with Latin America or not – can engage with the articles collected here.","PeriodicalId":46232,"journal":{"name":"Settler Colonial Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"259 - 270"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89386850","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-06DOI: 10.1080/2201473X.2021.1935574
Sean Carleton
ABSTRACT In 2017, Lynn Beyak, a Canadian Senator, delivered a controversial speech defending Canada’s Indian Residential School system (1883–1996) as being ‘well-intentioned.’ Made shortly after the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada released its final report to show Canadians the evidence of how residential schooling for Indigenous children and youth constituted genocide, the Senator’s speech sparked national debate. This article historicizes and theorizes the role of denialism in colonial settings to argue that speech acts such as Beyak’s can be understood as a discursive strategy used by colonizers to legitimize and defend their material power, privilege, and profit. The article examines Beyak’s public comments as well as 100 support letters she received and published on her Senate website to show how they embrace anti-Indigenous racism generally and employ residential school denialism specifically to attack and undermine truth and reconciliation efforts in Canada.
{"title":"‘I don’t need any more education’: Senator Lynn Beyak, residential school denialism, and attacks on truth and reconciliation in Canada","authors":"Sean Carleton","doi":"10.1080/2201473X.2021.1935574","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2201473X.2021.1935574","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In 2017, Lynn Beyak, a Canadian Senator, delivered a controversial speech defending Canada’s Indian Residential School system (1883–1996) as being ‘well-intentioned.’ Made shortly after the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada released its final report to show Canadians the evidence of how residential schooling for Indigenous children and youth constituted genocide, the Senator’s speech sparked national debate. This article historicizes and theorizes the role of denialism in colonial settings to argue that speech acts such as Beyak’s can be understood as a discursive strategy used by colonizers to legitimize and defend their material power, privilege, and profit. The article examines Beyak’s public comments as well as 100 support letters she received and published on her Senate website to show how they embrace anti-Indigenous racism generally and employ residential school denialism specifically to attack and undermine truth and reconciliation efforts in Canada.","PeriodicalId":46232,"journal":{"name":"Settler Colonial Studies","volume":"6 1","pages":"466 - 486"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-06-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90365646","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/2201473X.2021.1941673
Laura De Vos, Michele R. Willman
ABSTRACT Amidst an ongoing conversation on the intersection of settler colonialism and gender, this introduction emphasizes the urgency for a continued gendered critique of settler colonialism and the imperative to look beyond the theoretical aspects of such analyses to the actual embodied experiences of the legacy of gendered violence and inequalities imposed by settler colonialisms, and to consider how they instruct our academic effort. We emphasize how historical gendered settler violence has enduring impacts on real people such as in the contemporary crisis of Murdered and Missing Indigenous Women, Girls, and Two Spirit People (MMIWG2S) in North America, while the essays collected in this special issue reflect some of the variety in discussions on the intricate relational dynamics between gendered systems and individual agents in diverse settler colonial contexts. We call attention not only to how gendered categories can be utilized as a tool of authority and oppression but also to how gender-focused critique can play a role in resistance to settler colonialisms on a global scale. These perspectives contextualize the essays collected within this special issue and highlight the continued importance of this issue's work. The essays summarized in this introduction call for continued resistance to gendered violence, impositions, and inequalities inherent to settler colonialism.
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Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/2201473X.2021.1881314
Jean A. Ellis
ABSTRACT Ann Harries’ surfacing of Cecil John Rhodes’s homosexuality in Manly Pursuits (1999), a neo-Victorian biofictional rendering of his decline after the failed Jameson Raid (1895), is integral to her portrayal of nineteenth-century British settler colonialism as an essentially male homosocial endeavour. In this paper, I argue that Harries’ ironic, self-reflexive use of the entangled discourses of literature and history instantiates multiple, shifting intertextual significations that draw past and present into a perpetual, mutually constitutive dialogue, which is, as Linda Hutcheon points out, definitive of historiographic metafiction’s ‘critical reworking’ of the past. Historical fictions such as these register and engage current concerns pertinent to settler colonial studies and I view them as an essential body of work for consideration within this field. The foregrounding of gender and sexuality in Manly Pursuits is a salient example of what I propose as their strategic presentism and its articulation with settler colonial studies.
{"title":"Manly Pursuits: Rhodes, queer Victorian manliness and the homosocial politics of settler colonialism","authors":"Jean A. Ellis","doi":"10.1080/2201473X.2021.1881314","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2201473X.2021.1881314","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Ann Harries’ surfacing of Cecil John Rhodes’s homosexuality in Manly Pursuits (1999), a neo-Victorian biofictional rendering of his decline after the failed Jameson Raid (1895), is integral to her portrayal of nineteenth-century British settler colonialism as an essentially male homosocial endeavour. In this paper, I argue that Harries’ ironic, self-reflexive use of the entangled discourses of literature and history instantiates multiple, shifting intertextual significations that draw past and present into a perpetual, mutually constitutive dialogue, which is, as Linda Hutcheon points out, definitive of historiographic metafiction’s ‘critical reworking’ of the past. Historical fictions such as these register and engage current concerns pertinent to settler colonial studies and I view them as an essential body of work for consideration within this field. The foregrounding of gender and sexuality in Manly Pursuits is a salient example of what I propose as their strategic presentism and its articulation with settler colonial studies.","PeriodicalId":46232,"journal":{"name":"Settler Colonial Studies","volume":"51 1","pages":"152 - 172"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78864013","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/2201473X.2021.1881330
Matthias Voigt
ABSTRACT The Red Power era (1969-1978), the most pivotal time for Indigenous people in the twentieth century, is commonly associated with a fundamental restructuring of Indigenous-settler colonial relations and a major cultural renewal of self and society across Indian Country. This article examines the social formation of those Indigenous men and masculinities who instigated that profound change and became politically active, questioning domestic colonialism and challenging their subaltern status vis-à-vis dominant U.S. society. More specifically, this article explores the shared experiences of Indigenous male activists within the American Indian Movement (AIM) during its early beginnings between 1968 through mid-1972. AIM (1968–1978) originated in the Twin Cities of Minneapolis/St-Paul and rose to become the most significant player in Indigenous protest politics at its time. Indigenous men in AIM shared key experiences with settler colonial institutions and the forces of modernity (boarding schools, military service, prisons, the urban experience) that affected their male identities in multiple, complex, and contradictory ways. Western-centric concepts of race, gender, and nation have consistently worked towards the marginalization and oppression of the Indigenous ‘other' -commonly through the imposition of colonial standards as a ‘civilizing force.' This article argues that the inculcation of Indigenous men with hegemonic ideals, together with experiences of emasculation, have led to an unintended outcome, namely the emergence of a ‘protest masculinity.' This ‘protest masculinity’ arose as a result of and in reaction to assimilationist policies. Paradoxically, Indigenous male activists contested dominant concepts of masculinity, yet at the same time conformed to the very cultural ideals they struggled against. This article offers an understanding of how gender and race bias intersect to disadvantage Indigenous men and how this in turn constitutes a powerful catalyst for change.
{"title":"Between powerlessness and protest: Indigenous men and masculinities in the Twin Cities of Minneapolis/St. Paul and the emergence of the American Indian Movement","authors":"Matthias Voigt","doi":"10.1080/2201473X.2021.1881330","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2201473X.2021.1881330","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Red Power era (1969-1978), the most pivotal time for Indigenous people in the twentieth century, is commonly associated with a fundamental restructuring of Indigenous-settler colonial relations and a major cultural renewal of self and society across Indian Country. This article examines the social formation of those Indigenous men and masculinities who instigated that profound change and became politically active, questioning domestic colonialism and challenging their subaltern status vis-à-vis dominant U.S. society. More specifically, this article explores the shared experiences of Indigenous male activists within the American Indian Movement (AIM) during its early beginnings between 1968 through mid-1972. AIM (1968–1978) originated in the Twin Cities of Minneapolis/St-Paul and rose to become the most significant player in Indigenous protest politics at its time. Indigenous men in AIM shared key experiences with settler colonial institutions and the forces of modernity (boarding schools, military service, prisons, the urban experience) that affected their male identities in multiple, complex, and contradictory ways. Western-centric concepts of race, gender, and nation have consistently worked towards the marginalization and oppression of the Indigenous ‘other' -commonly through the imposition of colonial standards as a ‘civilizing force.' This article argues that the inculcation of Indigenous men with hegemonic ideals, together with experiences of emasculation, have led to an unintended outcome, namely the emergence of a ‘protest masculinity.' This ‘protest masculinity’ arose as a result of and in reaction to assimilationist policies. Paradoxically, Indigenous male activists contested dominant concepts of masculinity, yet at the same time conformed to the very cultural ideals they struggled against. This article offers an understanding of how gender and race bias intersect to disadvantage Indigenous men and how this in turn constitutes a powerful catalyst for change.","PeriodicalId":46232,"journal":{"name":"Settler Colonial Studies","volume":"72 1","pages":"221 - 241"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91095031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-26DOI: 10.1080/2201473X.2021.1882823
M. Basso
ABSTRACT In the two and half decades before World War One, a new settler gender order began to emerge. In one aspect of that shift, the man-alone masculine ideal of the pioneer era, though still culturally powerful, no longer represented the practices that characterized this evolving settler society. New competing masculinities highly correlated with the changing landscape of agricultural and industrial labour came to define key nodes in this new gender order. Those masculinities played a powerful role in reshaping the culture and political economy of Aotearoa/New Zealand and other settler societies. This article looks at New Zealand’s Great Strike of 1913 – one of the numerous labour actions by industrial workers in settler societies around the globe in this period – to analyse the competing ideas of settler masculinity embodied by Pākehā farmers, industrial workers, and urban and rural elites. Focusing on the ideology and practices of the different expressions of hegemonic masculinity witnessed during and before the 1913 strike sheds light on some of the more intricate relations of power in the settler gender order. It also illuminates some of the hidden nuances of settler colonial logic imbedded in the gendered concepts of individualism, independence, work, and militarism.
{"title":"Settler masculinity and labour: the post-pioneer era gender order and New Zealand’s Great Strike of 1913","authors":"M. Basso","doi":"10.1080/2201473X.2021.1882823","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2201473X.2021.1882823","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the two and half decades before World War One, a new settler gender order began to emerge. In one aspect of that shift, the man-alone masculine ideal of the pioneer era, though still culturally powerful, no longer represented the practices that characterized this evolving settler society. New competing masculinities highly correlated with the changing landscape of agricultural and industrial labour came to define key nodes in this new gender order. Those masculinities played a powerful role in reshaping the culture and political economy of Aotearoa/New Zealand and other settler societies. This article looks at New Zealand’s Great Strike of 1913 – one of the numerous labour actions by industrial workers in settler societies around the globe in this period – to analyse the competing ideas of settler masculinity embodied by Pākehā farmers, industrial workers, and urban and rural elites. Focusing on the ideology and practices of the different expressions of hegemonic masculinity witnessed during and before the 1913 strike sheds light on some of the more intricate relations of power in the settler gender order. It also illuminates some of the hidden nuances of settler colonial logic imbedded in the gendered concepts of individualism, independence, work, and militarism.","PeriodicalId":46232,"journal":{"name":"Settler Colonial Studies","volume":"14 1","pages":"173 - 196"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88545340","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-22DOI: 10.1080/2201473X.2021.1888406
R. Hurst
ABSTRACT The American expedition to Point Barrow, Alaska to establish a station for the First International Polar Year (IPY) in 1881 was shaped by familiar gendered and sexualised settler colonial discourses about the North as secretive, unknown, and ethereal, yet knowable by techniques of scientific observation. The First IPY (1882–1883) was a significant moment in colonial scientific exploration and research, as the largest coordinated international effort to gather scientific data about the Arctic and Antarctic related to meteorology, geomagnetism, and auroral observation. This essay looks at the relationship between the Americans and Iñupiaq, and specifically at settler fantasies about race, gender and sexuality that circulate in the documents of the expedition. This analysis focuses on how Iñupiaq women operate as a reference point from which to construct Iñupiaq masculinity as deficient and American masculinity as superior. This ‘failure’ to conform to settler norms of gender and sexuality supported the pervasive settler narrative of Indigenous peoples as a ‘vanishing race’ declining as a result of a natural process, rather than due to settler colonialism. I then situate the Point Barrow expedition in relation to literature on polar exploration in other sites – for example, the North Pole and Antarctica – to contextualise this expedition and its implications for settler colonial studies.
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