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When Puppies start to hate: the revanchist nostalgia of the Hugo Awards’ PuppyGate controversy 当小狗开始仇恨:雨果奖的小狗门争议的复仇主义怀旧
1区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-10-23 DOI: 10.1080/14791420.2023.2267656
Max Dosser
ABSTRACTIn 2015, two groups of right-wing authors and fans – the Sad and Rabid Puppies – flooded the Hugo Awards with literature they deemed “popular” and anti-“message fiction.” These reactionaries mobilized the affects of melancholy, anger, and hatred against the increasing diversification of speculative fiction. Through analyzing the affective economy of “PuppyGate,” this article demonstrates the key role of nostalgia in the affective economies of reactionary movements, paying particular attention to the tension between restorative nostalgia, with its aim to return to an imagined past, and revanchist nostalgia, which strives to destroy the present and punish those who made that destruction necessary.KEYWORDS: AffectHugo Awardsrevanchist nostalgiareactionariesspeculative fiction AcknowledgementsI would like to thank Calum Matheson, Caitlin Bruce, Lester Olson, Dan Wang, Ron Von Burg, and Brent Malin for their feedback on various drafts of this article. I would also like to thank David E.K. Smith, Kevin Pabst, Reed Van Schenck, Larissa A. Irizarry, as well as the editor, editorial assistant, and reviewers for their thoughtful, generative suggestions throughout the writing and editing process. Special thanks are owed to Thomas J. Griffin, who fanned my interest in SF and introduced me to PuppyGate, and to Brenna Dosser for her unwavering support throughout the many cycles of edits.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 The genre of speculative fiction encompasses both science fiction and fantasy, but the authors involved in PuppyGate tend to focus more on science fiction. One potential explanation might be that many of the works the PuppyGate authors reference were from the 1950s and 1960s, before fantasy was revived as a genre but a classical period for conservative science fiction.2 Abigail Nussbaum, “The 2015 Hugo Awards: Why I Am Voting No Award in the Best Fan Writer Category,” Asking the Wrong Questions, April 10, 2015, http://wrongquestions.blogspot.com/2015/04/the-2015-hugo-awards-why-i-am-voting-no.html.3 “Hugo Award Nominations Spark Criticism over Diversity in Sci-Fi,” The Telegraph, April 7, 2015, https://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/books/booknews/11517920/Hugo-Award-nominations-spark-criticism-over-diversity-in-sci-fi.html.4 Jonathan Flatley, Affective Mapping: Melancholia and the Politics of Modernism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008), 12. Flatley describes emotions through the inside-out model, while scholars such as Debra Hawhee and Ann Cvetovich describe how emotions move across bodies and publics in their works.5 Flatley, Affective Mapping, 12.6 Caitlin Bruce, “The Balaclava as Affect Generator: Free Pussy Riot Protests and Transnational Iconicity,” Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies 12, no. 1 (2015): 48 https://doi.org/10.1080/14791420.2014.989246.7 Jenny Edbauer Rice, “The New ‘New’: Making a Case for Critical Affect Studies,” Quarterly Journal of Speech 94
42拉里·科雷亚,“如何让科雷亚获得雨果奖提名”,怪物猎人国家,2013年1月8日,http://monsterhunternation.com/2013/01/08/how-to-get-correia-nominated-for-a-hugo/.43科雷亚没有真正定义什么是“信息小说”或“文人”。根据他的帖子和他的支持者的帖子,“信息小说”分为有信息的小说(基本上都是小说)和除非人们同意其信息才能欣赏的小说,而文人通常被描绘成一群势利的、左倾的作家和粉丝,他们更喜欢信息小说,而不是“传统的”、“有趣的”小说《如何让科雷亚获得雨果奖提名》即使在科幻小说之外,反动派也厌恶信息。在线留言板4chan,还有8chan, Parler和Gabi。Ai是极右极端主义的热点,如果用户试图宣传某条信息或某项事业,将会被禁止。托马斯·科利和马丁·摩尔,《研究4chan和另类右翼的挑战:‘来吧,水很好’》,《新媒体与社会》24期,第2期。1 (2022): 5-30, https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444820948803.46博伊姆,怀旧的未来,43.47拉文德,美国科幻小说中的种族,10-11.48惠特尼·菲利普斯和瑞安·m·米尔纳,矛盾的互联网:淘气,古怪和对抗在线(麻州马尔登:《政治》,2017),112-6.49艾米·华莱士,“谁赢得了科幻雨果奖,为什么它很重要”,《连线》,2015年8月23日,https://www.wired.com/2015/08/won-science-fictions-hugo-awards-matters/.50蒂姆,“#白人种族灭绝的数字痕迹”,3190.51罗伯特·j·托平卡,“政治不正确的参与媒体:种族主义民族主义在r/ImGoingToHellForThis,”新媒体与社会20 (2018):2055年,https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444817712516.52弗洛伊德,“哀悼与忧郁”,247.53拉里·科雷亚,“从德克萨斯回来,现在是悲伤的小狗第二季!《怪物猎人国度》,2014年1月7日,https://larrycorreia.wordpress.com/2014/01/07/back-from-texas-and-now-it-is-sad-puppies-season-2/.54拉里·科雷亚,《悲伤的小狗2:辩论!》,《怪物猎人国家》,2014年2月20日,https://monsterhunternation.com/2014/02/20/sad-puppies-2-the-debatening/.55拉里·科雷亚,《关于雨果奖争议的解释》,《怪物猎人国家》,2014年4月24日,http://monsterhunternation.com/2014/04/24/an-explanation-about-the-hugo-awards-controversy/.56科雷亚,《关于雨果奖争议的解释》。《57科雷亚》,关于雨果奖争议的解释。58 Brad Torgersen,“你如何帮助英勇的悲伤小狗3运动!”《蓝领投机小说》,2015年1月21日,https://bradrtorgersen.wordpress.com/2015/01/21/how-you-can-aid-the-valiant-sad-puppies-3-campaign/.59斯蒂芬妮·库茨:《我们从未有过的方式:美国家庭和怀旧陷阱》(纽约:Basic Books, 1992),第60页《种族主义的情感政治:在一个色盲时代,情感如何胜过事实》(斯坦福:斯坦福大学出版社,2015年)伊丽莎白·桑德弗,《蛇怪的新反应:关于另类右翼及其周围的文章》(斯科特谷,CA:博学出版社,2017),356.63另一种解释可能是,而不是恐惧,这是焦虑。卡勒姆·马西森写道:“当他者的欲望对象靠得太近时,焦虑就会产生,从而消除了让主体享受幻想的距离。”科幻小说是关于想象可能存在的新世界。Matheson会说,让人愉快的是“在”和“去”之间的动态变化,我们可以玩弄这些想法,但不能生活在其中。当一个新的世界被引入——一个由科幻小说日益多样化所引领的世界——它对更“传统”的白人男性作家来说是不和谐的。他们不知道他者想要他们做什么,所以他们感到被那个秩序排斥或拒绝。《不义之财:黄金、语言和交换焦虑》,《交流评论》18期,第1期。4 (2018): 250, https://doi.org/10.1080/15358593.2018.1508738.64 Ahmed,“情感经济”,125.65 Brad Torgersen,“科幻出版和粉丝圈中的恐惧因素”,蓝领投机小说,2015年4月1日,https://bradrtorgersen.wordpress.com/2015/04/01/the-fear-factor-in-sff-publishing-and-fandom/.66 Torgersen,“科幻出版和粉丝圈中的恐惧因素”。67托格森,《科幻小说出版和粉丝圈中的恐惧因素》。68 Tammy Clewell,《超越忧郁的哀悼:弗洛伊德对失落的精神分析》,《美国精神分析协会杂志》52期,第1期(2004): 47, https://doi.org/10.1177/00030651040520010601.69这与焦虑以他者的形式有明显的联系。悲伤的小狗想要WSFS的认可,成为他者情感的对象,当他们明显不是时,他们会恐慌Vox Day,“后人:TK vs VD”,Castalia House, 2013年2月24日,http://voxday.blogspot.com/2017/06/posterity-tk-vs-vd.html。
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引用次数: 0
Protecting women’s sports? Anti-trans youth sports bills and white supremacy 保护女性运动?反跨性别青少年体育法案和白人至上主义
1区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-10-23 DOI: 10.1080/14791420.2023.2267646
Mia Fischer
ABSTRACTAn unprecedented number of anti-transgender youth sports bills have been introduced in various state legislatures across the United States since 2020. These bills seek to bar trans youth from playing and competing in sports that align with their gender identity. Scrutinizing the rise in these bills and the fearmongering that accompanies them, this article untangles how the deployment of a white feminist rhetoric of “protecting women’s sports” by a coalition of anti-LGBTQ Christian conservative forces and trans-exclusionary radical feminist (TERF) women’s sports advocates shields these bills and their proponents from accusations of transphobia and bigotry while obscuring their white supremacist underpinnings.KEYWORDS: Transgendersportsathleteslegislationwhite supremacy AcknowledgmentsMuch gratitude to K. Mohrman, Jennifer McClearen, and the anonymous reviewers whose thoughtful suggestions and critiques were crucial for sharpening my arguments. I dedicate this article to my mother whose Alzheimer journey is reminding all of us to find and treasure moments of joy and laughter even in despair.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Mia Fischer and Jennifer McClearen, “Transgender Athletes and the Queer Art of Athletic Failure,” Communication & Sport 8, no. 2 (2020): 147–67; Katrina Karkazis and Rebecca Jordan-Young, “The Powers of Testosterone: Obscuring Race and Regional Bias in the Regulation of Women Athletes,” Feminist Formations 30, no. 2 (2018): 1–39; Lindsey P. Pieper, Sex Testing: Gender Policing in Women’s Sports (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2016); Sarah Teetzel, “On Transgendered Athletes, Fairness and Doping: An International Challenge,” Sport in Society 9 (2006): 227–51; Steven Petrow, “Do transgender Athletes have an Unfair Advantage at the Olympics?” Washington Post, August 8, 2016, https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/style/do-transgender-athletes-have-an-unfair-advantage-at-the-olympics/2016/08/05/08169676-5b50-11e6-9aee-8075993d73a2_story.html?utm_term..fed174b8ee3b2 In particular, testosterone is frequently invoked as the key marker for conferring athletic advantage. There currently is, however, no consensus in the scientific literature that elevated levels of testosterone do, indeed, provide transgender or intersex athletes with a significant competitive advantage over cisgender athletes. For a basic overview of studies on the impact of testosterone on athletic performance see Will Hobson, “The Fight for the Future of Transgender Athletes,” The Washington Post, April 15, 2021, https://www.washingtonpost.com/sports/2021/04/15/transgender-athletes-womens-sports-title-ix/3 Julie Kliegman, “Idaho Banned Trans Athletes From Women’s Sports. She’s Fighting Back,” Sports Illustrated, June 30, 2020, https://www.si.com/sports-illustrated/2020/06/30/idaho-transgender-ban-fighting-back4 Melissa Block, “Idaho’s Transgender Sports Ban Faces A Major Legal Hurdle,” NPR, May
【摘要】自2020年以来,美国各州立法机构提出了数量空前的反跨性别青少年体育法案。这些法案试图禁止跨性别青少年参加与他们性别认同相符的体育运动。本文仔细研究了这些法案的兴起以及随之而来的恐慌情绪,揭示了由反对lgbtq的基督教保守势力和排斥跨性别的激进女权主义(TERF)女性体育倡导者组成的联盟,如何利用“保护女性体育”的白人女权主义言论,保护这些法案及其支持者免受跨性别恐惧症和偏见的指责,同时掩盖了他们的白人至上主义基础。感谢K. Mohrman、Jennifer McClearen和匿名评论者,他们的周到建议和批评对我的论点的尖锐化至关重要。我把这篇文章献给我的母亲,她的阿尔茨海默病之旅提醒我们所有人,即使在绝望中也要找到并珍惜欢乐和欢笑的时刻。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1 Mia Fischer和Jennifer McClearen,“跨性别运动员和运动失败的酷儿艺术”,《Communication & Sport》第8期。2 (2020): 147-67;Katrina Karkazis和Rebecca Jordan-Young,“睾丸激素的力量:在女性运动员的管理中模糊种族和地区偏见”,《女权主义形成》第30期,第1期。2 (2018): 1-39;Lindsey P. Pieper,《性别测试:女性体育中的性别监管》(芝加哥:伊利诺伊大学出版社,2016);Sarah Teetzel,“变性运动员,公平和兴奋剂:一个国际挑战”,《体育社会》9 (2006):227-51;Steven Petrow,“跨性别运动员在奥运会上有不公平的优势吗?”《华盛顿邮报》2016年8月8日报道https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/style/do-transgender-athletes-have-an-unfair-advantage-at-the-olympics/2016/08/05/08169676-5b50-11e6-9aee-8075993d73a2_story.html?utm_term..fed174b8ee3b2特别是,睾丸激素经常被认为是赋予运动优势的关键指标。然而,目前在科学文献中并没有一致的观点认为,睾丸激素水平升高确实会使跨性别或双性运动员比顺性别运动员具有显著的竞争优势。有关睾酮对运动员表现影响的研究的基本概述,请参阅Will Hobson,“为变性运动员的未来而战”,华盛顿邮报,2021年4月15日,https://www.washingtonpost.com/sports/2021/04/15/transgender-athletes-womens-sports-title-ix/3 Julie Kliegman,“爱达荷州禁止变性运动员参加女子体育运动。”她在反击,”体育画报,2020年6月30日,https://www.si.com/sports-illustrated/2020/06/30/idaho-transgender-ban-fighting-back4梅丽莎·布洛克,“爱达荷州跨性别体育禁令面临重大法律障碍”,NPR, 2021年5月3日,https://www.npr.org/2021/05/03/991987280/idahos-transgender-sports-ban-faces-a-major-legal-hurdle5所有美国人的自由,“立法追踪者:反跨性别立法”,2021年,https://freedomforallamericans.org/legislative-tracker/anti-transgender-legislation/(2021年7月15日查阅)雷迪解释说,虽然这两种观点似乎存在冲突,但它们都以不同的方式“重申了民族国家要么是无意义的,要么是排他性的框架”,自由、权利和权力应该在其中得到适当的分配。参见《暴力中的自由:种族、性和美国》(达勒姆:杜克大学出版社,2011年),8.7罗宾·迪安杰洛,《白人的脆弱性:为什么白人很难谈论种族主义》(波士顿:灯塔出版社,2018年);谢丽尔·l·哈里斯,《白人作为财产》,《哈佛法律评论》106期,第1期。8 (1993): 1707-91;贝尔·胡克斯,女权主义理论:从边缘到中心(伦敦,英国:冥王星出版社,2000);C.W.米尔斯,《种族契约》(伊萨卡:康奈尔大学出版社,1997);帕特里夏·j·威廉姆斯,《种族与权利的炼金术》。《一位法学教授日记》(马萨诸塞州剑桥:哈佛大学出版社,1992年)C. Richard King, David J. Leonard和Kyle W. Kusz,“白人权力与体育:导论”,《体育与社会问题杂志》31期,第31期。1 (2007): 3-10;本·卡灵顿,《足球回家了》但谁的家呢?我们想要吗?:国家、足球和排斥政治”,收录于《狂热者:足球中的权力、身份和狂热》,亚当·布朗主编(伦敦:劳特利奇出版社,1998),第101-23页;玛丽·乔·凯恩,《女运动员越优秀,媒体越忽视她们》,《传播与体育》第1期,第1期。3 (2013): 231-6;迈克尔·梅斯纳:《对传播与体育的反思:关于男性与男子气概》,《传播与体育》第1期,第1 - 2期(2013):113-24;Cheryl Cooky, LaToya Council, Maria Mears和Michael Messner,“一次又一次:1989-2019年女性电视体育的长期衰落”,《传播与体育》,第9期,第9期。3(2021): 347-71。doi: 10。 1177/21674795211003524;詹妮弗·麦克莱恩,战斗能见度:体育媒体和女运动员在UFC(芝加哥:伊利诺伊大学出版社,2021年)Elizabeth A. Sharrow,“体育、跨性别权利和顺性别至上的身体政治”,《法律》第10期。63(2021), 1-29.10有意保守政治策略的历史由来已久,最突出的是南方战略,它使用种族编码语言,利用和加强美国主流政治中的白人至上主义。最臭名昭著的例子是共和党战略家李·阿特沃特(Lee Atwater)承认,共和党内部已经从明确的种族主义语言转向使用更“抽象”的语言,如“强制校车”、“州权”和“福利女王”等短语,以吸引某些选民。有关这一特定历史的更多信息,例如,安西娅巴特勒,白人福音派种族主义:美国的道德政治(教堂山:UNC出版社,2021);马修·d·拉西特,《沉默的大多数:南方阳光地带的郊区政治》(普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2006年);或基安加-亚马哈塔·泰勒,《从#黑人生命很重要到黑人解放》(芝加哥:干草市场出版社,2016年)。最近,学者们开始认识到,这种带有种族色彩的语言,很多都是专门针对性别和性行为的,而围绕性别和性行为问题(尤其是堕胎问题)转向政治激进主义,是保守派基督教政治活动家(仍然)支持白人至上主义政治的一种方式,但他们却没有明确承认自己在这么做。参见兰德尔·巴尔默,《恶意:种族与宗教权利的兴起》(大急流城:威廉·b·厄德曼斯出版公司,2021年);梅琳达·库珀,《家庭价值观:
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引用次数: 0
F*ck your condolences: the rhetoric of an impossible demand 去你的慰问:一个不可能的要求的花言巧语
IF 1.9 1区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14791420.2023.2241534
D. Carroll
ABSTRACT On July 16, 2019, after Daniel Pantaleo’s non-indictment, Emerald Snipes-Garner, Eric Garner’s daughter, took to the steps of the New York Court House and demanded the impossible, that her deceased family members be alive. In this essay, I approach Snipes-Garner’s advocacy with a version of racial rhetorical criticism focused on how Black people rebuke racism. Attuning to Snipes-Garner’s impossible demand illuminates the usefulness of disruptive racial rhetorical criticism and illustrates how valuing Black life can interrupt “white time,” and create a “Blackened time.” This essay concludes by explicating how scholars can participate in demanding the impossible.
2019年7月16日,在丹尼尔·潘塔莱奥(Daniel Pantaleo)被无罪起诉后,埃里克·加纳(Eric Garner)的女儿祖玛·斯奈普斯-加纳(Emerald Snipes-Garner)走上纽约法院的台阶,要求她已故的家人活着,这是不可能的。在这篇文章中,我用一种种族修辞批评的方式来探讨斯奈普斯-加纳的主张,这种批评侧重于黑人如何谴责种族主义。顺应斯奈普斯-加纳不可能的要求,说明了破坏性的种族修辞批评的有用性,也说明了重视黑人的生活是如何打断“白人时间”,并创造出一个“被黑化的时间”。本文最后阐述了学者如何参与要求不可能的事情。
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引用次数: 0
Rhetorical fractals: an Afrocentric analysis of #JusticeForGeorgeFloyd 修辞分形:《乔治·弗洛伊德的正义》的非洲中心分析
IF 1.9 1区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14791420.2023.2228872
E. Bloomfield, Curtis Ladrillo Chamblee
ABSTRACT Derek Chauvin’s trial for murdering George Floyd was a flashpoint of public deliberation around justice, accountability, and police reform. Burkean approaches to guilt, and their corresponding Western understandings of language, can be extended through Afrocentric rhetorics. We propose the “rhetorical fractal” to encompass Black ways of knowing and communicating. Unlike a cycle that returns to its starting point, a fractal is endlessly complex and cannot be refined to a single instance. Informed by Afrocentric concepts of nommo, hush harbors, and Black publics, we apply the rhetorical fractal to hashtags that circulated on Twitter during Chauvin’s trial and verdict.
摘要Derek Chauvin谋杀George Floyd的审判是公众围绕司法、问责和警察改革进行讨论的热点。伯克对待内疚的方法,以及他们对语言的相应西方理解,可以通过以非洲为中心的修辞来扩展。我们提出了“修辞分形”来涵盖黑人的认知和交流方式。与返回起点的循环不同,分形是无限复杂的,无法细化为单个实例。根据以非洲为中心的匿名者、秘密港和黑人公众的概念,我们将修辞分形应用于Chauvin审判和判决期间在推特上流传的标签。
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引用次数: 1
“Remaking the world memetically”: interrogating white nationalist subject formation through the circulation of the “Wagecuck” meme “以模因重塑世界”:通过“Wagecuck”模因的传播来质疑白人民族主义主体的形成
IF 1.9 1区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14791420.2023.2228867
Reed Van Schenck
ABSTRACT This essay examines the wagecuck, a 4chan meme portraying wage workers and NEET (Not in Education, Employment, or Training) counterparts, as an artifact of white nationalist desire. Through a rhetorical materialist analysis focused on exchange, I argue that wagecuck memes encourage viewers to pursue white recognition to offset anxieties of race, class, and sexuality. The meme circulates cuckold and wage-slave tropes to construct the white working-class man as a human agent in pursuit of antiblack jouissance. This research identifies the fantasy of racial agency as the meme’s operative logic, encouraging scholars to move beyond its humanist underpinnings.
摘要本文探讨了wageuck,一个4chan模因,将工薪阶层和非教育、就业或培训领域的同行描绘成白人民族主义欲望的产物。通过一种侧重于交流的修辞唯物主义分析,我认为wageuck模因鼓励观众追求白人的认可,以抵消对种族、阶级和性的焦虑。这个迷因流传着戴绿帽子和工资奴隶的比喻,将白人工人阶级塑造成一个追求反黑人快感的人类代理人。这项研究将种族代理的幻想确定为模因的运作逻辑,鼓励学者超越其人文主义基础。
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引用次数: 0
Staging progressive dissensus and the politics of Black silence: Black Lives Matter, Bernie Sanders, and the August 2015 rally in Seattle 上演进步的异议和黑人沉默的政治:黑人的命也重要,伯尼·桑德斯,以及2015年8月在西雅图的集会
IF 1.9 1区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14791420.2023.2229412
D. Dilliplane
ABSTRACT In August 2015, Black Lives Matter activists Mara Willaford and Marissa Johnson interrupted a Seattle rally with a four-and-a-half-minute silent commemoration of Black teenager Michael Brown, preventing presidential candidate Senator Bernie Sanders from speaking. Using a Rancièrean political framework and a methodology of performance-inflected rhetorical criticism, I explore how this silent protest exemplifies what I call “voiced silence” and transfigures a tradition of tactical Black silence as both repression and resistance. I argue the activists staged a scene of dissensus, fracturing the false consensus of the progressive left’s post-racial façade and thereby revealing the presence of two worlds in one.
摘要2015年8月,“黑人的命也是命”(Black Lives Matter)活动家马拉·威拉福德(Mara Willaford)和玛丽莎·约翰逊(Marissa Johnson。我使用兰契的政治框架和基于表现的修辞批评方法,探讨了这种无声的抗议如何体现了我所说的“有声沉默”,并将黑人战术沉默的传统转变为镇压和抵抗。我认为,活动人士上演了一场持不同意见的场景,打破了进步左翼后种族外表的虚假共识,从而揭示了两个世界合一的存在。
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引用次数: 0
The Trump administration’s framing of the MS-13 gang: narrowing the borders of belonging with homeland maternity 特朗普政府对MS-13团伙的诬陷:缩小与本土产妇的归属边界
IF 1.9 1区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14791420.2023.2236187
Jimmy Lizama
ABSTRACT This article reveals how the Trump administration constructed an anti-immigrant narrative tailored for Central Americans that modified established anti-Mexican nativism. By reinscribing a hegemonic “mythos” about gangs, harnessing homeland maternity, and representing undocumented Central Americans as a primary factor for MS-13’s presence and waves of violence, the administration portrayed Central American immigration as an existential threat to America. Analyzing this rhetoric elucidates an intervention in contemporary nativism by showing how its rhetoricity relies on the bordering power of security discourse, racialized fears relating to non-white population expansion, and a racial interpellation facilitated by homeland maternity.
摘要本文揭示了特朗普政府如何构建一种针对中美洲人的反移民叙事,以改变既定的反墨西哥本土主义。通过重新塑造关于帮派的霸权“神话”,利用祖国的母性,并将无证的中美洲人视为MS-13存在和暴力浪潮的主要因素,政府将中美洲移民描绘成对美国生存的威胁。分析这种修辞,通过展示其修辞如何依赖于安全话语的边缘力量、与非白人人口扩张有关的种族化恐惧,以及由本土母性促成的种族质询,阐明了对当代本土主义的干预。
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引用次数: 0
Truth as White property: solidifying White epistemology and owning racial knowledge 作为白人财产的真理:巩固白人认识论,拥有种族知识
IF 1.9 1区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/14791420.2023.2199831
Vincent N. Pham
ABSTRACT Donald Trump’s 2016 presidential election underscored the role of “Truth” and how it functions in an epistemological relationship with conservative identity. Drawing upon Cheryl Harris’s notion of “whiteness as property,” this article forwards a theoretical framework of “Truth as White property” whereby Truth functions as an extension of whiteness and as a possession of whiteness. Using Fox News’ treatment of the 1619 Project as a case study, the author argues that White ownership of Truth relies on the rhetorical strategies of discrediting, dismissing, and redirecting.
摘要唐纳德·特朗普2016年总统大选强调了“真理”的作用,以及它如何在与保守身份的认识论关系中发挥作用。本文借鉴Cheryl Harris的“白人即财产”概念,提出了“真理即白人财产”的理论框架,即真理是白人的延伸和对白人的占有。作者以福克斯新闻对1619年计划的处理为例,认为白人对真相的所有权依赖于抹黑、驳回和重定向的修辞策略。
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引用次数: 0
Place is everything: remembering responsibilities between and beyond land acknowledgments 地方就是一切:牢记土地承认之间和土地承认之外的责任
IF 1.9 1区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/14791420.2023.2202724
Ashley Cordes
ABSTRACT Land acknowledgment statements in higher education have become pervasive performative gestures that serve to relieve settler guilt and manage public memory. This article details the distribution of stolen Indigenous lands to universities, and identifies problematics of university land acknowledgments. I offer the concept of “impoverished memory” to discuss the insufficient, duplicative means by which universities acknowledge land, and “felt memory” to Indigenize critical memory politics of land, peoples, and nonhumans. To fight against the machines of colonialism within universities and beyond, I offer specific scyborgian anti- and decolonial actions that are specific to place and for Indigenous futures.
摘要高等教育中的土地承认声明已成为普遍的表演性姿态,有助于减轻定居者的内疚感和管理公众记忆。本文详细介绍了被盗土著土地向大学的分配情况,并确定了大学土地承认的问题。我提出了“贫困记忆”的概念来讨论大学承认土地的不充分、重复的手段,并提出了“感觉记忆”来本土化土地、民族和非人类的批判性记忆政治。为了在大学内外与殖民主义机器作斗争,我提出了针对当地和土著未来的具体反殖民和非殖民行动。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: possibilities of collaboration between public memory scholars and higher education public relations professionals 引言:公共记忆学者与高等教育公共关系专业人士合作的可能性
IF 1.9 1区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/14791420.2023.2201335
LaTonya J. Taylor
ABSTRACT This is the second part of a two-part forum called Interventions in Public Memory: Interrogating the Critical/Cultural Landscape of Higher Education, edited by Meredith M. Bagley. In this introduction, I explore the ways public memory scholars and higher education public relations professionals can collaborate to enhance critical/cultural approaches to institutional public memory on campuses. As we face this important moment for public memory on US campuses, common concerns for politics, place, dialectic tension, and repair that animate both public memory and public relations call for collaboration between these groups.
摘要这是Meredith M.Bagley主编的名为“公共记忆中的干预:质疑高等教育的批判性/文化景观”的两部分论坛的第二部分。在这篇引言中,我探讨了公共记忆学者和高等教育公共关系专业人员如何合作,以加强对校园机构公共记忆的批判性/文化方法。当我们在美国校园面临这一公众记忆的重要时刻时,对政治、地点、辩证法张力和修复的共同关注,激发了公众记忆和公共关系,呼吁这些群体之间的合作。
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引用次数: 0
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Communication and Critical-Cultural Studies
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