Pub Date : 2023-10-23DOI: 10.1080/14791420.2023.2267656
Max Dosser
ABSTRACTIn 2015, two groups of right-wing authors and fans – the Sad and Rabid Puppies – flooded the Hugo Awards with literature they deemed “popular” and anti-“message fiction.” These reactionaries mobilized the affects of melancholy, anger, and hatred against the increasing diversification of speculative fiction. Through analyzing the affective economy of “PuppyGate,” this article demonstrates the key role of nostalgia in the affective economies of reactionary movements, paying particular attention to the tension between restorative nostalgia, with its aim to return to an imagined past, and revanchist nostalgia, which strives to destroy the present and punish those who made that destruction necessary.KEYWORDS: AffectHugo Awardsrevanchist nostalgiareactionariesspeculative fiction AcknowledgementsI would like to thank Calum Matheson, Caitlin Bruce, Lester Olson, Dan Wang, Ron Von Burg, and Brent Malin for their feedback on various drafts of this article. I would also like to thank David E.K. Smith, Kevin Pabst, Reed Van Schenck, Larissa A. Irizarry, as well as the editor, editorial assistant, and reviewers for their thoughtful, generative suggestions throughout the writing and editing process. Special thanks are owed to Thomas J. Griffin, who fanned my interest in SF and introduced me to PuppyGate, and to Brenna Dosser for her unwavering support throughout the many cycles of edits.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 The genre of speculative fiction encompasses both science fiction and fantasy, but the authors involved in PuppyGate tend to focus more on science fiction. One potential explanation might be that many of the works the PuppyGate authors reference were from the 1950s and 1960s, before fantasy was revived as a genre but a classical period for conservative science fiction.2 Abigail Nussbaum, “The 2015 Hugo Awards: Why I Am Voting No Award in the Best Fan Writer Category,” Asking the Wrong Questions, April 10, 2015, http://wrongquestions.blogspot.com/2015/04/the-2015-hugo-awards-why-i-am-voting-no.html.3 “Hugo Award Nominations Spark Criticism over Diversity in Sci-Fi,” The Telegraph, April 7, 2015, https://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/books/booknews/11517920/Hugo-Award-nominations-spark-criticism-over-diversity-in-sci-fi.html.4 Jonathan Flatley, Affective Mapping: Melancholia and the Politics of Modernism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008), 12. Flatley describes emotions through the inside-out model, while scholars such as Debra Hawhee and Ann Cvetovich describe how emotions move across bodies and publics in their works.5 Flatley, Affective Mapping, 12.6 Caitlin Bruce, “The Balaclava as Affect Generator: Free Pussy Riot Protests and Transnational Iconicity,” Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies 12, no. 1 (2015): 48 https://doi.org/10.1080/14791420.2014.989246.7 Jenny Edbauer Rice, “The New ‘New’: Making a Case for Critical Affect Studies,” Quarterly Journal of Speech 94
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Pub Date : 2023-10-23DOI: 10.1080/14791420.2023.2267646
Mia Fischer
ABSTRACTAn unprecedented number of anti-transgender youth sports bills have been introduced in various state legislatures across the United States since 2020. These bills seek to bar trans youth from playing and competing in sports that align with their gender identity. Scrutinizing the rise in these bills and the fearmongering that accompanies them, this article untangles how the deployment of a white feminist rhetoric of “protecting women’s sports” by a coalition of anti-LGBTQ Christian conservative forces and trans-exclusionary radical feminist (TERF) women’s sports advocates shields these bills and their proponents from accusations of transphobia and bigotry while obscuring their white supremacist underpinnings.KEYWORDS: Transgendersportsathleteslegislationwhite supremacy AcknowledgmentsMuch gratitude to K. Mohrman, Jennifer McClearen, and the anonymous reviewers whose thoughtful suggestions and critiques were crucial for sharpening my arguments. I dedicate this article to my mother whose Alzheimer journey is reminding all of us to find and treasure moments of joy and laughter even in despair.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Mia Fischer and Jennifer McClearen, “Transgender Athletes and the Queer Art of Athletic Failure,” Communication & Sport 8, no. 2 (2020): 147–67; Katrina Karkazis and Rebecca Jordan-Young, “The Powers of Testosterone: Obscuring Race and Regional Bias in the Regulation of Women Athletes,” Feminist Formations 30, no. 2 (2018): 1–39; Lindsey P. Pieper, Sex Testing: Gender Policing in Women’s Sports (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2016); Sarah Teetzel, “On Transgendered Athletes, Fairness and Doping: An International Challenge,” Sport in Society 9 (2006): 227–51; Steven Petrow, “Do transgender Athletes have an Unfair Advantage at the Olympics?” Washington Post, August 8, 2016, https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/style/do-transgender-athletes-have-an-unfair-advantage-at-the-olympics/2016/08/05/08169676-5b50-11e6-9aee-8075993d73a2_story.html?utm_term..fed174b8ee3b2 In particular, testosterone is frequently invoked as the key marker for conferring athletic advantage. There currently is, however, no consensus in the scientific literature that elevated levels of testosterone do, indeed, provide transgender or intersex athletes with a significant competitive advantage over cisgender athletes. For a basic overview of studies on the impact of testosterone on athletic performance see Will Hobson, “The Fight for the Future of Transgender Athletes,” The Washington Post, April 15, 2021, https://www.washingtonpost.com/sports/2021/04/15/transgender-athletes-womens-sports-title-ix/3 Julie Kliegman, “Idaho Banned Trans Athletes From Women’s Sports. She’s Fighting Back,” Sports Illustrated, June 30, 2020, https://www.si.com/sports-illustrated/2020/06/30/idaho-transgender-ban-fighting-back4 Melissa Block, “Idaho’s Transgender Sports Ban Faces A Major Legal Hurdle,” NPR, May
【摘要】自2020年以来,美国各州立法机构提出了数量空前的反跨性别青少年体育法案。这些法案试图禁止跨性别青少年参加与他们性别认同相符的体育运动。本文仔细研究了这些法案的兴起以及随之而来的恐慌情绪,揭示了由反对lgbtq的基督教保守势力和排斥跨性别的激进女权主义(TERF)女性体育倡导者组成的联盟,如何利用“保护女性体育”的白人女权主义言论,保护这些法案及其支持者免受跨性别恐惧症和偏见的指责,同时掩盖了他们的白人至上主义基础。感谢K. Mohrman、Jennifer McClearen和匿名评论者,他们的周到建议和批评对我的论点的尖锐化至关重要。我把这篇文章献给我的母亲,她的阿尔茨海默病之旅提醒我们所有人,即使在绝望中也要找到并珍惜欢乐和欢笑的时刻。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1 Mia Fischer和Jennifer McClearen,“跨性别运动员和运动失败的酷儿艺术”,《Communication & Sport》第8期。2 (2020): 147-67;Katrina Karkazis和Rebecca Jordan-Young,“睾丸激素的力量:在女性运动员的管理中模糊种族和地区偏见”,《女权主义形成》第30期,第1期。2 (2018): 1-39;Lindsey P. Pieper,《性别测试:女性体育中的性别监管》(芝加哥:伊利诺伊大学出版社,2016);Sarah Teetzel,“变性运动员,公平和兴奋剂:一个国际挑战”,《体育社会》9 (2006):227-51;Steven Petrow,“跨性别运动员在奥运会上有不公平的优势吗?”《华盛顿邮报》2016年8月8日报道https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/style/do-transgender-athletes-have-an-unfair-advantage-at-the-olympics/2016/08/05/08169676-5b50-11e6-9aee-8075993d73a2_story.html?utm_term..fed174b8ee3b2特别是,睾丸激素经常被认为是赋予运动优势的关键指标。然而,目前在科学文献中并没有一致的观点认为,睾丸激素水平升高确实会使跨性别或双性运动员比顺性别运动员具有显著的竞争优势。有关睾酮对运动员表现影响的研究的基本概述,请参阅Will Hobson,“为变性运动员的未来而战”,华盛顿邮报,2021年4月15日,https://www.washingtonpost.com/sports/2021/04/15/transgender-athletes-womens-sports-title-ix/3 Julie Kliegman,“爱达荷州禁止变性运动员参加女子体育运动。”她在反击,”体育画报,2020年6月30日,https://www.si.com/sports-illustrated/2020/06/30/idaho-transgender-ban-fighting-back4梅丽莎·布洛克,“爱达荷州跨性别体育禁令面临重大法律障碍”,NPR, 2021年5月3日,https://www.npr.org/2021/05/03/991987280/idahos-transgender-sports-ban-faces-a-major-legal-hurdle5所有美国人的自由,“立法追踪者:反跨性别立法”,2021年,https://freedomforallamericans.org/legislative-tracker/anti-transgender-legislation/(2021年7月15日查阅)雷迪解释说,虽然这两种观点似乎存在冲突,但它们都以不同的方式“重申了民族国家要么是无意义的,要么是排他性的框架”,自由、权利和权力应该在其中得到适当的分配。参见《暴力中的自由:种族、性和美国》(达勒姆:杜克大学出版社,2011年),8.7罗宾·迪安杰洛,《白人的脆弱性:为什么白人很难谈论种族主义》(波士顿:灯塔出版社,2018年);谢丽尔·l·哈里斯,《白人作为财产》,《哈佛法律评论》106期,第1期。8 (1993): 1707-91;贝尔·胡克斯,女权主义理论:从边缘到中心(伦敦,英国:冥王星出版社,2000);C.W.米尔斯,《种族契约》(伊萨卡:康奈尔大学出版社,1997);帕特里夏·j·威廉姆斯,《种族与权利的炼金术》。《一位法学教授日记》(马萨诸塞州剑桥:哈佛大学出版社,1992年)C. Richard King, David J. Leonard和Kyle W. Kusz,“白人权力与体育:导论”,《体育与社会问题杂志》31期,第31期。1 (2007): 3-10;本·卡灵顿,《足球回家了》但谁的家呢?我们想要吗?:国家、足球和排斥政治”,收录于《狂热者:足球中的权力、身份和狂热》,亚当·布朗主编(伦敦:劳特利奇出版社,1998),第101-23页;玛丽·乔·凯恩,《女运动员越优秀,媒体越忽视她们》,《传播与体育》第1期,第1期。3 (2013): 231-6;迈克尔·梅斯纳:《对传播与体育的反思:关于男性与男子气概》,《传播与体育》第1期,第1 - 2期(2013):113-24;Cheryl Cooky, LaToya Council, Maria Mears和Michael Messner,“一次又一次:1989-2019年女性电视体育的长期衰落”,《传播与体育》,第9期,第9期。3(2021): 347-71。doi: 10。 1177/21674795211003524;詹妮弗·麦克莱恩,战斗能见度:体育媒体和女运动员在UFC(芝加哥:伊利诺伊大学出版社,2021年)Elizabeth A. Sharrow,“体育、跨性别权利和顺性别至上的身体政治”,《法律》第10期。63(2021), 1-29.10有意保守政治策略的历史由来已久,最突出的是南方战略,它使用种族编码语言,利用和加强美国主流政治中的白人至上主义。最臭名昭著的例子是共和党战略家李·阿特沃特(Lee Atwater)承认,共和党内部已经从明确的种族主义语言转向使用更“抽象”的语言,如“强制校车”、“州权”和“福利女王”等短语,以吸引某些选民。有关这一特定历史的更多信息,例如,安西娅巴特勒,白人福音派种族主义:美国的道德政治(教堂山:UNC出版社,2021);马修·d·拉西特,《沉默的大多数:南方阳光地带的郊区政治》(普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2006年);或基安加-亚马哈塔·泰勒,《从#黑人生命很重要到黑人解放》(芝加哥:干草市场出版社,2016年)。最近,学者们开始认识到,这种带有种族色彩的语言,很多都是专门针对性别和性行为的,而围绕性别和性行为问题(尤其是堕胎问题)转向政治激进主义,是保守派基督教政治活动家(仍然)支持白人至上主义政治的一种方式,但他们却没有明确承认自己在这么做。参见兰德尔·巴尔默,《恶意:种族与宗教权利的兴起》(大急流城:威廉·b·厄德曼斯出版公司,2021年);梅琳达·库珀,《家庭价值观:
{"title":"Protecting women’s sports? Anti-trans youth sports bills and white supremacy","authors":"Mia Fischer","doi":"10.1080/14791420.2023.2267646","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14791420.2023.2267646","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTAn unprecedented number of anti-transgender youth sports bills have been introduced in various state legislatures across the United States since 2020. These bills seek to bar trans youth from playing and competing in sports that align with their gender identity. Scrutinizing the rise in these bills and the fearmongering that accompanies them, this article untangles how the deployment of a white feminist rhetoric of “protecting women’s sports” by a coalition of anti-LGBTQ Christian conservative forces and trans-exclusionary radical feminist (TERF) women’s sports advocates shields these bills and their proponents from accusations of transphobia and bigotry while obscuring their white supremacist underpinnings.KEYWORDS: Transgendersportsathleteslegislationwhite supremacy AcknowledgmentsMuch gratitude to K. Mohrman, Jennifer McClearen, and the anonymous reviewers whose thoughtful suggestions and critiques were crucial for sharpening my arguments. I dedicate this article to my mother whose Alzheimer journey is reminding all of us to find and treasure moments of joy and laughter even in despair.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Mia Fischer and Jennifer McClearen, “Transgender Athletes and the Queer Art of Athletic Failure,” Communication & Sport 8, no. 2 (2020): 147–67; Katrina Karkazis and Rebecca Jordan-Young, “The Powers of Testosterone: Obscuring Race and Regional Bias in the Regulation of Women Athletes,” Feminist Formations 30, no. 2 (2018): 1–39; Lindsey P. Pieper, Sex Testing: Gender Policing in Women’s Sports (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2016); Sarah Teetzel, “On Transgendered Athletes, Fairness and Doping: An International Challenge,” Sport in Society 9 (2006): 227–51; Steven Petrow, “Do transgender Athletes have an Unfair Advantage at the Olympics?” Washington Post, August 8, 2016, https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/style/do-transgender-athletes-have-an-unfair-advantage-at-the-olympics/2016/08/05/08169676-5b50-11e6-9aee-8075993d73a2_story.html?utm_term..fed174b8ee3b2 In particular, testosterone is frequently invoked as the key marker for conferring athletic advantage. There currently is, however, no consensus in the scientific literature that elevated levels of testosterone do, indeed, provide transgender or intersex athletes with a significant competitive advantage over cisgender athletes. For a basic overview of studies on the impact of testosterone on athletic performance see Will Hobson, “The Fight for the Future of Transgender Athletes,” The Washington Post, April 15, 2021, https://www.washingtonpost.com/sports/2021/04/15/transgender-athletes-womens-sports-title-ix/3 Julie Kliegman, “Idaho Banned Trans Athletes From Women’s Sports. She’s Fighting Back,” Sports Illustrated, June 30, 2020, https://www.si.com/sports-illustrated/2020/06/30/idaho-transgender-ban-fighting-back4 Melissa Block, “Idaho’s Transgender Sports Ban Faces A Major Legal Hurdle,” NPR, May ","PeriodicalId":46339,"journal":{"name":"Communication and Critical-Cultural Studies","volume":"2 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135411969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/14791420.2023.2241534
D. Carroll
ABSTRACT On July 16, 2019, after Daniel Pantaleo’s non-indictment, Emerald Snipes-Garner, Eric Garner’s daughter, took to the steps of the New York Court House and demanded the impossible, that her deceased family members be alive. In this essay, I approach Snipes-Garner’s advocacy with a version of racial rhetorical criticism focused on how Black people rebuke racism. Attuning to Snipes-Garner’s impossible demand illuminates the usefulness of disruptive racial rhetorical criticism and illustrates how valuing Black life can interrupt “white time,” and create a “Blackened time.” This essay concludes by explicating how scholars can participate in demanding the impossible.
{"title":"F*ck your condolences: the rhetoric of an impossible demand","authors":"D. Carroll","doi":"10.1080/14791420.2023.2241534","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14791420.2023.2241534","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT On July 16, 2019, after Daniel Pantaleo’s non-indictment, Emerald Snipes-Garner, Eric Garner’s daughter, took to the steps of the New York Court House and demanded the impossible, that her deceased family members be alive. In this essay, I approach Snipes-Garner’s advocacy with a version of racial rhetorical criticism focused on how Black people rebuke racism. Attuning to Snipes-Garner’s impossible demand illuminates the usefulness of disruptive racial rhetorical criticism and illustrates how valuing Black life can interrupt “white time,” and create a “Blackened time.” This essay concludes by explicating how scholars can participate in demanding the impossible.","PeriodicalId":46339,"journal":{"name":"Communication and Critical-Cultural Studies","volume":"20 1","pages":"343 - 357"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45096171","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/14791420.2023.2228872
E. Bloomfield, Curtis Ladrillo Chamblee
ABSTRACT Derek Chauvin’s trial for murdering George Floyd was a flashpoint of public deliberation around justice, accountability, and police reform. Burkean approaches to guilt, and their corresponding Western understandings of language, can be extended through Afrocentric rhetorics. We propose the “rhetorical fractal” to encompass Black ways of knowing and communicating. Unlike a cycle that returns to its starting point, a fractal is endlessly complex and cannot be refined to a single instance. Informed by Afrocentric concepts of nommo, hush harbors, and Black publics, we apply the rhetorical fractal to hashtags that circulated on Twitter during Chauvin’s trial and verdict.
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Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/14791420.2023.2228867
Reed Van Schenck
ABSTRACT This essay examines the wagecuck, a 4chan meme portraying wage workers and NEET (Not in Education, Employment, or Training) counterparts, as an artifact of white nationalist desire. Through a rhetorical materialist analysis focused on exchange, I argue that wagecuck memes encourage viewers to pursue white recognition to offset anxieties of race, class, and sexuality. The meme circulates cuckold and wage-slave tropes to construct the white working-class man as a human agent in pursuit of antiblack jouissance. This research identifies the fantasy of racial agency as the meme’s operative logic, encouraging scholars to move beyond its humanist underpinnings.
{"title":"“Remaking the world memetically”: interrogating white nationalist subject formation through the circulation of the “Wagecuck” meme","authors":"Reed Van Schenck","doi":"10.1080/14791420.2023.2228867","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14791420.2023.2228867","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This essay examines the wagecuck, a 4chan meme portraying wage workers and NEET (Not in Education, Employment, or Training) counterparts, as an artifact of white nationalist desire. Through a rhetorical materialist analysis focused on exchange, I argue that wagecuck memes encourage viewers to pursue white recognition to offset anxieties of race, class, and sexuality. The meme circulates cuckold and wage-slave tropes to construct the white working-class man as a human agent in pursuit of antiblack jouissance. This research identifies the fantasy of racial agency as the meme’s operative logic, encouraging scholars to move beyond its humanist underpinnings.","PeriodicalId":46339,"journal":{"name":"Communication and Critical-Cultural Studies","volume":"20 1","pages":"375 - 395"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44447286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/14791420.2023.2229412
D. Dilliplane
ABSTRACT In August 2015, Black Lives Matter activists Mara Willaford and Marissa Johnson interrupted a Seattle rally with a four-and-a-half-minute silent commemoration of Black teenager Michael Brown, preventing presidential candidate Senator Bernie Sanders from speaking. Using a Rancièrean political framework and a methodology of performance-inflected rhetorical criticism, I explore how this silent protest exemplifies what I call “voiced silence” and transfigures a tradition of tactical Black silence as both repression and resistance. I argue the activists staged a scene of dissensus, fracturing the false consensus of the progressive left’s post-racial façade and thereby revealing the presence of two worlds in one.
{"title":"Staging progressive dissensus and the politics of Black silence: Black Lives Matter, Bernie Sanders, and the August 2015 rally in Seattle","authors":"D. Dilliplane","doi":"10.1080/14791420.2023.2229412","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14791420.2023.2229412","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In August 2015, Black Lives Matter activists Mara Willaford and Marissa Johnson interrupted a Seattle rally with a four-and-a-half-minute silent commemoration of Black teenager Michael Brown, preventing presidential candidate Senator Bernie Sanders from speaking. Using a Rancièrean political framework and a methodology of performance-inflected rhetorical criticism, I explore how this silent protest exemplifies what I call “voiced silence” and transfigures a tradition of tactical Black silence as both repression and resistance. I argue the activists staged a scene of dissensus, fracturing the false consensus of the progressive left’s post-racial façade and thereby revealing the presence of two worlds in one.","PeriodicalId":46339,"journal":{"name":"Communication and Critical-Cultural Studies","volume":"20 1","pages":"325 - 342"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44778909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/14791420.2023.2236187
Jimmy Lizama
ABSTRACT This article reveals how the Trump administration constructed an anti-immigrant narrative tailored for Central Americans that modified established anti-Mexican nativism. By reinscribing a hegemonic “mythos” about gangs, harnessing homeland maternity, and representing undocumented Central Americans as a primary factor for MS-13’s presence and waves of violence, the administration portrayed Central American immigration as an existential threat to America. Analyzing this rhetoric elucidates an intervention in contemporary nativism by showing how its rhetoricity relies on the bordering power of security discourse, racialized fears relating to non-white population expansion, and a racial interpellation facilitated by homeland maternity.
{"title":"The Trump administration’s framing of the MS-13 gang: narrowing the borders of belonging with homeland maternity","authors":"Jimmy Lizama","doi":"10.1080/14791420.2023.2236187","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14791420.2023.2236187","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article reveals how the Trump administration constructed an anti-immigrant narrative tailored for Central Americans that modified established anti-Mexican nativism. By reinscribing a hegemonic “mythos” about gangs, harnessing homeland maternity, and representing undocumented Central Americans as a primary factor for MS-13’s presence and waves of violence, the administration portrayed Central American immigration as an existential threat to America. Analyzing this rhetoric elucidates an intervention in contemporary nativism by showing how its rhetoricity relies on the bordering power of security discourse, racialized fears relating to non-white population expansion, and a racial interpellation facilitated by homeland maternity.","PeriodicalId":46339,"journal":{"name":"Communication and Critical-Cultural Studies","volume":"20 1","pages":"358 - 374"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41779240","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/14791420.2023.2199831
Vincent N. Pham
ABSTRACT Donald Trump’s 2016 presidential election underscored the role of “Truth” and how it functions in an epistemological relationship with conservative identity. Drawing upon Cheryl Harris’s notion of “whiteness as property,” this article forwards a theoretical framework of “Truth as White property” whereby Truth functions as an extension of whiteness and as a possession of whiteness. Using Fox News’ treatment of the 1619 Project as a case study, the author argues that White ownership of Truth relies on the rhetorical strategies of discrediting, dismissing, and redirecting.
{"title":"Truth as White property: solidifying White epistemology and owning racial knowledge","authors":"Vincent N. Pham","doi":"10.1080/14791420.2023.2199831","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14791420.2023.2199831","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Donald Trump’s 2016 presidential election underscored the role of “Truth” and how it functions in an epistemological relationship with conservative identity. Drawing upon Cheryl Harris’s notion of “whiteness as property,” this article forwards a theoretical framework of “Truth as White property” whereby Truth functions as an extension of whiteness and as a possession of whiteness. Using Fox News’ treatment of the 1619 Project as a case study, the author argues that White ownership of Truth relies on the rhetorical strategies of discrediting, dismissing, and redirecting.","PeriodicalId":46339,"journal":{"name":"Communication and Critical-Cultural Studies","volume":"20 1","pages":"288 - 305"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44502019","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/14791420.2023.2202724
Ashley Cordes
ABSTRACT Land acknowledgment statements in higher education have become pervasive performative gestures that serve to relieve settler guilt and manage public memory. This article details the distribution of stolen Indigenous lands to universities, and identifies problematics of university land acknowledgments. I offer the concept of “impoverished memory” to discuss the insufficient, duplicative means by which universities acknowledge land, and “felt memory” to Indigenize critical memory politics of land, peoples, and nonhumans. To fight against the machines of colonialism within universities and beyond, I offer specific scyborgian anti- and decolonial actions that are specific to place and for Indigenous futures.
{"title":"Place is everything: remembering responsibilities between and beyond land acknowledgments","authors":"Ashley Cordes","doi":"10.1080/14791420.2023.2202724","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14791420.2023.2202724","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Land acknowledgment statements in higher education have become pervasive performative gestures that serve to relieve settler guilt and manage public memory. This article details the distribution of stolen Indigenous lands to universities, and identifies problematics of university land acknowledgments. I offer the concept of “impoverished memory” to discuss the insufficient, duplicative means by which universities acknowledge land, and “felt memory” to Indigenize critical memory politics of land, peoples, and nonhumans. To fight against the machines of colonialism within universities and beyond, I offer specific scyborgian anti- and decolonial actions that are specific to place and for Indigenous futures.","PeriodicalId":46339,"journal":{"name":"Communication and Critical-Cultural Studies","volume":"20 1","pages":"191 - 199"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42722307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/14791420.2023.2201335
LaTonya J. Taylor
ABSTRACT This is the second part of a two-part forum called Interventions in Public Memory: Interrogating the Critical/Cultural Landscape of Higher Education, edited by Meredith M. Bagley. In this introduction, I explore the ways public memory scholars and higher education public relations professionals can collaborate to enhance critical/cultural approaches to institutional public memory on campuses. As we face this important moment for public memory on US campuses, common concerns for politics, place, dialectic tension, and repair that animate both public memory and public relations call for collaboration between these groups.
{"title":"Introduction: possibilities of collaboration between public memory scholars and higher education public relations professionals","authors":"LaTonya J. Taylor","doi":"10.1080/14791420.2023.2201335","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14791420.2023.2201335","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This is the second part of a two-part forum called Interventions in Public Memory: Interrogating the Critical/Cultural Landscape of Higher Education, edited by Meredith M. Bagley. In this introduction, I explore the ways public memory scholars and higher education public relations professionals can collaborate to enhance critical/cultural approaches to institutional public memory on campuses. As we face this important moment for public memory on US campuses, common concerns for politics, place, dialectic tension, and repair that animate both public memory and public relations call for collaboration between these groups.","PeriodicalId":46339,"journal":{"name":"Communication and Critical-Cultural Studies","volume":"20 1","pages":"157 - 164"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46738870","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}