Pub Date : 2022-03-18DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2022.2052131
Daniel Lemus-Delgado
Abstract The emergence of COVID-19 in the People’s Republic of China, a one-party state, posed a severe threat to the political legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). This threat had its origins in the context of a growing rivalry between China and the United States, prompting the CCP to launch an offensive to win the battle for narratives about the nation’s role in the outbreak. Through both traditional and social media, Chinese diplomats carried out an aggressive campaign to demonstrate that China was the solution and not the cause of the pandemic. In addition, the CCP generated a discourse about the superiority of the Chinese political system in containing the pandemic, contrasting it with the response of liberal democracies. This article concludes that although the primary goal of the Chinese media campaign was to shape a favorable opinion of the CCP at home, the party was also concerned with bolstering its legitimacy abroad by courting international approval for its handling of the pandemic.
{"title":"COVID-19, the Chinese communist party, and the search for legitimacy in the international arena","authors":"Daniel Lemus-Delgado","doi":"10.1080/17544750.2022.2052131","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2022.2052131","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The emergence of COVID-19 in the People’s Republic of China, a one-party state, posed a severe threat to the political legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). This threat had its origins in the context of a growing rivalry between China and the United States, prompting the CCP to launch an offensive to win the battle for narratives about the nation’s role in the outbreak. Through both traditional and social media, Chinese diplomats carried out an aggressive campaign to demonstrate that China was the solution and not the cause of the pandemic. In addition, the CCP generated a discourse about the superiority of the Chinese political system in containing the pandemic, contrasting it with the response of liberal democracies. This article concludes that although the primary goal of the Chinese media campaign was to shape a favorable opinion of the CCP at home, the party was also concerned with bolstering its legitimacy abroad by courting international approval for its handling of the pandemic.","PeriodicalId":46367,"journal":{"name":"Chinese Journal of Communication","volume":"41 1","pages":"271 - 283"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2022-03-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77556111","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-16DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2022.2049835
Zhan Zhang
Abstract The study provided a framing analysis of China Daily in its coverage of the SARS and COVID-19 pandemics. By understanding social actors as a particular frame element, the study introduced word-frequency-based cluster analysis as a method of corpus collection and generation for qualitative frame analysis. The study identified four main social actor groups and 14 news frames during the two pandemics. The discursive centrality of the Chinese government among other social actors from China Daily and the persistent positive portrait of the government’s institutional performance under the responsibility-solution frame is discussed. The results imply that China’s crisis communication did not experience much change from reporting SARS to reporting COVID-19. In particular, the drop in frame diversity and the focus on information uniformity in reporting the pandemic may have limited the effectiveness of the Chinese news media in accessing international awareness and contributing to the global meaning construction of the unfolding crisis.
{"title":"Contesting legitimacy in China’s crisis communication: a framing analysis of reported social actors engaging in SARS and COVID-19","authors":"Zhan Zhang","doi":"10.1080/17544750.2022.2049835","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2022.2049835","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The study provided a framing analysis of China Daily in its coverage of the SARS and COVID-19 pandemics. By understanding social actors as a particular frame element, the study introduced word-frequency-based cluster analysis as a method of corpus collection and generation for qualitative frame analysis. The study identified four main social actor groups and 14 news frames during the two pandemics. The discursive centrality of the Chinese government among other social actors from China Daily and the persistent positive portrait of the government’s institutional performance under the responsibility-solution frame is discussed. The results imply that China’s crisis communication did not experience much change from reporting SARS to reporting COVID-19. In particular, the drop in frame diversity and the focus on information uniformity in reporting the pandemic may have limited the effectiveness of the Chinese news media in accessing international awareness and contributing to the global meaning construction of the unfolding crisis.","PeriodicalId":46367,"journal":{"name":"Chinese Journal of Communication","volume":"61 1","pages":"182 - 204"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2022-03-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86119770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-18DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2022.2039256
C. Chan
Abstract In the aftermath of the anti-ELAB protests, the relationship between state power and civil society, in which the journalistic paradigm in Hong Kong is embedded, has been fundamentally altered. In brief, the term journalistic paradigm refers to the media political economy that conditions the news values, ideologies, and journalistic practices of the news profession. Since the post-handover years, Hong Kong has been a liberal enclave under Chinese sovereignty, protected by the political designation of “One Country Two Systems” (OCTS). As part of the liberal enclave, the journalistic paradigm in Hong Kong has been distinctly different from the rest of mainland China in terms of press freedom and professional ethos. However, after 2019, the political exception allowing the liberal enclave became highly uncertain because of China’s attempt to remap Hong Kong’s political order, state–society relationship, and state–press relationship in the name of national security. This article revisits Hong Kong’s journalistic paradigm in the post-handover decades and summarizes significant changes in the post-2019 years, which continue to challenge news values and journalistic ethos in the city.
{"title":"Shifting journalistic paradigm in post-2019 Hong Kong: the state–society relationship and the press","authors":"C. Chan","doi":"10.1080/17544750.2022.2039256","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2022.2039256","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In the aftermath of the anti-ELAB protests, the relationship between state power and civil society, in which the journalistic paradigm in Hong Kong is embedded, has been fundamentally altered. In brief, the term journalistic paradigm refers to the media political economy that conditions the news values, ideologies, and journalistic practices of the news profession. Since the post-handover years, Hong Kong has been a liberal enclave under Chinese sovereignty, protected by the political designation of “One Country Two Systems” (OCTS). As part of the liberal enclave, the journalistic paradigm in Hong Kong has been distinctly different from the rest of mainland China in terms of press freedom and professional ethos. However, after 2019, the political exception allowing the liberal enclave became highly uncertain because of China’s attempt to remap Hong Kong’s political order, state–society relationship, and state–press relationship in the name of national security. This article revisits Hong Kong’s journalistic paradigm in the post-handover decades and summarizes significant changes in the post-2019 years, which continue to challenge news values and journalistic ethos in the city.","PeriodicalId":46367,"journal":{"name":"Chinese Journal of Communication","volume":"28 1","pages":"463 - 480"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2022-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91266533","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-17DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2021.2011343
Y. Lin
Abstract Throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, the Taiwanese government has been able to retain legitimacy through prompt action and the use of multimedia to inform the public of prevention measures, quarantine rules, rationing of masks, and to build trust. First, the measures enacted by the Taiwanese government and its use of the media to address the impact of the pandemic were evaluated. Second, the study analyzed the communication strategies of the Taiwanese government to advise the public. The study also examined how an element of humor was also used to strengthen trust in the government and appeal to the citizens’ solidarity and responsibility in the information campaign against misinformation regarding COVID-19. Subsequently, fake news, misinformation, and disinformation regarding COVID-19 in Taiwan were examined in terms of source, themes, evidence, and format. Much of the disinformation was traced to Chinese propaganda. The study analyzed the role of fact-checking organizations, which played a crucial role in building trust and establishing social consensus between scientists and the general public.
{"title":"Establishing legitimacy through the media and combating fake news on COVID-19: a case study of Taiwan","authors":"Y. Lin","doi":"10.1080/17544750.2021.2011343","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2021.2011343","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, the Taiwanese government has been able to retain legitimacy through prompt action and the use of multimedia to inform the public of prevention measures, quarantine rules, rationing of masks, and to build trust. First, the measures enacted by the Taiwanese government and its use of the media to address the impact of the pandemic were evaluated. Second, the study analyzed the communication strategies of the Taiwanese government to advise the public. The study also examined how an element of humor was also used to strengthen trust in the government and appeal to the citizens’ solidarity and responsibility in the information campaign against misinformation regarding COVID-19. Subsequently, fake news, misinformation, and disinformation regarding COVID-19 in Taiwan were examined in terms of source, themes, evidence, and format. Much of the disinformation was traced to Chinese propaganda. The study analyzed the role of fact-checking organizations, which played a crucial role in building trust and establishing social consensus between scientists and the general public.","PeriodicalId":46367,"journal":{"name":"Chinese Journal of Communication","volume":"18 1","pages":"250 - 270"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2022-01-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89061281","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2022.2022082
Guiquan Xu, Fan Wang
{"title":"Boundary, authority, and legitimacy: journalistic occupational discourse in China","authors":"Guiquan Xu, Fan Wang","doi":"10.1080/17544750.2022.2022082","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2022.2022082","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46367,"journal":{"name":"Chinese Journal of Communication","volume":"90 1","pages":"141 - 143"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73227426","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2022.2022080
Amir Khan
{"title":"Chinese cinema culture: a scene in the fog","authors":"Amir Khan","doi":"10.1080/17544750.2022.2022080","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2022.2022080","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46367,"journal":{"name":"Chinese Journal of Communication","volume":"28 1","pages":"138 - 140"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89937132","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2021.2021963
Wendy Su
Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic has fundamentally transformed global media industries’ practices and altered audiences’ media consumption habits. The film industries have shortened theatrical windows and expanded streaming services to cope with this reality, which has accelerated the so-called digital distribution revolution. This study focuses on the transformation of China’s film distribution and exhibition sector before and during the pandemic. Specifically, the study tracks the strategies of China’s digital giants, iQIYI, Tencent-backed Maoyan, and Alibaba-backed Tao Piao Piao, for promoting and exhibiting films. By integrating digital media studies and industrial studies, the study seeks to tackle the issue of whether distributional platformization can serve as the infrastructure of the film industry and usher in a new era of the digital entertainment revolution. The findings indicate that digital corporations’ strategies have accelerated the platformization of the distribution infrastructure of the film industry. However, current industrial practices nourish the prospect of coexistence in the foreseeable future.
{"title":"The platformization of China’s film distribution in a pandemic era","authors":"Wendy Su","doi":"10.1080/17544750.2021.2021963","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2021.2021963","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic has fundamentally transformed global media industries’ practices and altered audiences’ media consumption habits. The film industries have shortened theatrical windows and expanded streaming services to cope with this reality, which has accelerated the so-called digital distribution revolution. This study focuses on the transformation of China’s film distribution and exhibition sector before and during the pandemic. Specifically, the study tracks the strategies of China’s digital giants, iQIYI, Tencent-backed Maoyan, and Alibaba-backed Tao Piao Piao, for promoting and exhibiting films. By integrating digital media studies and industrial studies, the study seeks to tackle the issue of whether distributional platformization can serve as the infrastructure of the film industry and usher in a new era of the digital entertainment revolution. The findings indicate that digital corporations’ strategies have accelerated the platformization of the distribution infrastructure of the film industry. However, current industrial practices nourish the prospect of coexistence in the foreseeable future.","PeriodicalId":46367,"journal":{"name":"Chinese Journal of Communication","volume":"14 1","pages":"95 - 114"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83629202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-31DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2021.2017309
Jin Qi, Stijn Joye, S. Van Leuven
Abstract This analysis discusses China’s soft power push in Europe, specifically focusing on mask diplomacy during the early stage of Covid-19 outbreak. Using a sample of 233 articles published by European-based news media such as the BBC, Euronews, Politico, French 24, and Der Spiegel, from March to September 2020, we argue that China’s mask diplomacy acted as two overlapping legitimacy-seeking tools, one that demonstrated the legitimacy of the CCP’s governance (authoritarian frame) and one that sought foreign gratitude and acceptance of China as a responsible global leader (leadership frame). We also argue, however, that China’s soft power effort was overshadowed by two other dominant frames found in the articles: compensation for the government's early cover-up (remedy frame) and infringement on EU solidarity and security (threat frame). Our results also show that European media tend to default to longstanding stereotypes of Yellow Peril and Orientalism. Most reports othering China as the source and spreader of Covid-19 critically portray China’s medical aid as propaganda and compensation, thereby undermining China's soft power efforts and their credibility. Additionally, the study opened up a minor, though rather novel, discussion on China's top-down management model's positive impact on handling the health crisis in China.
{"title":"Framing China’s mask diplomacy in Europe during the early covid-19 pandemic: seeking and contesting legitimacy through foreign medical aid amidst soft power promotion","authors":"Jin Qi, Stijn Joye, S. Van Leuven","doi":"10.1080/17544750.2021.2017309","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2021.2017309","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This analysis discusses China’s soft power push in Europe, specifically focusing on mask diplomacy during the early stage of Covid-19 outbreak. Using a sample of 233 articles published by European-based news media such as the BBC, Euronews, Politico, French 24, and Der Spiegel, from March to September 2020, we argue that China’s mask diplomacy acted as two overlapping legitimacy-seeking tools, one that demonstrated the legitimacy of the CCP’s governance (authoritarian frame) and one that sought foreign gratitude and acceptance of China as a responsible global leader (leadership frame). We also argue, however, that China’s soft power effort was overshadowed by two other dominant frames found in the articles: compensation for the government's early cover-up (remedy frame) and infringement on EU solidarity and security (threat frame). Our results also show that European media tend to default to longstanding stereotypes of Yellow Peril and Orientalism. Most reports othering China as the source and spreader of Covid-19 critically portray China’s medical aid as propaganda and compensation, thereby undermining China's soft power efforts and their credibility. Additionally, the study opened up a minor, though rather novel, discussion on China's top-down management model's positive impact on handling the health crisis in China.","PeriodicalId":46367,"journal":{"name":"Chinese Journal of Communication","volume":"25 1","pages":"205 - 226"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80154977","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-24DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2021.2016876
C. Meadows, Lu Tang, Wenxue Zou
Abstract China’s state-run media are the mouthpiece of the government. During public health crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic, they are responsible for disseminating essential information to the public on behalf of the government. This study examined the Sina Weibo posts published by three leading state-run media entities (CCTV, People’s Daily, and Xinhua News Agency) during the first wave of the COVID-19 outbreak. Semantic networks were extracted from posts during each stage of the outbreak, and clusters of nodes representing communication themes were identified, including investigations of the coronavirus, governmental policies and response efforts, case updates, prevention and control, and medical treatment. These themes indicate the use of information and bolstering strategies to maintain and increase government legitimacy. The findings can inform future risk and crisis communication during public health crises.
{"title":"Managing government legitimacy during the COVID-19 pandemic in China: a semantic network analysis of state-run media Sina Weibo posts","authors":"C. Meadows, Lu Tang, Wenxue Zou","doi":"10.1080/17544750.2021.2016876","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2021.2016876","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract China’s state-run media are the mouthpiece of the government. During public health crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic, they are responsible for disseminating essential information to the public on behalf of the government. This study examined the Sina Weibo posts published by three leading state-run media entities (CCTV, People’s Daily, and Xinhua News Agency) during the first wave of the COVID-19 outbreak. Semantic networks were extracted from posts during each stage of the outbreak, and clusters of nodes representing communication themes were identified, including investigations of the coronavirus, governmental policies and response efforts, case updates, prevention and control, and medical treatment. These themes indicate the use of information and bolstering strategies to maintain and increase government legitimacy. The findings can inform future risk and crisis communication during public health crises.","PeriodicalId":46367,"journal":{"name":"Chinese Journal of Communication","volume":"A3 1","pages":"156 - 181"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2021-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85192873","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-21DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2021.2016877
Kecheng Fang
Abstract “Zimeiti” (we media or self-media) is a buzzword in China that has never been clearly defined. It generally refers to non-institutional content providers on social media platforms such as WeChat and Weibo. I conducted a systematic analysis of metadiscourse about zimeiti, including industry reports and conference speeches by important figures in this community. I found that zimeiti is mainly seen as an emerging commercial sector monetizing user attention. Its boundaries are set loose enough to include any new forms of monetization on social media platforms, while at the same time strict enough to exclude discussions on social and political implications. To legitimize this industry, the community adopts depoliticization strategies that emphasize market mechanisms. Based on the findings, I propose a “push and pull” model to explain the variances in politicization/depoliticization across media types. The findings provide an important reality check on the zimeiti community and help us gain insights into China’s restricted yet highly commercialized online content ecosystem.
{"title":"What is Zimeiti? The commercial logic of content provision on China’s social media platforms","authors":"Kecheng Fang","doi":"10.1080/17544750.2021.2016877","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2021.2016877","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract “Zimeiti” (we media or self-media) is a buzzword in China that has never been clearly defined. It generally refers to non-institutional content providers on social media platforms such as WeChat and Weibo. I conducted a systematic analysis of metadiscourse about zimeiti, including industry reports and conference speeches by important figures in this community. I found that zimeiti is mainly seen as an emerging commercial sector monetizing user attention. Its boundaries are set loose enough to include any new forms of monetization on social media platforms, while at the same time strict enough to exclude discussions on social and political implications. To legitimize this industry, the community adopts depoliticization strategies that emphasize market mechanisms. Based on the findings, I propose a “push and pull” model to explain the variances in politicization/depoliticization across media types. The findings provide an important reality check on the zimeiti community and help us gain insights into China’s restricted yet highly commercialized online content ecosystem.","PeriodicalId":46367,"journal":{"name":"Chinese Journal of Communication","volume":"27 1","pages":"75 - 94"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2021-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83529102","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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