Pub Date : 2021-12-08DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2021.2009890
Longxuan Zhao, Chuanhong Chu
Abstract This study examines how Chinese queer males explore various affordances on an open platform that is accessible to everyone. After recruiting 14 queer male informants for semi-structured interviews and employing the method of cyberethnography, we conducted a thematic analysis and identified three main affordances perceived by queer males on Zhihu, a Chinese question-answering online community: intragroup text-sociability, identity reflexivity, and community (un)expandability. Based on these practical findings, the study proposes the concept of “queer attention” to explain why queer males explore these specific affordances and further develops the discussion around the role of attention in influencing the generation of affordance effect.
{"title":"Queer attention matters: a study on affordance from queer male media practices on Zhihu","authors":"Longxuan Zhao, Chuanhong Chu","doi":"10.1080/17544750.2021.2009890","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2021.2009890","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study examines how Chinese queer males explore various affordances on an open platform that is accessible to everyone. After recruiting 14 queer male informants for semi-structured interviews and employing the method of cyberethnography, we conducted a thematic analysis and identified three main affordances perceived by queer males on Zhihu, a Chinese question-answering online community: intragroup text-sociability, identity reflexivity, and community (un)expandability. Based on these practical findings, the study proposes the concept of “queer attention” to explain why queer males explore these specific affordances and further develops the discussion around the role of attention in influencing the generation of affordance effect.","PeriodicalId":46367,"journal":{"name":"Chinese Journal of Communication","volume":"80 1","pages":"34 - 53"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2021-12-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90284561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-19DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2021.1987283
Tetsurou Kobayashi, Chun Hong Tse
abstract Cross-cutting communication among people of differing political views is essential because it embeds opportunities for deliberation in everyday life. Prior research indicates that people tend to avoid cross-cutting communication because of the potential for interpersonal conflicts. However, political disagreements can be more comfortably expressed between people with strong ties, such as family members, without concern for damage to the ties. Nevertheless, in societies that have witnessed extreme levels of political polarization, political disagreement can reduce intrafamily communication and make deliberation unlikely. In this study, we analyzed survey data collected during the increased political polarization that followed the Anti-Extradition Bill movement in Hong Kong in 2019. We found that political disagreement within families undermined political discussion, more general communication among family members, and family gatherings during the 2020 Chinese New Year. These findings raise an interesting dilemma, because even though previous research indicates that political disagreement is a precondition for deliberation, our results indicate that this precondition makes deliberation unlikely when a society is politically polarized. They also implied that intrafamily political disagreements can damage bonding social capital by suppressing culturally significant family gatherings.
{"title":"How political disagreements undermine intrafamily communication: the case of the anti-extradition bill movement in Hong Kong","authors":"Tetsurou Kobayashi, Chun Hong Tse","doi":"10.1080/17544750.2021.1987283","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2021.1987283","url":null,"abstract":"abstract Cross-cutting communication among people of differing political views is essential because it embeds opportunities for deliberation in everyday life. Prior research indicates that people tend to avoid cross-cutting communication because of the potential for interpersonal conflicts. However, political disagreements can be more comfortably expressed between people with strong ties, such as family members, without concern for damage to the ties. Nevertheless, in societies that have witnessed extreme levels of political polarization, political disagreement can reduce intrafamily communication and make deliberation unlikely. In this study, we analyzed survey data collected during the increased political polarization that followed the Anti-Extradition Bill movement in Hong Kong in 2019. We found that political disagreement within families undermined political discussion, more general communication among family members, and family gatherings during the 2020 Chinese New Year. These findings raise an interesting dilemma, because even though previous research indicates that political disagreement is a precondition for deliberation, our results indicate that this precondition makes deliberation unlikely when a society is politically polarized. They also implied that intrafamily political disagreements can damage bonding social capital by suppressing culturally significant family gatherings.","PeriodicalId":46367,"journal":{"name":"Chinese Journal of Communication","volume":"1 1","pages":"378 - 400"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2021-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90651891","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-17DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2021.1963997
Yu Sun, Vincent Huang
Abstract This study explores how a citizen-led environmental data initiative first emerged as bottom-up data activism and was then co-opted by a state-sponsored environmental campaign in China. This research employs the social movement institutionalization perspective to explore the interplay between environmental data activism and authoritarian political institutions. It investigates how grassroots activists contest and collaborate with institutional actors, thereby reshaping data activism tactics and strategies under a specific political opportunity structure. Our analysis demonstrates the institutionalization of data activism, which results in the coexistence of contention and collaboration between civil and institutional actors. This study is expected to advance the scholarship on data activism by highlighting the institutional environment within which data activism is shaped in a nondemocratic context.
{"title":"Embedded data activism: the institutionalization of a grassroots environmental data initiative in China","authors":"Yu Sun, Vincent Huang","doi":"10.1080/17544750.2021.1963997","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2021.1963997","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study explores how a citizen-led environmental data initiative first emerged as bottom-up data activism and was then co-opted by a state-sponsored environmental campaign in China. This research employs the social movement institutionalization perspective to explore the interplay between environmental data activism and authoritarian political institutions. It investigates how grassroots activists contest and collaborate with institutional actors, thereby reshaping data activism tactics and strategies under a specific political opportunity structure. Our analysis demonstrates the institutionalization of data activism, which results in the coexistence of contention and collaboration between civil and institutional actors. This study is expected to advance the scholarship on data activism by highlighting the institutional environment within which data activism is shaped in a nondemocratic context.","PeriodicalId":46367,"journal":{"name":"Chinese Journal of Communication","volume":"23 1","pages":"115 - 137"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2021-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84563516","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-29DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2021.1954963
Xi Luo, Hepeng Jia
Abstract This study investigated public beliefs in coronavirus 2019 (COVID-19) conspiracy theories in China. It also examined the dynamic mechanisms underlying these beliefs. On the basis of a national sample (N = 1,000), three types of COVID-19 conspiracy theories were identified. Type I relates to the pandemic’s foreign origin. Type II is defined as “China as culprit” conspiracy theories, and Type III refers to the virus as being primarily a Western creation. The results revealed that nationalism and scientific literacy were significantly associated with conspiracy beliefs. There was a relationship between scientific literacy and a weaker belief in almost all COVID-19 conspiracy theories. Nationalism was associated with a stronger belief in theories favorable to China and a weaker belief in “China as culprit” theories. Media trust and attitudes toward science were also associated with conspiracy beliefs. However, the association depended on the nature of the media outlets and conspiracy theories. These findings are indicative of the multifaceted nature of conspiracy beliefs in China and the robust political dimensions of the relationship between such beliefs and science or media factors.
{"title":"When scientific literacy meets nationalism: Exploring the underlying factors in the Chinese public’s belief in COVID-19 conspiracy theories","authors":"Xi Luo, Hepeng Jia","doi":"10.1080/17544750.2021.1954963","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2021.1954963","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study investigated public beliefs in coronavirus 2019 (COVID-19) conspiracy theories in China. It also examined the dynamic mechanisms underlying these beliefs. On the basis of a national sample (N = 1,000), three types of COVID-19 conspiracy theories were identified. Type I relates to the pandemic’s foreign origin. Type II is defined as “China as culprit” conspiracy theories, and Type III refers to the virus as being primarily a Western creation. The results revealed that nationalism and scientific literacy were significantly associated with conspiracy beliefs. There was a relationship between scientific literacy and a weaker belief in almost all COVID-19 conspiracy theories. Nationalism was associated with a stronger belief in theories favorable to China and a weaker belief in “China as culprit” theories. Media trust and attitudes toward science were also associated with conspiracy beliefs. However, the association depended on the nature of the media outlets and conspiracy theories. These findings are indicative of the multifaceted nature of conspiracy beliefs in China and the robust political dimensions of the relationship between such beliefs and science or media factors.","PeriodicalId":46367,"journal":{"name":"Chinese Journal of Communication","volume":"279 1","pages":"227 - 249"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2021-07-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72680433","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-28DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2021.1951314
Hongfeng Qiu, Chen Lou
Abstract This study investigates whether the declining economic performance and social status of traditional news media, which are two dimensions indicating the professional disruption of journalism, are associated with journalists’ engagement in public relations (PR). The results of a cross-sectional survey reveal two paths to the PR-journalism boundary crossing, although the level of boundary crossing is overall controllable. First, economic disruption indirectly predicts journalists’ engagement in media pitching and media event planning through their identification with colleagues who have engaged in PR. Second, perceived waning social status both directly and indirectly predicts their engagement in media pitching and media catching, with their disidentification with PR practitioners as a mediator in the indirect relationship. These findings suggest that, while professional disruption may induce journalists to seek more information subsidy, their professional identity can be a source of both resistance against and support for this trend. Theories on social identity and intergroup relations are adopted to explain this dilemma.
{"title":"Investigating the role of professional disruption in Chinese journalists’ embrace of public relations: a social identity perspective","authors":"Hongfeng Qiu, Chen Lou","doi":"10.1080/17544750.2021.1951314","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2021.1951314","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study investigates whether the declining economic performance and social status of traditional news media, which are two dimensions indicating the professional disruption of journalism, are associated with journalists’ engagement in public relations (PR). The results of a cross-sectional survey reveal two paths to the PR-journalism boundary crossing, although the level of boundary crossing is overall controllable. First, economic disruption indirectly predicts journalists’ engagement in media pitching and media event planning through their identification with colleagues who have engaged in PR. Second, perceived waning social status both directly and indirectly predicts their engagement in media pitching and media catching, with their disidentification with PR practitioners as a mediator in the indirect relationship. These findings suggest that, while professional disruption may induce journalists to seek more information subsidy, their professional identity can be a source of both resistance against and support for this trend. Theories on social identity and intergroup relations are adopted to explain this dilemma.","PeriodicalId":46367,"journal":{"name":"Chinese Journal of Communication","volume":"61 1","pages":"54 - 74"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2021-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81067339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-28DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2021.1954964
Sara Liao
Abstract In this study, I discuss the affective dynamics in Hong Kong’s anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill movement through examining the emotion and affect surrounding four Lennon Walls in various parts of the city. The Lennon Walls—public spaces decorated with numerous colorful sticky notes—became a hallmark of the 2019 protests. Most of the notes were hand-written spontaneously by passers-by, who used words, phrases, emojis, sketches, and cartoons to communicate information about the protest, frame issues, stir emotions, and charge the movement with affective intensities. I argue that the walls galvanize the population to sense, feel, experience, and act in ways that foster political feelings. Combining textual analysis and ethnographic observations, I show that the walls mediate discursive emotional expressions and non-discursive affective intensities, illustrating the affective dynamics of the movement in terms of its temporality, visibility, and operationality—the concentrated formations of emotion and affect. Together, these orient and move us in social movements by allowing us to feel through our bodily reactions and affective responses and act upon these felt experiences. The walls are able to marshal the resources of the minds and bodies of those who created and sustained them and give rise to political passions and movement actions.
{"title":"Feeling the 2019 Hong Kong anti-ELAB movement: emotion and affect on the Lennon Walls","authors":"Sara Liao","doi":"10.1080/17544750.2021.1954964","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2021.1954964","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this study, I discuss the affective dynamics in Hong Kong’s anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill movement through examining the emotion and affect surrounding four Lennon Walls in various parts of the city. The Lennon Walls—public spaces decorated with numerous colorful sticky notes—became a hallmark of the 2019 protests. Most of the notes were hand-written spontaneously by passers-by, who used words, phrases, emojis, sketches, and cartoons to communicate information about the protest, frame issues, stir emotions, and charge the movement with affective intensities. I argue that the walls galvanize the population to sense, feel, experience, and act in ways that foster political feelings. Combining textual analysis and ethnographic observations, I show that the walls mediate discursive emotional expressions and non-discursive affective intensities, illustrating the affective dynamics of the movement in terms of its temporality, visibility, and operationality—the concentrated formations of emotion and affect. Together, these orient and move us in social movements by allowing us to feel through our bodily reactions and affective responses and act upon these felt experiences. The walls are able to marshal the resources of the minds and bodies of those who created and sustained them and give rise to political passions and movement actions.","PeriodicalId":46367,"journal":{"name":"Chinese Journal of Communication","volume":"1 1","pages":"355 - 377"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2021-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76783330","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-28DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2021.1954962
Xiaofeng Ma, Hichang Cho
Abstract With the rapid development of computer-based information systems in China, securing organizational systems as information assets is central to achieving a strategic advantage. Because information security (IS) experts with database access are the weakest link in the IS chain, scholarly contributions are needed in this important area. The interpretations of widespread data breaches committed by organizations’ information security experts have significant grounding. Drawing on social control theory, we propose a research framework to examine formal control, informal control, and self-control systems that can affect IS professionals’ perceptions and IS behaviors in Chinese IT organizations. We use in-depth interviews with IS professionals in Wuhan, Beijing, and Shenzhen to answer research questions relating to the research framework. The study’s primary contribution is to go beyond the extant IS research, which concentrates on sanction-based deterrence, and identify multiple dimensions rooted in social control perspectives. Based on interviews with practitioners and researchers, this study further advances our understanding of IS control deviance using information management and communication-related approaches.
{"title":"Access to user data stored by organizations—divides surrounding information security professionals in Chinese IT organizations","authors":"Xiaofeng Ma, Hichang Cho","doi":"10.1080/17544750.2021.1954962","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2021.1954962","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract With the rapid development of computer-based information systems in China, securing organizational systems as information assets is central to achieving a strategic advantage. Because information security (IS) experts with database access are the weakest link in the IS chain, scholarly contributions are needed in this important area. The interpretations of widespread data breaches committed by organizations’ information security experts have significant grounding. Drawing on social control theory, we propose a research framework to examine formal control, informal control, and self-control systems that can affect IS professionals’ perceptions and IS behaviors in Chinese IT organizations. We use in-depth interviews with IS professionals in Wuhan, Beijing, and Shenzhen to answer research questions relating to the research framework. The study’s primary contribution is to go beyond the extant IS research, which concentrates on sanction-based deterrence, and identify multiple dimensions rooted in social control perspectives. Based on interviews with practitioners and researchers, this study further advances our understanding of IS control deviance using information management and communication-related approaches.","PeriodicalId":46367,"journal":{"name":"Chinese Journal of Communication","volume":"47 3 1","pages":"1 - 33"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2021-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83990878","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-19DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2021.1948693
Yang Cheng
{"title":"Soft power with Chinese characteristics: China campaign for hearts and minds","authors":"Yang Cheng","doi":"10.1080/17544750.2021.1948693","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2021.1948693","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46367,"journal":{"name":"Chinese Journal of Communication","volume":"49 1","pages":"472 - 474"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2021-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84639003","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2021.1948684
Kui Zhou
{"title":"Zoning China: Online video, popular culture, and the state","authors":"Kui Zhou","doi":"10.1080/17544750.2021.1948684","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2021.1948684","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46367,"journal":{"name":"Chinese Journal of Communication","volume":"37 1","pages":"346 - 349"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85484689","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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