Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0377919X.2021.2020038
Norbert Scholz
Abstract This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Palestine in Global and Comparative Perspectives; Palestine and the Palestinians; Literature and the Arts; Middle East and the Arab World; Israel and Zionism; and Recent Theses and Dissertations.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0377919X.2021.2007000
Rabea Eghbariah
Abstract Israeli law is an important medium that maintains, perfects, and facilitates the fragmentation of Palestinians. Israeli citizenship figures in this structure of fragmentation as an exceptionalizing legal status that blurs “colonial difference” between Palestinian citizens in Israel and Jewish Israelis. The May 2021 uprising and its aftermath not only highlighted the counter-fragmentary forces present among Palestinians across different legal statuses, it also brought into clearer view a rule of “colonial difference” that crisscrosses the Israeli legal system and pertains to all Palestinians under its control. This essay explores the concept of “colonial difference” as applied to Palestinians through the law, and how this rule has been employed in the context of the May 2021 uprising against Palestinian citizens in particular.
{"title":"Israeli Law and the Rule of Colonial Difference","authors":"Rabea Eghbariah","doi":"10.1080/0377919X.2021.2007000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0377919X.2021.2007000","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Israeli law is an important medium that maintains, perfects, and facilitates the fragmentation of Palestinians. Israeli citizenship figures in this structure of fragmentation as an exceptionalizing legal status that blurs “colonial difference” between Palestinian citizens in Israel and Jewish Israelis. The May 2021 uprising and its aftermath not only highlighted the counter-fragmentary forces present among Palestinians across different legal statuses, it also brought into clearer view a rule of “colonial difference” that crisscrosses the Israeli legal system and pertains to all Palestinians under its control. This essay explores the concept of “colonial difference” as applied to Palestinians through the law, and how this rule has been employed in the context of the May 2021 uprising against Palestinian citizens in particular.","PeriodicalId":46375,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Palestine Studies","volume":"51 1","pages":"73 - 77"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48156115","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0377919X.2021.2015995
Tareq Radi
Abstract Since 2007, the Palestinian Authority has implemented a strategy of financialized urbanization in response to economic crises precipitated by Israel’s settler-colonial stranglehold on the Palestinian economy. This article argues that financialized urbanization operates as a mechanism to expand the local banking sector and as a modality of settler-colonial alienation. Examining the joint-ownership structures of companies whose activities straddle real estate and financial markets, the article shows where land ownership in the West Bank ultimately lies. The study highlights qualitative changes in money lending and the extended reach of finance to emphasize the risks of financial collapse. Understanding finance capital and settler colonialism as systems predicated on managing risk for maximum returns, the discussion draws their relation to each other into a single analytical framework to center the question of land dispossession and racialization at the heart of financialized urbanization. Supplemental data for this article is available online at https://doi.org/10.1080/0377919X.2021.2015995
{"title":"Cultivating Credit: Financialized Urbanization Is Alienation!","authors":"Tareq Radi","doi":"10.1080/0377919X.2021.2015995","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0377919X.2021.2015995","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Since 2007, the Palestinian Authority has implemented a strategy of financialized urbanization in response to economic crises precipitated by Israel’s settler-colonial stranglehold on the Palestinian economy. This article argues that financialized urbanization operates as a mechanism to expand the local banking sector and as a modality of settler-colonial alienation. Examining the joint-ownership structures of companies whose activities straddle real estate and financial markets, the article shows where land ownership in the West Bank ultimately lies. The study highlights qualitative changes in money lending and the extended reach of finance to emphasize the risks of financial collapse. Understanding finance capital and settler colonialism as systems predicated on managing risk for maximum returns, the discussion draws their relation to each other into a single analytical framework to center the question of land dispossession and racialization at the heart of financialized urbanization. Supplemental data for this article is available online at https://doi.org/10.1080/0377919X.2021.2015995","PeriodicalId":46375,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Palestine Studies","volume":"51 1","pages":"4 - 26"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45996534","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0377919X.2021.1978271
Sorcha Thomson, Pelle Valentin Olsen, Sune Haugbolle
Abstract This article maps the internationalization of the Palestinian cause by studying the participants, groups, and themes at Palestinian solidarity conferences held in 1969–70. Examining such conferences reveals the extent of communication and ideological debate between the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and international solidarity activists at an important juncture in the internationalization of the Palestinian liberation movement. The article makes the methodological point that international conferences organized by the PLO and other Palestinian institutions can function as an alternative archive that complements the traditional archives of diplomatic and intellectual history. Read in tandem with extant Palestinian sources, the paper trail left by international conferences mitigates the scattered and precarious status of Palestinian archives.
{"title":"Palestine Solidarity Conferences in the Global Sixties","authors":"Sorcha Thomson, Pelle Valentin Olsen, Sune Haugbolle","doi":"10.1080/0377919X.2021.1978271","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0377919X.2021.1978271","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article maps the internationalization of the Palestinian cause by studying the participants, groups, and themes at Palestinian solidarity conferences held in 1969–70. Examining such conferences reveals the extent of communication and ideological debate between the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and international solidarity activists at an important juncture in the internationalization of the Palestinian liberation movement. The article makes the methodological point that international conferences organized by the PLO and other Palestinian institutions can function as an alternative archive that complements the traditional archives of diplomatic and intellectual history. Read in tandem with extant Palestinian sources, the paper trail left by international conferences mitigates the scattered and precarious status of Palestinian archives.","PeriodicalId":46375,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Palestine Studies","volume":"51 1","pages":"27 - 49"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49289607","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0377919x.2021.2007002
Nada Elia
Abstract Many Arab Americans cheered Lieutenant Filastine Srour’s promotion to the rank of captain in the New York City Police Department as if this constituted a collective victory for Palestinians. But one person rising up in a notoriously racist institution does not end their community’s criminalization. Nor is individual advancement by a woman a feminist accomplishment, as feminism aspires to dismantle oppressive systems, not succeed in them.
{"title":"“Captain Filastine” and the Trappings of Success","authors":"Nada Elia","doi":"10.1080/0377919x.2021.2007002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0377919x.2021.2007002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Many Arab Americans cheered Lieutenant Filastine Srour’s promotion to the rank of captain in the New York City Police Department as if this constituted a collective victory for Palestinians. But one person rising up in a notoriously racist institution does not end their community’s criminalization. Nor is individual advancement by a woman a feminist accomplishment, as feminism aspires to dismantle oppressive systems, not succeed in them.","PeriodicalId":46375,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Palestine Studies","volume":"51 1","pages":"58 - 61"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43111565","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0377919X.2021.2013033
Lorenzo Veracini
Like Albert Memmi did in the 1950s, Hagar Kotef offers a “portrait” of the colonizer. Two intuitions inform this book about the Israeli “colonizing self ”: one is about home, the other about violence. Taken together, these two intuitions converge on the understanding of the specific ways in which the settler’s identity consolidates, which is a crucial question and has been overlooked by scholars so far. Indeed, Kotef responds to a glaring gap in the scholarly literature on Israel and Palestine and in activist practice and offers a comprehensive portrait and an analysis that involves theory (Part I), a focus on past violence, that is on violence that can be assigned to the past if you are not Palestinian (Part II), and the observation of violence that is ostensible and contemporary and cannot be disavowed (Part III). On home: Kotef observes that homemaking in someone else’s place, what settler colonizers by definition do, is a territorializing practice—a practice that involves territory, obviously, but also, and crucially, processes of identity formation. It is not a coincidence that “territorialization” (pp. 67, 122) is a term that has a specific psychoanalytic meaning concerning the consolidation of an autonomous self, and while there are libraries dedicated to the processes that have led to the consolidation of Zionist and Israeli control over territory, we know relatively little about the psychological territorialization of the settler. And yet we should, because knowing about the settler self and developing a “theory of the dispossessor” (p. 5), as The Colonizing Self: Or, Home and Homelessness in Israel/ Palestine attempts, will determine the effectiveness of decolonial action. Thus, Kotef ’s scholarly intervention is especially important because it may lead to another type of intervention, a reckoning. If the former is useful, the latter is indispensable, because the violence of settler colonialism is unacceptable, and also because the settler is unwell (the author of The Colonizing Self is more diplomatic than my interpretative summary may suggest, and an inclination to understate is understandable, but this is a conclusion that emerges clearly from the evidence that is offered). On violence: Kotef contends that the violence of settler colonialism generates a particular identity because it generates affirmative investments and attachments—that is, that the settler is made as a settler by violence, that the settler did not exist as such before violence, and that he cannot exist as such without it (I use this pronoun advisedly, as both the settler-colonial and the household orders Kotef explores have crucially gendered implications, a point she aptly emphasises). That the Israeli home and, by extension, homeland are premised on violence, and that the settlers have material interests that are inherent to colonization, we knew, but that they also have a deep-seated emotional attachment to the
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Born in Jerusalem in 1933, Rifa‘at A. Abou-El-Haj attended the Friends School in Ramallah from 1949 to 1952, when he immigrated to the United States. He graduated from Washington and Lee University in 1956 and received his PhD in History and Oriental Studies at Princeton University in 1963 with a dissertation entitled “The Reisülküttab and Ottoman Diplomacy at Karlowitz.” In 1967, Abou-El-Haj published select conclusions from his dissertation in the Journal of the American Oriental Society. While he was still at graduate school, Abou-El-Haj started teaching at St. Lawrence University in Canton, New York. In 1964, he moved jobs to Long Beach State College, which became California State University, Long Beach (CSULB), in 1972. In the early years of his career, he worked on the period that immediately followed the Treaty of Karlowitz (1699) and published “The Formal Closure of the Ottoman Frontier in Europe: 1699-1703.” He also flirted with psychohistory very briefly in “The Narcissism of Mustafa II (1695-1703): A Psychohistorical Study.” During the 1970s, his interests shifted to new sociopolitical structures that arose in the late-seventeenth and eighteenth-century Ottoman world, as evidenced by “The Ottoman Vezir and Paşa Households 1683-1703: A Preliminary Report,” which laid down one of the central arguments in his work: the growth of a new political elite that challenged the centrality of the sultan and his household. During this decade, he seems to have grown increasingly frustrated both with traditional approaches to Ottoman history and with newer approaches that he found lacking in theoretical grounding. While reviewing the first volume of Stanford Shaw’s History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, he wrote:
{"title":"Rifa‘at Ali Abou-El-Haj (1933–2022): A Pioneering Palestinian Scholar","authors":"Baki Tezcan","doi":"10.1017/rms.2022.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/rms.2022.13","url":null,"abstract":"Born in Jerusalem in 1933, Rifa‘at A. Abou-El-Haj attended the Friends School in Ramallah from 1949 to 1952, when he immigrated to the United States. He graduated from Washington and Lee University in 1956 and received his PhD in History and Oriental Studies at Princeton University in 1963 with a dissertation entitled “The Reisülküttab and Ottoman Diplomacy at Karlowitz.” In 1967, Abou-El-Haj published select conclusions from his dissertation in the Journal of the American Oriental Society. While he was still at graduate school, Abou-El-Haj started teaching at St. Lawrence University in Canton, New York. In 1964, he moved jobs to Long Beach State College, which became California State University, Long Beach (CSULB), in 1972. In the early years of his career, he worked on the period that immediately followed the Treaty of Karlowitz (1699) and published “The Formal Closure of the Ottoman Frontier in Europe: 1699-1703.” He also flirted with psychohistory very briefly in “The Narcissism of Mustafa II (1695-1703): A Psychohistorical Study.” During the 1970s, his interests shifted to new sociopolitical structures that arose in the late-seventeenth and eighteenth-century Ottoman world, as evidenced by “The Ottoman Vezir and Paşa Households 1683-1703: A Preliminary Report,” which laid down one of the central arguments in his work: the growth of a new political elite that challenged the centrality of the sultan and his household. During this decade, he seems to have grown increasingly frustrated both with traditional approaches to Ottoman history and with newer approaches that he found lacking in theoretical grounding. While reviewing the first volume of Stanford Shaw’s History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, he wrote:","PeriodicalId":46375,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Palestine Studies","volume":"51 1","pages":"56 - 57"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47601826","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-22DOI: 10.1080/0377919X.2021.1973834
Andy Clarno
Raw sewage and burning trash; mountains of debris from demolished homes and construction sites; piles of broken phones, flip-flops, and defective household goods; toxic chemicals, industrial runoff, informal dumping, and settlement refuse; bags of moldy bread hanging from walls. These and other forms of waste accumulate in and around Palestinian cities, villages, and bodies, forming what cultural anthropologist Sophia Stamatopoulou-Robbins calls a “waste siege.” While most studies of contemporary Palestine center repressive violence, forced displacement, military occupation, and political negotiations, Waste Siege: The Life of Infrastructure in Palestine focuses on everyday life in zones of abandonment where Palestinians attempt to navigate and manage the accumulated detritus of colonial capitalism. Drawing on ten years of ethnographic research based primarily in Jenin and Ramallah/al-Bireh, Stamatopoulou-Robbins provides a visceral and theoretically sophisticated guide to the disposability, toxicity, and ethical dilemmas that Palestinians confront in the West Bank today. At the same time, Waste Siege offers a “metaphor for a dying planet” (p. xi) by highlighting the destructive accumulation and uneven distribution of waste as well as the creative ways that people live among ruin. In doing so, she emphasizes tensions, uncertainty, and gray zones over simple assertions of responsibility. The first two chapters focus on dilemmas associated with the influx of low-cost, lowquality consumer goods to the West Bank. Mass consumption generates tons of garbage that must be disposed of. With donor funding and Israeli permission, the Palestinian Authority (PA) built two landfills in the West Bank. But this obsolete, low-tech solution has short temporal horizons and opens the PA to challenges related to land ownership and property values. Moreover, Israeli authorities force the PA landfills to accept trash from Israeli settlements, legitimizing colonization while shortening the life of the landfills. At the same time, Palestinian consumers navigate between a formal market awash in quickly deteriorating, low-cost imports and an informal rabish (rubbish) market specializing in secondhand goods discarded by Israelis. The former has an air of newness undermined by suspect quality, while the latter generates a sense of dirtiness and shame negated by an emphasis on the quality of the craftsmanship and an assertion of national pride because, as one respondent explains, “Arabs don’t throw perfectly good things away” (p. 90). Chapter 3 examines the indeterminacy of responsibility for addressing the “wastescape” (p. 107). Palestinian residents of a village overwhelmed with accumulated waste address their complaints to the PA rather than Israel. By holding the PA accountable,
{"title":"Waste Siege: The Life of Infrastructure in Palestine","authors":"Andy Clarno","doi":"10.1080/0377919X.2021.1973834","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0377919X.2021.1973834","url":null,"abstract":"Raw sewage and burning trash; mountains of debris from demolished homes and construction sites; piles of broken phones, flip-flops, and defective household goods; toxic chemicals, industrial runoff, informal dumping, and settlement refuse; bags of moldy bread hanging from walls. These and other forms of waste accumulate in and around Palestinian cities, villages, and bodies, forming what cultural anthropologist Sophia Stamatopoulou-Robbins calls a “waste siege.” While most studies of contemporary Palestine center repressive violence, forced displacement, military occupation, and political negotiations, Waste Siege: The Life of Infrastructure in Palestine focuses on everyday life in zones of abandonment where Palestinians attempt to navigate and manage the accumulated detritus of colonial capitalism. Drawing on ten years of ethnographic research based primarily in Jenin and Ramallah/al-Bireh, Stamatopoulou-Robbins provides a visceral and theoretically sophisticated guide to the disposability, toxicity, and ethical dilemmas that Palestinians confront in the West Bank today. At the same time, Waste Siege offers a “metaphor for a dying planet” (p. xi) by highlighting the destructive accumulation and uneven distribution of waste as well as the creative ways that people live among ruin. In doing so, she emphasizes tensions, uncertainty, and gray zones over simple assertions of responsibility. The first two chapters focus on dilemmas associated with the influx of low-cost, lowquality consumer goods to the West Bank. Mass consumption generates tons of garbage that must be disposed of. With donor funding and Israeli permission, the Palestinian Authority (PA) built two landfills in the West Bank. But this obsolete, low-tech solution has short temporal horizons and opens the PA to challenges related to land ownership and property values. Moreover, Israeli authorities force the PA landfills to accept trash from Israeli settlements, legitimizing colonization while shortening the life of the landfills. At the same time, Palestinian consumers navigate between a formal market awash in quickly deteriorating, low-cost imports and an informal rabish (rubbish) market specializing in secondhand goods discarded by Israelis. The former has an air of newness undermined by suspect quality, while the latter generates a sense of dirtiness and shame negated by an emphasis on the quality of the craftsmanship and an assertion of national pride because, as one respondent explains, “Arabs don’t throw perfectly good things away” (p. 90). Chapter 3 examines the indeterminacy of responsibility for addressing the “wastescape” (p. 107). Palestinian residents of a village overwhelmed with accumulated waste address their complaints to the PA rather than Israel. By holding the PA accountable,","PeriodicalId":46375,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Palestine Studies","volume":"50 1","pages":"106 - 107"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43076286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-22DOI: 10.1080/0377919X.2021.1970965
Klejd Këlliçi
Abstract This article examines Communist Albania’s support for the Palestinian cause and the relationships Tirana cultivated with the various groups comprising the Palestinian national movement. It explores the latter’s motivation for cultivating relations with Albania, a tiny Communist country that refused the logic of the bipolar world, both in its alliance with China and, later, through its disengagement from the East-West conflict and retreat into self-imposed isolationism. The article shows that, following Albania’s break with the Soviet bloc in the 1970s, the Palestine Liberation Organization, and specifically Fatah, was a more natural and logical choice for Tirana’s support than other, more self-avowedly left-wing Palestinian organizations. This study is based on primary sources from the archives of the Albanian foreign affairs ministry and the Party of Labour of Albania, as well as secondary sources such as accounts by members of the Albanian military who trained Fatah guerrilla fighters.
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