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Experiments in Decolonizing the University: Towards an Ecology of Study 大学非殖民化实验:走向研究生态学
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/0377919X.2022.2090216
J. Winegar
the deep disillusionment in collective resistance that Kayali’s interlocutors have described, the text ends on a hopeful note that the women’s “agentive responses also contain potential seeds of change” (215). Perhaps this conclusion illustrates the persistent sumoud of Palestinian women and the Palestinian people as a whole—the endurance to continuously innovate strategies throughout such a long history of resistance. One aspect of this innovation might be how today’s Palestinian women’s collectives reaffirm their identity, not solely as women’s organizing spaces but explicitly feminist movements that confront colonialism, dispossession, and gender-based violence. As Kayali’s research was conducted primarily among women in the Bethlehem governorate, future scholarship can build on this work by expanding the scope to other locales, particularly Palestinians in the 1948 territories, Gaza, and in exile and diaspora, so that the scholarship can overcome the fragmentation and divisions caused by Israeli settler colonialism. Palestinian Women and Popular Resistance is essential reading for anyone curious about Palestinian women’s movements and would be a great addition to any women and gender studies syllabus or course on Palestine.
Kayali的对话者所描述的集体抵抗的深深幻灭,文本以一种充满希望的音符结束,即女性的“能动反应也包含着潜在的变革种子”(215)。也许这一结论说明了巴勒斯坦妇女和整个巴勒斯坦人民的持久性——在如此漫长的抵抗历史中不断创新战略的耐力。这一创新的一个方面可能是,今天的巴勒斯坦妇女集体如何重申她们的身份,不仅是作为妇女的组织空间,而且是明确的女权主义运动,以对抗殖民主义、剥夺权利和基于性别的暴力。由于Kayali的研究主要在伯利恒省的妇女中进行,未来的奖学金可以在这项工作的基础上,将范围扩大到其他地区,特别是1948年领土上的巴勒斯坦人、加沙以及流亡和散居国外的人,以便该奖学金能够克服以色列定居者殖民主义造成的分裂和分裂。对于任何对巴勒斯坦妇女运动感兴趣的人来说,《巴勒斯坦妇女与人民抵抗》都是必不可少的读物,也是任何关于巴勒斯坦的妇女与性别研究大纲或课程的重要补充。
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引用次数: 0
Refugee Camps in Gaza: Between Upgrading and Urbicide 加沙难民营:在升级和Urbicide之间
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/0377919X.2022.2091386
N. Tayeh
Abstract This article examines the urban development of camps under humanitarian mandates in the context of the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt). The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) launched its Infrastructure and Camp Improvement Programme (ICIP) in 2007, with several pilot projects carried out to test this new approach. Using Gaza’s Deir El-Balah refugee camp as a case study, this article explores the contradictions inherent to development under humanitarianism and what Ilana Feldman has called “punctuations” in a chronic context of siege and infrastructure violence. That context, the article argues, perpetually sets the refugee communities back, eroding whatever capacities they were able to build up through their own collective efforts and through the aid of which they have been recipients for decades. Compounded by UNRWA’s perpetual funding shortage, the limits of development under the humanitarian umbrella within the context of a technocratic apolitical mandate become even more apparent.
本文探讨了在巴勒斯坦被占领土(oPt)的背景下,人道主义任务下难民营的城市发展。联合国近东巴勒斯坦难民救济和工程处(近东救济工程处)于2007年启动了其基础设施和营地改善方案(ICIP),并开展了几个试点项目来测试这种新方法。本文以加沙的Deir El-Balah难民营为例,探讨了人道主义下发展的内在矛盾,以及Ilana Feldman所谓的长期围困和基础设施暴力背景下的“标点符号”。这篇文章认为,这种情况永远会使难民社区倒退,侵蚀他们通过自己的集体努力和几十年来接受的援助所能够建立起来的任何能力。由于近东救济工程处长期资金短缺,在技术官僚的非政治任务的背景下,人道主义保护伞下发展的局限性变得更加明显。
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引用次数: 0
Israel’s Apartheid: A Structure of Colonial Domination Since 1948 《以色列的种族隔离:1948年以来的殖民统治结构
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1080/0377919x.2022.2091382
T. Baconi
Abstract This essay offers a critical reading of the mainstreaming of the narrative, long advocated by Palestinians, that Israel is perpetrating the crime of apartheid against the Palestinian people. It argues that partitioning the land of Palestine, which the Palestinian leadership acquiesced to, is a cornerstone of apartheid, and a legitimation of the Zionist movement. Rather than partition, the piece calls for a political strategy of decolonization that aims at dismantling the regime of apartheid that the Zionist movement instituted in Palestine in 1948.
摘要:本文对巴勒斯坦人长期倡导的主流叙事进行了批判性解读,认为以色列正在对巴勒斯坦人民犯下种族隔离罪。它认为,巴勒斯坦领导人默许的分割巴勒斯坦土地是种族隔离的基石,也是犹太复国主义运动的合法性。这篇文章呼吁的不是分裂,而是一种非殖民化的政治策略,旨在废除1948年犹太复国主义运动在巴勒斯坦建立的种族隔离制度。
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引用次数: 1
Hydrofictions: Water, Power and Politics in Israeli and Palestinian Literature 水小说:以色列和巴勒斯坦文学中的水、权力和政治
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1080/0377919x.2022.2090210
M. Dajani
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引用次数: 0
Screen Shots: State Violence on Camera in Israel and Palestine 镜头:以色列和巴勒斯坦的国家暴力
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1080/0377919X.2022.2089504
Sherena Razek
of the social demographics and aspects of Campus in Camps, and from situating it more robustly within the broader efforts at decolonization in Palestine. It is also disappointing that the book relies primarily on the work of famous white Euro-American scholars for its theories. One wonders if locating all of the Palestine material in two chapters of the book sandwiched between five other chapters mainly concerned with Euro-American derived theories might reproduce some of the problems that the book seeks to address. The book’s strength is its use of philosophy of science to rethink what is one of the largest failed institutions of our times. The compelling reading of Campus in Camps offered in the second part of the book will be of special interest to JPS readers. In sum, this book is a fascinating and useful read for anyone seriously interested in decolonizing the university, particularly from a philosophical and/or practice perspective.
“难民营校园”的社会人口和各个方面,以及将其更有力地置于巴勒斯坦非殖民化的更广泛努力中。同样令人失望的是,这本书主要依赖于著名的欧美白人学者的理论。有人想知道,如果把所有关于巴勒斯坦的材料放在书中的两章中,夹在主要讨论欧美衍生理论的其他五章之间,可能会重现这本书试图解决的一些问题。这本书的优势在于它运用科学哲学来重新思考我们这个时代最大的失败机构之一。本书第二部分提供的引人注目的营地校园阅读将对JPS读者特别感兴趣。总之,对于任何对大学非殖民化感兴趣的人来说,尤其是从哲学和/或实践的角度来看,这本书都是一本迷人而有用的读物。
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引用次数: 0
A Shared Vision: Security Convergence between the Gulf and Israel 共同愿景:海湾和以色列之间的安全融合
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1080/0377919x.2022.2090209
E. Fakhro, T. Baconi
Abstract This essay provides an overview of the growing convergence of interests between Israel, the United Arab Emirates, and Bahrain, the joint signatories to the 2020 Abraham Accords. It argues that the two Gulf states increasingly view Israel as an attractive model to emulate in terms of the management of internal dissent and external security. It details how both sides are seeking to develop a joint regional security architecture that mitigates their shared concerns around a possible return by the United States to the 2015 Iran nuclear deal (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action or JCPOA), as well as the Gulf states’ specific anxiety about a broader US drawdown in the region. The analysis highlights how this new framework built around a common securitized approach is also intended to further the objectives of the two Gulf monarchies to lead the course of regional affairs.
摘要本文概述了2020年《亚伯拉罕协议》的联合签署国以色列、阿拉伯联合酋长国和巴林之间日益趋同的利益。它认为,在管理内部异议和外部安全方面,这两个海湾国家越来越将以色列视为一个有吸引力的榜样。它详细介绍了双方如何寻求建立一个联合的地区安全架构,以缓解他们对美国可能重返2015年伊朗核协议(联合全面行动计划)的共同担忧,以及海湾国家对美国在该地区更广泛撤军的具体焦虑。该分析强调了这一围绕共同安全化方法建立的新框架如何也旨在进一步实现两个海湾君主国领导地区事务的目标。
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引用次数: 1
Bibliography of Recent Works 近期作品参考书目
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-04-27 DOI: 10.1080/0377919X.2022.2050136
Norbert J. Scholz
Abstract This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Palestine in Global and Comparative Perspectives; Palestine and the Palestinians; Literature and the Arts; Middle East and the Arab World; Israel and Zionism; and Recent Theses and Dissertations.
摘要本节列出了与巴勒斯坦和阿以冲突有关的文章和书评。参赛作品分为以下标题:全球和比较视角下的巴勒斯坦;巴勒斯坦和巴勒斯坦人;文学与艺术;中东和阿拉伯世界;以色列和犹太复国主义;以及最近的论文和论文。
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引用次数: 0
Planning, Land Ownership, and Settler Colonialism in Israel/Palestine 以色列/巴勒斯坦的规划、土地所有权和定居者殖民主义
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-04-26 DOI: 10.1080/0377919X.2022.2040321
Haim Yacobi, E. Milner
Abstract This article discusses the challenges that the settlement process poses to Israeli property regimes, examining the ways that public apparatuses, specifically those related to urban planning, are creatively mobilized to address and mitigate such challenges. The article focuses on two case studies: the Palestinian village of Kamanneh in the Upper Galilee and the Ganey Aviv neighborhood of Lydda, one of Israel’s so-called mixed cities. Based on these case studies, the paper argues that the planning process’s technical and legal manipulations as well as the raw political power involved produce and reproduce the settler-colonial logic of ownership in land as a territorial and symbolic mechanism of control.
本文讨论了定居点进程给以色列财产制度带来的挑战,研究了公共机构,特别是与城市规划相关的公共机构,创造性地动员起来应对和减轻这些挑战的方式。这篇文章着重于两个案例研究:上加利利的巴勒斯坦村庄Kamanneh和以色列所谓的混合城市之一Lydda的Ganey Aviv社区。基于这些案例研究,本文认为规划过程的技术和法律操纵以及所涉及的原始政治权力产生并再现了作为领土和象征性控制机制的土地所有权的定居者-殖民地逻辑。
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引用次数: 3
Compulsory Zionism and Palestinian Existence: A Genealogy 强制性犹太复国主义与巴勒斯坦人的存在:宗谱
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-04-19 DOI: 10.1080/0377919x.2022.2040324
Umayyah Cable
Abstract This essay offers a genealogy of the phrase “compulsory Zionism” in order to illuminate its vexed and contradictory intellectual foundations, the ethical and political stakes of the discourse surrounding the phrase, and its accompanying racial project. Scholars of late have taken up the use of this phrase to signal how “common-sense” knowledge about Palestine and Israel is naturalized in ways that privilege Israel and subjugate Palestinian existence. However, I argue that the phrase is also useful for understanding how Palestine solidarity politics are micromanaged within transnational leftist social justice movements and academia.
摘要本文提供了“强制性犹太复国主义”一词的谱系,以阐明其令人烦恼和矛盾的知识基础、围绕该短语的话语的伦理和政治利害关系,以及随之而来的种族项目。最近,学者们开始使用这个短语来表明关于巴勒斯坦和以色列的“常识”知识是如何以特权以色列和征服巴勒斯坦存在的方式被归化的。然而,我认为,这句话也有助于理解巴勒斯坦团结政治在跨国左翼社会正义运动和学术界是如何微观管理的。
{"title":"Compulsory Zionism and Palestinian Existence: A Genealogy","authors":"Umayyah Cable","doi":"10.1080/0377919x.2022.2040324","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0377919x.2022.2040324","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This essay offers a genealogy of the phrase “compulsory Zionism” in order to illuminate its vexed and contradictory intellectual foundations, the ethical and political stakes of the discourse surrounding the phrase, and its accompanying racial project. Scholars of late have taken up the use of this phrase to signal how “common-sense” knowledge about Palestine and Israel is naturalized in ways that privilege Israel and subjugate Palestinian existence. However, I argue that the phrase is also useful for understanding how Palestine solidarity politics are micromanaged within transnational leftist social justice movements and academia.","PeriodicalId":46375,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Palestine Studies","volume":"51 1","pages":"66 - 71"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43387078","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The Moral Triangle: Germans, Israelis, Palestinians 道德三角:德国人,以色列人,巴勒斯坦人
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-04-19 DOI: 10.1080/0377919X.2022.2048607
Anna-Esther Younes
Palestinian American professor Sa’ ed Atshan and Israeli German American professor Katharina Galor’s book, The Moral Triangle: Germans, Israelis, Palestinians, tackles and wants to understand the complex histories and policies converging in Berlin through the triangulated ethnonational relationship between the Germans, Palestinians, and Israelis living there. The book grapples with the fact that Berlin is home to a large number of Israeli émigrés, while Germany is home to Europe’s largest Palestinian refugee population. The book presents such realities coexisting amid the backdrop of Germany’s unwavering pro-Israel policies as a paradox. Such exploration is compelling but would have been richer and more grounded had it been read alongside the literature on German colonialism, race, and empire politics. Unfortunately, most public decolonial critique, particularly by people of color, has been silenced in Germany, paving the way for The Moral Triangle to fill a gap that the authors call “groundbreaking” (p. 8). Both authors live and teach in the United States. Atshan is a sociocultural anthropologist of humanitarianism and Palestine studies, and Galor is a scholar of art history and Judaic studies. In the introduction both authors locate their expertise in the Middle East and elaborate on their own historical traumas, which are narrated as catalysts for their collaborative research in and on Berlin. It was especially the 2014 Israeli attack on Gaza that brought the authors together in an attempt to place “the human qualities of trust, collegiality, and friendship above national animosity” (p. 4). In this vein, the book aligns itself with both academic and nonacademic literature that narrates historical legacies of violence through the frameworks of memory and trauma. The book shines in its impressionistic and fast-paced reportage style. Galor and Atshan tap into narratives of perpetrators and victims, trauma and its afterlives, responsibility and reconciliation, morality, and memory. The book is subdivided into eleven short chapters, each of which can be read independently. Chapter titles range from “Trauma, Holocaust, Nakba” to “Germany and Migration” to “Racism, Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia” and finally to “Restorative Justice.” A vaguely defined discourse analysis, which is not “meant to signal a particularly established methodology” (p. 8), gives attention to media coverage and social media of the triangular relationship. The authors conducted around one hundred interviews with interlocutors they knew or found through personal connections and social media, using what they refer to as the “snowball method” (p. 7). This analysis is augmented with taxi driver commentaries and public events during their ethnography, including street photos from their strolls through the “Arab quarter” of Neukölln and the Israeli restaurants therein. However, the many details of everyday German repression, encapsulated in its antiPalestinian activities and its expandi
巴勒斯坦裔美国教授Sa ' ed Atshan和以色列裔德裔美国教授Katharina Galor的著作《道德三角:德国人、以色列人、巴勒斯坦人》,通过居住在柏林的德国人、巴勒斯坦人和以色列人之间的三角民族关系,探讨并试图理解在柏林汇聚的复杂历史和政策。这本书探讨了这样一个事实:柏林是大量以色列人的聚集地,而德国是欧洲最大的巴勒斯坦难民聚集地。在德国坚定不移的亲以政策的背景下,这些现实并存,这本书将其描述为一个悖论。这样的探索是引人注目的,但如果把它和关于德国殖民主义、种族和帝国政治的文献放在一起读,会更丰富、更有根据。不幸的是,大多数公开的非殖民化批评,尤其是有色人种的批评,在德国都被压制住了,这为《道德三角》填补了作者称之为“开创性”的空白铺平了道路(第8页)。两位作者都在美国生活和教学。Atshan是人道主义和巴勒斯坦研究领域的社会文化人类学家,Galor是艺术史和犹太研究领域的学者。在引言中,两位作者都将他们的专长定位在中东,并详细阐述了他们自己的历史创伤,这些创伤被描述为他们在柏林进行合作研究的催化剂。尤其是2014年以色列对加沙的袭击,将两位作者聚集在一起,试图将“信任、合作和友谊的人类品质置于民族仇恨之上”(第4页)。在这种脉络下,这本书与学术和非学术文献保持一致,通过记忆和创伤的框架叙述暴力的历史遗产。这本书的亮点在于它的印象主义和快节奏的报告文学风格。加洛尔和阿特珊深入探讨了肇事者和受害者、创伤及其后遗症、责任与和解、道德和记忆的故事。这本书被分成11个简短的章节,每个章节都可以独立阅读。章节标题从“创伤、大屠杀、Nakba”到“德国与移民”,再到“种族主义、反犹太主义、伊斯兰恐惧症”,最后到“恢复性司法”。一种定义模糊的话语分析,并非“意在表明一种特别确立的方法论”(第8页),关注的是媒体报道和社会媒体的三角关系。作者通过个人关系和社交媒体对他们认识或发现的对话者进行了大约100次采访,使用了他们所谓的“雪球法”(第7页)。这种分析在他们的民族志中增加了出租车司机的评论和公共事件,包括他们在Neukölln的“阿拉伯区”和那里的以色列餐馆散步时的街头照片。然而,德国日常镇压的许多细节,浓缩在其反巴勒斯坦活动和不断扩大的军事工业综合体中,在这两部小说中都没有出现
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引用次数: 5
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Journal of Palestine Studies
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