Dogon pseudo-subjects are bare meteorological, temporal-environmental, and partonymic nouns of low referentiality/specificity that occur in fixed noun-verb collocations. The pseudo-subject controls the choice of verb in all cases, but it fails to behave like a true subject in linear position, in a quotative-subject construction, or in pronominal-subject agreement. The pseudo-subject is the sole nominal in these meteorological and temporal collocations, but in partonymic collocations it co-occurs with a true subject denoting the possessor-experiencer. The latter has all of the clear subject properties except controlling the choice of verb. Pseudo-subjects have some similarities with, but are distinct from, a range of typologically familiar phenomena including impersonal subjects, direct objects, possessums stranded by possessor raising, East Asian-style second subjects or post-topic subjects, incorporated nouns, and adverbial adjuncts. They can be classified as pseudo-incorporated nominals if this category is broad enough to include subject-like as well as object-like nominals. The relevant constructions are easily modelled in construction grammars, but not in arboreal syntax.
{"title":"Dogon pseudo-subjects with or without true subjects","authors":"J. Heath, V. Dyachkov","doi":"10.1075/sl.21047.hea","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21047.hea","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Dogon pseudo-subjects are bare meteorological, temporal-environmental, and partonymic nouns of low\u0000 referentiality/specificity that occur in fixed noun-verb collocations. The pseudo-subject controls the choice of verb in all\u0000 cases, but it fails to behave like a true subject in linear position, in a quotative-subject construction, or in\u0000 pronominal-subject agreement. The pseudo-subject is the sole nominal in these meteorological and temporal collocations, but in\u0000 partonymic collocations it co-occurs with a true subject denoting the possessor-experiencer. The latter has all of the clear\u0000 subject properties except controlling the choice of verb. Pseudo-subjects have some similarities with, but are distinct from, a\u0000 range of typologically familiar phenomena including impersonal subjects, direct objects, possessums stranded by possessor raising,\u0000 East Asian-style second subjects or post-topic subjects, incorporated nouns, and adverbial adjuncts. They can be classified as\u0000 pseudo-incorporated nominals if this category is broad enough to include subject-like as well as object-like nominals. The\u0000 relevant constructions are easily modelled in construction grammars, but not in arboreal syntax.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77720527","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article describes adverbial universal quantification in Besemah, a little-described Malayic language of southwest Sumatra, and how the syntactic position of the quantifier relates to grammatical relations and information structure. Given previous descriptions of the relationship between quantifiers and grammatical relations, especially in western Austronesian languages (e.g., Kroeger 1993; Musgrave 2001), Besemah presents a unique system of universal quantification wherein adverbial universal quantifiers place severe restrictions on which arguments can be quantified. I argue that these restrictions are fundamentally different than those described as ‘quantifier float’ in other languages, but they are not incidental. Instead, these restrictions can be explained by the fact that the adverbial universal quantifier also marks focus in Besemah.
{"title":"Universal quantifiers, focus, and grammatical relations in Besemah","authors":"Bradley McDonnell","doi":"10.1075/sl.20060.mcd","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.20060.mcd","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article describes adverbial universal quantification in Besemah, a little-described Malayic language of\u0000 southwest Sumatra, and how the syntactic position of the quantifier relates to grammatical relations and information structure.\u0000 Given previous descriptions of the relationship between quantifiers and grammatical relations, especially in western Austronesian\u0000 languages (e.g., Kroeger 1993; Musgrave\u0000 2001), Besemah presents a unique system of universal quantification wherein adverbial universal quantifiers place severe\u0000 restrictions on which arguments can be quantified. I argue that these restrictions are fundamentally different than those\u0000 described as ‘quantifier float’ in other languages, but they are not incidental. Instead, these restrictions can be explained by\u0000 the fact that the adverbial universal quantifier also marks focus in Besemah.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72790213","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study investigates the hypothesis that marked sounds are more likely to be gaps in a sound inventory. A gap is defined as an absence of an [α voice] stop or fricative when the [−α voice] counterpart exists. Different formulations of markedness are tested and evaluated on whether they label the gaps as more marked than attested sounds. Results show an overall success of markedness based on typological attestedness of sounds in labeling gaps as more marked. However, the success of markedness based on aerodynamics and cross-linguistic phonological processes is limited to stops and fricatives, respectively. Analyses also show that gaps in attested inventories are more likely to be marked than gaps from randomized artificial inventories. This discrepancy between attested and artificial inventories shows how markedness, feature economy, and symmetry interact in shaping sound systems of human languages.
{"title":"Markedness and voicing gaps in stop and fricative inventories","authors":"Sheng-Fu Wang","doi":"10.1075/sl.21017.wan","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21017.wan","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This study investigates the hypothesis that marked sounds are more likely to be gaps in a sound inventory. A gap is defined as an absence of an [α voice] stop or fricative when the [−α voice] counterpart exists. Different formulations of markedness are tested and evaluated on whether they label the gaps as more marked than attested sounds. Results show an overall success of markedness based on typological attestedness of sounds in labeling gaps as more marked. However, the success of markedness based on aerodynamics and cross-linguistic phonological processes is limited to stops and fricatives, respectively. Analyses also show that gaps in attested inventories are more likely to be marked than gaps from randomized artificial inventories. This discrepancy between attested and artificial inventories shows how markedness, feature economy, and symmetry interact in shaping sound systems of human languages.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86435726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper addresses the development of the Chinese V de O cleft construction, and how the cleft constructional network was developed in the history of Chinese. It is argued that V de O clefts emerged in the 13th century which was about 300 years later than VP de clefts. A key factor in their development is the use in Middle Chinese of relative clause in post-copula position. We argue that the emergence of V de O clefts also involved analogization to the extant VP de clefts as well as deferred equatives. Once V de O clefts occurred, they were recruited into the cleft network as a subschema, resulting in the schematic network being augmented and expanded. This study is a contribution to the developing field of constructionalization by making more explicit the way how nodes are created in a constructional network and how the network is reorganized and expanded.
本文论述了中国八字桥的发展历程，以及八字桥在中国历史上是如何形成的。有人认为V de O clefts出现于13世纪，比VP de clefts晚300年左右。中古汉语中关系分句在联词后位置的使用是其发展的一个关键因素。我们认为，V - de - O裂缝的出现也涉及类比到现有的VP - de -裂缝以及递延方程。一旦V de O裂缝发生，它们就会作为一个子图式被招募到裂缝网络中，导致图式网络被增强和扩展。本研究通过更明确地阐述构建网络中节点的创建方式以及网络的重组和扩展方式，对不断发展的建构化领域做出了贡献。
{"title":"The development of the Chinese V de O cleft construction","authors":"Fangqiong Zhan, H. Pan","doi":"10.1075/sl.21071.zha","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21071.zha","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper addresses the development of the Chinese V de O cleft construction, and how the cleft\u0000 constructional network was developed in the history of Chinese. It is argued that V de O clefts emerged in the\u0000 13th century which was about 300 years later than VP de clefts. A key factor in their development is the use in\u0000 Middle Chinese of relative clause in post-copula position. We argue that the emergence of V de O clefts also\u0000 involved analogization to the extant VP de clefts as well as deferred equatives. Once V de O\u0000 clefts occurred, they were recruited into the cleft network as a subschema, resulting in the schematic network being augmented and\u0000 expanded. This study is a contribution to the developing field of constructionalization by making more explicit the way how nodes\u0000 are created in a constructional network and how the network is reorganized and expanded.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76077169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Beyond their basic function to index exophoric and endophoric referents, Thai demonstratives have a host of pragmatic functions to encode concerns regarding discourse organization, subjectivity, and intersubjectivity. Based on a detailed analysis of demonstratives used in conversation, we attempt to uncover the pattern of grammaticalization for this class of words in Thai, and to propose a mechanism that allows them to develop multiple functions. Since demonstratives are indexical signs and are qualitatively distinct from content words, we must view the grammaticalization process of demonstratives differently from that of content words. In this paper, we use the model of the joint attention triangle based on Diessel’s earlier work and the functional utterance frame based on the “attractor position” analysis for grammaticalization of nouns and verbs advanced by Bisang (1996) to analyze how exactly demonstratives come to acquire pragmatic functions.
{"title":"Creating versatility in Thai demonstratives","authors":"Shoichi Iwasaki, Parada Dechapratumwan","doi":"10.1075/sl.20083.iwa","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.20083.iwa","url":null,"abstract":"Beyond their basic function to index exophoric and endophoric referents, Thai demonstratives have a host of pragmatic functions to encode concerns regarding discourse organization, subjectivity, and intersubjectivity. Based on a detailed analysis of demonstratives used in conversation, we attempt to uncover the pattern of grammaticalization for this class of words in Thai, and to propose a mechanism that allows them to develop multiple functions. Since demonstratives are indexical signs and are qualitatively distinct from content words, we must view the grammaticalization process of demonstratives differently from that of content words. In this paper, we use the model of the joint attention triangle based on Diessel’s earlier work and the functional utterance frame based on the “attractor position” analysis for grammaticalization of nouns and verbs advanced by Bisang (1996) to analyze how exactly demonstratives come to acquire pragmatic functions.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138516002","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We make two claims regarding weather expressions in Basque: first, based on Eriksen et al.’s (2010) typology, we show that Basque tends towards the argument type (and less frequently so to the predicate-argument type) when coding dynamic (precipitation or other) events and to both the argument and the predicate type when coding static events; Basque often has transitive structures (i.e. both transitive predicate and argument transitive types), apparently a rare typological feature. Second, with respect to two key issues in the study of weather predicates within Generative Grammar, we claim (a) that Basque supports the view that both lexicalizations of weather verbs (unaccusative and unergative/transitive) are possible across languages, as argued by Bleotu (2015) and Levin & Krejci (2019); and (b) that the empty pro subject of Basque transitive weather constructions is closer to a quasi-argument (Chomsky 1981; Levin & Krejci 2019) rather than to a true expletive.
{"title":"Weather expressions in Basque","authors":"Iñigo Arteatx, Xabier Artiagoitia","doi":"10.1075/sl.20036.art","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.20036.art","url":null,"abstract":"We make two claims regarding weather expressions in Basque: first, based on Eriksen et al.’s (2010) typology, we show that Basque tends towards the argument type (and less frequently so to the predicate-argument type) when coding dynamic (precipitation or other) events and to both the argument and the predicate type when coding static events; Basque often has transitive structures (i.e. both transitive predicate and argument transitive types), apparently a rare typological feature. Second, with respect to two key issues in the study of weather predicates within Generative Grammar, we claim (a) that Basque supports the view that both lexicalizations of weather verbs (unaccusative and unergative/transitive) are possible across languages, as argued by Bleotu (2015) and Levin & Krejci (2019); and (b) that the empty pro subject of Basque transitive weather constructions is closer to a quasi-argument (Chomsky 1981; Levin & Krejci 2019) rather than to a true expletive.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138518283","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper provides a first description of verbal number in Idi, a language of the Pahoturi River family spoken in Western Province, Papua New Guinea. Idi shows an intricate system of marking verbal number, evident in verb stems and two sets of suffixes occurring in different positions on the verb, based on a distinction between nonplural (1 or 2) versus plural (more than 2). Verbs also agree in person and number with core arguments; this system of nominal number is distinguishing singular (1) from nonsingular (more than 1). Elements from the two systems are combined to arrive at composite number values for both events and participants. In addition, verbal number interrelates with a lexical aspectual distinction of punctual/telic versus durative/atelic, manifesting on verb stems and in inflectional patterns. The paper provides evidence for the thesis that verbal number in Idi is not merely lexically determined, but largely inflectional.
{"title":"Verbal number in Idi","authors":"Dineke Schokkin","doi":"10.1075/sl.21052.sch","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21052.sch","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This paper provides a first description of verbal number in Idi, a language of the Pahoturi River family spoken in Western Province, Papua New Guinea. Idi shows an intricate system of marking verbal number, evident in verb stems and two sets of suffixes occurring in different positions on the verb, based on a distinction between nonplural (1 or 2) versus plural (more than 2). Verbs also agree in person and number with core arguments; this system of nominal number is distinguishing singular (1) from nonsingular (more than 1). Elements from the two systems are combined to arrive at composite number values for both events and participants. In addition, verbal number interrelates with a lexical aspectual distinction of punctual/telic versus durative/atelic, manifesting on verb stems and in inflectional patterns. The paper provides evidence for the thesis that verbal number in Idi is not merely lexically determined, but largely inflectional.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83721273","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present paper examines a hypothetical correlation between language endangerment and the simplification of nominal and verbal inflections. After contrasting the complexities exhibited by two endangered languages (Eastern Huasteca Nahuatl and Wymysorys) with the complexities of their non-endangered predecessors (Older Nahuatl and Middle High German, respectively), the authors conclude that the endangerment-simplification entanglement cannot be demonstrated. First, although Wymysorys (a more endangered code) is slightly more simplified than Nahuatl (a less endangered code) as far as the nominal domain is concerned, this relationship is reversed in the verbal domain. Second, simplifying tendencies are not radical, with a number of innovative complexifying processes being also present. Third, when attested, simplification constitutes part of a “natural” language evolution rather than a process resulting from the endangerment.
{"title":"Language simplification in endangered languages?","authors":"A. Andrason, John Sullivan, Justyna Olko","doi":"10.1075/sl.20082.and","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.20082.and","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The present paper examines a hypothetical correlation between language endangerment and the simplification of nominal and verbal inflections. After contrasting the complexities exhibited by two endangered languages (Eastern Huasteca Nahuatl and Wymysorys) with the complexities of their non-endangered predecessors (Older Nahuatl and Middle High German, respectively), the authors conclude that the endangerment-simplification entanglement cannot be demonstrated. First, although Wymysorys (a more endangered code) is slightly more simplified than Nahuatl (a less endangered code) as far as the nominal domain is concerned, this relationship is reversed in the verbal domain. Second, simplifying tendencies are not radical, with a number of innovative complexifying processes being also present. Third, when attested, simplification constitutes part of a “natural” language evolution rather than a process resulting from the endangerment.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78952052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Arabic prepositions min and ʕan in their prototypical spatial use relate to the Source domain, translating as ‘(away) from’. In many contemporary dialects ʕan is absent or limited to secondary, non-spatial meanings. In Traditional Negev Arabic, however, both prepositions are used complementarily. The proto-scene of ablative min is a Figure (F) exiting from a 3-dimensional Ground (G)-source, with ‘containment’ and ‘boundary-crossing’ typical components of the scene. The preposition ʕan prototypically fulfils a separative function, denoting separation from a Source with no relevance to dimensions, and has developed secondary modal functions. Both also have perlative functions and may appear in static scenes. Only min heads prepositional complexes, where it typically restores the nominal origin of the following element as a bounded region. So ‘min behind the house’ may denote ‘in the back zone of the house’; these complexes characterize multiple axes, when F crosses G’s path.
阿拉伯语介词min和@ an在其典型的空间用法中与源域有关，翻译为“(远离)”。在许多现代方言中，不存在或仅限于次要的、非空间的意义。然而在传统的内盖夫阿拉伯语中，这两个介词是互补使用的。烧蚀min的原型场景是一个从三维地源(G)出来的图(F)，具有场景的“遏制”和“跨越边界”的典型组成部分。介词“an”典型地实现了一种分离功能，表示从一个与维度无关的源分离，并发展了次级模态功能。两者都有关联功能，可能出现在静态场景中。只有min处理介词复合体，它通常将以下元素的名义起源恢复为有界区域。所以“min behind the house”可以表示“在房子后面的区域”;当F穿过G的路径时，这些配合物具有多个轴的特征。
{"title":"Spatial prepositions min and ʕan in Traditional Negev Arabic","authors":"R. Henkin, Letizia Cerqueglini","doi":"10.1075/sl.20053.hen","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.20053.hen","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The Arabic prepositions min and ʕan in their prototypical spatial use relate to\u0000 the Source domain, translating as ‘(away) from’. In many contemporary dialects ʕan is absent or limited to\u0000 secondary, non-spatial meanings. In Traditional Negev Arabic, however, both prepositions are used complementarily. The proto-scene\u0000 of ablative min is a Figure (F) exiting from a 3-dimensional Ground (G)-source, with ‘containment’ and\u0000 ‘boundary-crossing’ typical components of the scene. The preposition ʕan prototypically fulfils a separative\u0000 function, denoting separation from a Source with no relevance to dimensions, and has developed secondary modal functions. Both\u0000 also have perlative functions and may appear in static scenes. Only min heads prepositional complexes, where it\u0000 typically restores the nominal origin of the following element as a bounded region. So ‘min behind the house’ may\u0000 denote ‘in the back zone of the house’; these complexes characterize multiple axes, when F crosses G’s path.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88269243","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper aims at investigating the semantics of nominal reduplication cross-linguistically. Nominal reduplication is treated as an iconic morphological device expressing functions that have something to do with plurality. Nevertheless, in the languages of the world, other types of functions are attested as well, which seem to pivot around different notions like conceptual similarity, heterogeneity, combinations of them, or even possession. Based on a large-scale cross-linguistic analysis, we provide a typology of nominal reduplication considering the range of semantic functions and the type of reduplicative patterns. We argue that the attested variation clearly points to a common semantic core underlying the various functions, and this core can be identified in some modification of the degree and type of referentiality. Finally, the attested tendencies and correlations may shed new light on the role of iconicity in explaining the connection between reduplicated nouns and their functions.
{"title":"Nominal reduplication in cross-linguistic perspective","authors":"Simone Mattiola, Alessandra Barotto","doi":"10.1075/sl.21050.mat","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21050.mat","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper aims at investigating the semantics of nominal reduplication cross-linguistically. Nominal\u0000 reduplication is treated as an iconic morphological device expressing functions that have something to do with plurality.\u0000 Nevertheless, in the languages of the world, other types of functions are attested as well, which seem to pivot around different\u0000 notions like conceptual similarity, heterogeneity, combinations of them, or even possession. Based on a large-scale\u0000 cross-linguistic analysis, we provide a typology of nominal reduplication considering the range of semantic functions and the type\u0000 of reduplicative patterns. We argue that the attested variation clearly points to a common semantic core underlying the various\u0000 functions, and this core can be identified in some modification of the degree and type of referentiality. Finally, the attested\u0000 tendencies and correlations may shed new light on the role of iconicity in explaining the connection between reduplicated nouns\u0000 and their functions.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80667928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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