The present work attempts to examine the relationship between grammar and discourse. (i) First, it compares Warrongo (an ergative language that has antipassives and an S/O pivot) and English (an accusative language that has passives and an S/A pivot). Despite these polar opposite morphosyntactic characteristics, Warrongo and English behave almost in the same way in discourse – in terms of new mentions, lexical mentions and topic continuity. There are, however, two differences in discourse. First, Warrongo antipassives and S/O pivot have much higher functional loads than English passives and S/A pivot. Second, Warrongo antipassives have a use that English passives do not have. (ii) Then, the present work shows that grammar and discourse are not independent of each other and that they share one principle. The hierarchy of “O > S > A” is attested in grammar and discourse crosslinguistically and irrespective of the morphosyntactic types of the languages concerned.
本文试图探讨语法与语篇之间的关系。(1)首先，比较了瓦朗戈语(一种否定语，有反被动语和S/O支点)和英语(一种宾格语，有被动语和S/O支点)。尽管有这些截然相反的形态句法特征，Warrongo语和英语在话语中的表现几乎是相同的——在新提及、词汇提及和话题连续性方面。然而，在话语上有两点不同。首先，Warrongo语被动语和S/O枢轴比英语被动语和S/A枢轴具有更高的功能负荷。其次，瓦朗戈语的反被动语态有英语被动语态所没有的用法。(ii)然后，目前的工作表明，语法和语篇不是相互独立的，它们共享一个原则。“O > S > A”的层次结构在语法和语篇中得到了交叉语言学的证明，而与相关语言的形态句法类型无关。
{"title":"Grammar (morphosyntax) and discourse","authors":"T. Tsunoda","doi":"10.1075/sl.21064.tsu","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21064.tsu","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The present work attempts to examine the relationship between grammar and discourse. (i) First, it compares\u0000 Warrongo (an ergative language that has antipassives and an S/O pivot) and English (an accusative language that has passives and\u0000 an S/A pivot). Despite these polar opposite morphosyntactic characteristics, Warrongo and English behave almost in the same way in\u0000 discourse – in terms of new mentions, lexical mentions and topic continuity. There are, however, two differences in discourse.\u0000 First, Warrongo antipassives and S/O pivot have much higher functional loads than English passives and S/A pivot. Second, Warrongo\u0000 antipassives have a use that English passives do not have. (ii) Then, the present work shows that grammar and discourse are not\u0000 independent of each other and that they share one principle. The hierarchy of “O > S > A” is attested in grammar and\u0000 discourse crosslinguistically and irrespective of the morphosyntactic types of the languages concerned.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-01-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88969476","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
There is high hope that corpus-based approaches to language complexity will contribute to explaining linguistic diversity. Several complexity indices have consequently been proposed to compare different aspects among languages, especially in phonology and morphology. However, their robustness against changes in corpus size and content hasn’t been systematically assessed, thus impeding comparability between studies. Here, we systematically test the robustness of four complexity indices estimated from raw texts and either routinely utilized in crosslinguistic studies (Type-Token Ratio and word-level Entropy) or more recently proposed (Word Information Density and Lexical Diversity). Our results on 47 languages strongly suggest that traditional indices are more prone to fluctuation than the newer ones. Additionally, we confirm with Word Information Density the existence of a cross-linguistic trade-off between word-internal and across-word distributions of information. Finally, we implement a proof of concept suggesting that modern deep-learning language models can improve the comparability across languages with non-parallel datasets.
{"title":"Towards robust complexity indices in linguistic typology","authors":"Y. Oh, F. Pellegrino","doi":"10.1075/sl.22034.oh","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.22034.oh","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000There is high hope that corpus-based approaches to language complexity will contribute to explaining linguistic diversity. Several complexity indices have consequently been proposed to compare different aspects among languages, especially in phonology and morphology. However, their robustness against changes in corpus size and content hasn’t been systematically assessed, thus impeding comparability between studies. Here, we systematically test the robustness of four complexity indices estimated from raw texts and either routinely utilized in crosslinguistic studies (Type-Token Ratio and word-level Entropy) or more recently proposed (Word Information Density and Lexical Diversity). Our results on 47 languages strongly suggest that traditional indices are more prone to fluctuation than the newer ones. Additionally, we confirm with Word Information Density the existence of a cross-linguistic trade-off between word-internal and across-word distributions of information. Finally, we implement a proof of concept suggesting that modern deep-learning language models can improve the comparability across languages with non-parallel datasets.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81842582","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The term grammaticalization originally denoted a particular outcome of language change (lexis > morphology), then got expanded to practically all studies involving language change, the processes that create such changes, and a theory modeling these. These expansions have been challenged in the literature as conceptually flawed. A usage-based analysis of the evolution of the concept culminates in the use of the term grammaticalization as a “flag” of a particular approach to linguistics. However, the theoretical premises of grammaticalization studies are entirely compatible with the premises of Diachronic Construction Grammar (DCxG). All studies within the “expanded” concept of grammaticalization can be explicitly modeled within DCxG, which provides formalism of sufficient detail to map the gradual nature of language change in cases of grammaticalization and beyond. Consequently, the most vigorous attacks on grammaticalization lose power when grammaticalization is seen as part of a larger, more complete theory of language and language change.
{"title":"From grammaticalization to Diachronic Construction Grammar","authors":"Spike Gildea, Jóhanna Barðdal","doi":"10.1075/sl.20079.gil","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.20079.gil","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The term grammaticalization originally denoted a particular outcome of language change (lexis > morphology), then got expanded to practically all studies involving language change, the processes that create such changes, and a theory modeling these. These expansions have been challenged in the literature as conceptually flawed. A usage-based analysis of the evolution of the concept culminates in the use of the term grammaticalization as a “flag” of a particular approach to linguistics. However, the theoretical premises of grammaticalization studies are entirely compatible with the premises of Diachronic Construction Grammar (DCxG). All studies within the “expanded” concept of grammaticalization can be explicitly modeled within DCxG, which provides formalism of sufficient detail to map the gradual nature of language change in cases of grammaticalization and beyond. Consequently, the most vigorous attacks on grammaticalization lose power when grammaticalization is seen as part of a larger, more complete theory of language and language change.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90285484","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper focuses on the history of a polyfunctional case marker 𗗙 jij1 in Tangut, an extinct Rgyalrongic language (Sino-Tibetan). This versatile case morpheme is a typological rarity of maximum syncretism among several abstract case functions, including differential object marking, the genitive, and the oblique (which overlaps with the dative). For one thing, accusatives originating from datives or spatial sources are rarely found with additional genitive functions; for another, reported instances of accusative/genitive syncretism seldom include other functions. The principal hypothesis of this paper is that the Tangut 𗗙 jij1 may be the result of multiple grammaticalization processes stemming from a proto-locative source. These processes can be subsumed under two pathways, one leading from an allative to an accusative, with an intermediate oblique stage, and the other from a locative to a genitive. Although both of these development pathways are frequently attested, the Tangut 𗗙 jij1 remains a typological rarity due to their superposition.
{"title":"The history of the polyfunctional 𗗙 jij1 in Tangut","authors":"Shuya Zhang","doi":"10.1075/sl.21085.zha","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21085.zha","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This paper focuses on the history of a polyfunctional case marker 𗗙 jij1\u0000 in Tangut, an extinct Rgyalrongic language (Sino-Tibetan). This versatile case morpheme is a typological rarity of maximum syncretism among several abstract case functions, including differential object marking, the genitive, and the oblique (which overlaps with the dative). For one thing, accusatives originating from datives or spatial sources are rarely found with additional genitive functions; for another, reported instances of accusative/genitive syncretism seldom include other functions. The principal hypothesis of this paper is that the Tangut 𗗙 jij1\u0000 may be the result of multiple grammaticalization processes stemming from a proto-locative source. These processes can be subsumed under two pathways, one leading from an allative to an accusative, with an intermediate oblique stage, and the other from a locative to a genitive. Although both of these development pathways are frequently attested, the Tangut 𗗙 jij1\u0000 remains a typological rarity due to their superposition.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77548550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explores the rich diversity in structural possibilities that are available for (simple) nominal expressions in Australian languages. First, I identify a number of construction types found across a 50 language sample, which may be recognised by using a restricted set of parameters. I show that an important factor is whether a given parameter (such as word order) is generalised or displayed only by some word classes. Second, I develop a four-way typology based on how the construction types cluster in individual languages. Two types are described to some extent in the literature, but I provide a more detailed characterisation: one mostly has flexible, non-phrasal expressions and the other mostly rigid noun phrases. The other two types have not been described as such. One mostly has flexible phrases, which combine internal flexibility with phrasal case marking, and the other has distinct construction types depending on the type of modifier.
{"title":"Multiple construction types for nominal expressions in Australian languages","authors":"Dana Louagie","doi":"10.1075/sl.21008.lou","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21008.lou","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper explores the rich diversity in structural possibilities that are available for (simple) nominal\u0000 expressions in Australian languages. First, I identify a number of construction types found across a 50 language sample, which may\u0000 be recognised by using a restricted set of parameters. I show that an important factor is whether a given parameter (such as word\u0000 order) is generalised or displayed only by some word classes. Second, I develop a four-way typology based on how the construction\u0000 types cluster in individual languages. Two types are described to some extent in the literature, but I provide a more detailed\u0000 characterisation: one mostly has flexible, non-phrasal expressions and the other mostly rigid noun phrases. The other two types\u0000 have not been described as such. One mostly has flexible phrases, which combine internal flexibility with phrasal case marking,\u0000 and the other has distinct construction types depending on the type of modifier.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78564660","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
There is a long history presuming smell is not expressible in language, but numerous studies in recent years challenge this presupposition. Large smell lexica have been reported around the world thereby showing high lexical codability in this domain. Psycholinguistic studies likewise find smell can be described with relatively high agreement, demonstrating high efficient codability. Often the two go hand-in-hand: languages with high lexical codability also display high efficient codability. This study compares two Austroasiatic (Aslian) languages – Semaq Beri and Semelai – previously shown to diverge in their efficient codability for smell: Semaq Beri showed relatively high efficient codability, whereas Semelai did not. Despite this, we demonstrate that both languages have high lexical codability, i.e., large lexica of basic smell terms. This seems to be a feature of the Aslian language family, suggesting a long-standing preoccupation with odours. More generally, the dissociation between lexical and efficient codability suggests a more nuanced approach towards linguistic expressibility is necessary.
{"title":"The linguistics of odour in Semaq Beri and Semelai, two Austroasiatic languages of the Malay Peninsula","authors":"N. Kruspe, A. Majid","doi":"10.1075/sl.22004.kru","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.22004.kru","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000There is a long history presuming smell is not expressible in language, but numerous studies in recent years challenge this presupposition. Large smell lexica have been reported around the world thereby showing high lexical codability in this domain. Psycholinguistic studies likewise find smell can be described with relatively high agreement, demonstrating high efficient codability. Often the two go hand-in-hand: languages with high lexical codability also display high efficient codability. This study compares two Austroasiatic (Aslian) languages – Semaq Beri and Semelai – previously shown to diverge in their efficient codability for smell: Semaq Beri showed relatively high efficient codability, whereas Semelai did not. Despite this, we demonstrate that both languages have high lexical codability, i.e., large lexica of basic smell terms. This seems to be a feature of the Aslian language family, suggesting a long-standing preoccupation with odours. More generally, the dissociation between lexical and efficient codability suggests a more nuanced approach towards linguistic expressibility is necessary.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85076889","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article starts out from a Lithuanian construction denoting achievement of an excessive value of some parameter of an incremental event. It is verb-framed, that is, the main-clause verb denotes motion along a path towards a normative value of the parameter involved. Its implications for our understanding of the Talmyan typology of event conflation are discussed. Event conflation in the domains of spatial motion and change of state has received most attention in the literature; differences in saliency and elaboration, and the importance of constraints on the lexicalization of path (result) and manner, have been pointed out. The Lithuanian verb-framed constructions discussed here are, however, similar to those in the domain of ‘temporal contouring’ in that they involve an incremental path superimposed on the path-to-result lexicalized in the embedded predicate. This extension beyond the core domains of spatial motion and change of state represents another dimension of the Talmyan typology, largely overlooked until now.
{"title":"A hitherto unnoticed type of verb-framed construction in Lithuanian and the typology of event\u0000 conflation","authors":"Axel Holvoet","doi":"10.1075/sl.21082.hol","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21082.hol","url":null,"abstract":"The article starts out from a Lithuanian construction denoting achievement of an excessive value of some parameter\u0000 of an incremental event. It is verb-framed, that is, the main-clause verb denotes motion along a path towards a normative value of\u0000 the parameter involved. Its implications for our understanding of the Talmyan typology of event conflation are discussed. Event\u0000 conflation in the domains of spatial motion and change of state has received most attention in the literature; differences in\u0000 saliency and elaboration, and the importance of constraints on the lexicalization of path (result) and manner, have been pointed\u0000 out. The Lithuanian verb-framed constructions discussed here are, however, similar to those in the domain of ‘temporal contouring’\u0000 in that they involve an incremental path superimposed on the path-to-result lexicalized in the embedded predicate. This extension\u0000 beyond the core domains of spatial motion and change of state represents another dimension of the Talmyan typology, largely\u0000 overlooked until now.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81352284","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study investigates the relationship between progressive patterns and present and past time reference. First, it looks at the shared distribution of more than 90 progressives in two parallel corpora and discusses the characteristics of these contexts. It is shown that while progressives are used for dramatic and topical events in the present, they are typically used as backgrounding, supportive material in the past. Second, it is shown that progressives generally have more occurrences in contexts with present time reference than past, this is especially true for progressives with many uses, i.e. more grammaticalized progressives. And third, a number of progressives temporally restricted are presented. Two historical explanations for these restrictions are provided, both of which result from the higher frequency of present uses over past.
{"title":"Progressives in present and past","authors":"Ghazaleh Vafaeian","doi":"10.1075/sl.20009.vaf","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.20009.vaf","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This study investigates the relationship between progressive patterns and present and past time reference. First,\u0000 it looks at the shared distribution of more than 90 progressives in two parallel corpora and discusses the characteristics of\u0000 these contexts. It is shown that while progressives are used for dramatic and topical events in the present, they are typically\u0000 used as backgrounding, supportive material in the past. Second, it is shown that progressives generally have more occurrences in\u0000 contexts with present time reference than past, this is especially true for progressives with many uses, i.e. more grammaticalized\u0000 progressives. And third, a number of progressives temporally restricted are presented. Two historical explanations for these\u0000 restrictions are provided, both of which result from the higher frequency of present uses over past.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75624396","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Cross-linguistically, very few complete sentences, as opposed to a myriad of phrases, lexicalize to become words. I here offer an account for this skewed distribution, along the lines of Construction Grammar, by analyzing a set of mono-clausal sentences in Hebrew which have indeed become – or are on the verge of becoming – words. I adopt the distinction between categorical and thetic propositions, and show that only the latter can evolve into words. A thetic – unlike a categorical – proposition, much like a verb-phrase, enables a tight semantic bonding between its components to form an ‘interpretatively cohesive’ unit, which may lead to semantic change. An evaluative thetic – unlike a categorical – proposition is comment-like, hence ‘semantically-incomplete’, and in need of a topic from prior discourse to predicate on, which may lead to a change in grammatical status. All verb-phrases meet these two criteria but only few sentences do, hence, I argue, the skewed distribution of sources from which new words evolve.
{"title":"It’s all about the sentential construction","authors":"Israela Becker","doi":"10.1075/sl.21006.bec","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21006.bec","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Cross-linguistically, very few complete sentences, as opposed to a myriad of phrases, lexicalize to become words.\u0000 I here offer an account for this skewed distribution, along the lines of Construction Grammar, by analyzing a set of mono-clausal\u0000 sentences in Hebrew which have indeed become – or are on the verge of becoming – words. I adopt the distinction between\u0000 categorical and thetic propositions, and show that only the latter can evolve into words. A thetic – unlike a categorical –\u0000 proposition, much like a verb-phrase, enables a tight semantic bonding between its components to form an ‘interpretatively\u0000 cohesive’ unit, which may lead to semantic change. An evaluative thetic – unlike a categorical – proposition is comment-like,\u0000 hence ‘semantically-incomplete’, and in need of a topic from prior discourse to predicate on, which may lead to a change in\u0000 grammatical status. All verb-phrases meet these two criteria but only few sentences do, hence, I argue, the skewed distribution of\u0000 sources from which new words evolve.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82686103","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Van der Auwera & Vossen (2017) identify an intriguing shift from a copula to a negative marker in the Tibeto-Burman Kiranti group, and discuss it as a possible example of Jespersen’s Cycle. This paper traces a fuller history of the copula #ni, and presents an account of its association with negation, which is attested in several other Tibeto-Burman languages besides Kiranti. In most Tibeto-Burman languages the equational copula is “optional”, occurring in affirmative sentences only with a contrastive or emphatic sense. For this reason copulas often develop into sentence-final stance markers. Since negation is morphologically marked on verbs, a negated equational sentence requires an overt copula which can be negated. This paper presents data showing how this association of the presence of a copula with negation has resulted in the negative sense becoming associated with and, in a few cases, becoming the direct meaning of the erstwhile copula.
Van der Auwera & Vossen(2017)在西藏-缅甸基兰蒂群体中发现了一个有趣的从copula到负面标记的转变，并将其作为Jespersen周期的一个可能的例子进行了讨论。本文追溯了连字#ni的更完整的历史，并介绍了它与否定的联系，这在除基兰提语外的其他几种藏缅语中得到证实。在大多数藏缅语中，等号连词是“可选的”，只出现在具有对比或强调意义的肯定句中。由于这个原因，连词经常发展成句子结尾的立场标记。由于动词在形态上有否定的标记，因此否定的等式句需要一个可以被否定的显性连词。这篇论文提供的数据表明，联系词的存在与否定的联系是如何导致否定意义与以前的联系词联系在一起的，在少数情况下，成为直接意义。
{"title":"Copula to negator","authors":"Scott DeLancey","doi":"10.1075/sl.21065.del","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21065.del","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 Van der Auwera & Vossen (2017) identify an intriguing shift from a\u0000 copula to a negative marker in the Tibeto-Burman Kiranti group, and discuss it as a possible example of Jespersen’s Cycle. This\u0000 paper traces a fuller history of the copula #ni, and presents an account of its association with negation, which\u0000 is attested in several other Tibeto-Burman languages besides Kiranti. In most Tibeto-Burman languages the equational copula is\u0000 “optional”, occurring in affirmative sentences only with a contrastive or emphatic sense. For this reason copulas often develop\u0000 into sentence-final stance markers. Since negation is morphologically marked on verbs, a negated equational sentence requires an\u0000 overt copula which can be negated. This paper presents data showing how this association of the presence of a copula with negation\u0000 has resulted in the negative sense becoming associated with and, in a few cases, becoming the direct meaning of the erstwhile\u0000 copula.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88539253","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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