Kamang (Alor-Pantar, non-Austronesian/Papuan) has a typologically unusual system of argument indexing, in which the S or P argument can be indexed on the verb by one of several prefix paradigms. Some verbs always show indexing, while others exhibit differential argument indexing (DAI). In DAI, the use of a particular prefix paradigm or zero marking depends on different (combinations of) factors. We investigate the effects of argument role (S, P), independent argument realisation, the animacy and topicality of the indexed argument, and lexical stipulation. We perform a quantitative analysis of these factors for the first time in Kamang discourse, drawing on an annotated corpus of spoken Kamang. A complex picture emerges in which Kamang argument indexing is best viewed not as a single system, but as multiple subsystems for which different factors are relevant in a given context, and which do not operate on all verbs or all indexing strategies equally.
{"title":"Argument indexing in Kamang","authors":"Katherine Walker, Pegah Faghiri, E. van Lier","doi":"10.1075/sl.21077.wal","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21077.wal","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Kamang (Alor-Pantar, non-Austronesian/Papuan) has a typologically unusual system of argument indexing, in which the S or P argument can be indexed on the verb by one of several prefix paradigms. Some verbs always show indexing, while others exhibit differential argument indexing (DAI). In DAI, the use of a particular prefix paradigm or zero marking depends on different (combinations of) factors. We investigate the effects of argument role (S, P), independent argument realisation, the animacy and topicality of the indexed argument, and lexical stipulation. We perform a quantitative analysis of these factors for the first time in Kamang discourse, drawing on an annotated corpus of spoken Kamang. A complex picture emerges in which Kamang argument indexing is best viewed not as a single system, but as multiple subsystems for which different factors are relevant in a given context, and which do not operate on all verbs or all indexing strategies equally.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82290907","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
An OSV word order that deviates from the canonical SVO word order is typically viewed as derived through movement. This theory has been widely supported by psycholinguistic studies showing that the displaced constituents are mentally reactivated at the gap positions. However, some cognitive-functionalists have proposed an alternative account: in a topic-prominent language like Chinese, topic is the basic unit of a sentence that delimits the frame within which the main predication holds. The present study adopts the cross-modal antecedent priming technique to test whether the sentence-initial object is structurally associated with the verb in native speakers’ online processing. Results of two experiments show that the sentence-initial object is not associated with the verb whatsoever, neither lexically nor structurally, shedding light on the typological characteristics of Chinese as a topic-prominent language. However, the processing of the antecedent object was shown facilitated at the post-quantifier position.
{"title":"The psycholinguistic realization of topic in Chinese","authors":"Liulin Zhang","doi":"10.1075/sl.22041.zha","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.22041.zha","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 An OSV word order that deviates from the canonical SVO word order is typically viewed as derived through movement.\u0000 This theory has been widely supported by psycholinguistic studies showing that the displaced constituents are mentally reactivated\u0000 at the gap positions. However, some cognitive-functionalists have proposed an alternative account: in a topic-prominent language\u0000 like Chinese, topic is the basic unit of a sentence that delimits the frame within which the main predication holds. The present\u0000 study adopts the cross-modal antecedent priming technique to test whether the sentence-initial object is structurally associated\u0000 with the verb in native speakers’ online processing. Results of two experiments show that the sentence-initial object is not\u0000 associated with the verb whatsoever, neither lexically nor structurally, shedding light on the typological characteristics of\u0000 Chinese as a topic-prominent language. However, the processing of the antecedent object was shown facilitated at the\u0000 post-quantifier position.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":"73 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89434858","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Longxi Qiang, a Tibeto-Burman language, the verb agreement system is not marking a syntactic function or semantic role. Previous studies of the Qiang language have argued that person markings reflect the person and number of the agent. My analysis based on a large amount of natural data, however, reveals several different uses of person marking. First, person marking does not always agree with the agent. It can also be used to mark non-agent, such as the possessor, recipient, beneficiary, or patient. Second, the person markings in imperatives differ from those in non-imperatives. Finally, person marking may be omitted in certain contexts.
{"title":"Person marking in Longxi Qiang","authors":"Wuxi Zheng","doi":"10.1075/sl.22032.zhe","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.22032.zhe","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In Longxi Qiang, a Tibeto-Burman language, the verb agreement system is not marking a syntactic function or semantic role. Previous studies of the Qiang language have argued that person markings reflect the person and number of the agent. My analysis based on a large amount of natural data, however, reveals several different uses of person marking. First, person marking does not always agree with the agent. It can also be used to mark non-agent, such as the possessor, recipient, beneficiary, or patient. Second, the person markings in imperatives differ from those in non-imperatives. Finally, person marking may be omitted in certain contexts.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80131912","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jens G. Fischer, Bastian Persohn, Veronika Ritt-Benmimoun
This paper gives a corpus-based descriptive account of the phasal polarity system (still, already, not yet, and no longer) in the Arabic vernacular of Tunisia. The aim is to broaden the empirical foundations for cross-linguistic research in this domain, and to narrow the gap between typologically oriented and philological research on Arabic varieties. Like many languages (van Baar 1997: 118), Tunisian Arabic has autochthonous expressions for the three concepts still, not yet, and no longer. still is primarily expressed via a construction < ‘has not ceased’. Despite its conceptual transparency, this appears to be a cross-linguistically uncommon source. not yet is expressed via the inner negation of still, and no longer via a construction < ‘has not repeated’. For already, northern sedentary varieties have borrowed from French (replacing an older autochthonous expression), whereas southern Bedouin varieties have a “gap” in their system. The description further includes notes on the synchronic and diachronic variation of individual items, and functions of these outside the realm of phasal polarity.
本文给出了一个基于语料库的描述相极性系统(仍然，已经，尚未，不再)在突尼斯的阿拉伯白话。目的是拓宽这一领域跨语言研究的经验基础，缩小阿拉伯语变体类型学研究和文献学研究之间的差距。像许多语言一样(van Baar 1997: 118)，突尼斯阿拉伯语对这三个概念仍然，还没有，也不再有本土表达。Still主要通过结构< ' has not stopped '来表达。尽管它的概念透明，这似乎是一个跨语言不常见的来源。Not yet通过still的内部否定来表达，而不再通过结构< ' has Not repeat '来表达。北部定居的品种已经从法语中借用(取代了一个更古老的本土表达)，而南部贝都因的品种在他们的体系中有一个“缺口”。该描述进一步包括对单个项目的共时性和历时性变化的注释，以及这些在相位极性领域之外的功能。
{"title":"Phasal polarity in Tunisian Arabic","authors":"Jens G. Fischer, Bastian Persohn, Veronika Ritt-Benmimoun","doi":"10.1075/sl.22043.fis","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.22043.fis","url":null,"abstract":"This paper gives a corpus-based descriptive account of the phasal polarity system (still,\u0000 already, not yet, and no longer) in the Arabic vernacular of Tunisia. The aim is to broaden the\u0000 empirical foundations for cross-linguistic research in this domain, and to narrow the gap between typologically oriented and\u0000 philological research on Arabic varieties. Like many languages (van Baar 1997: 118),\u0000 Tunisian Arabic has autochthonous expressions for the three concepts still, not yet, and no longer.\u0000 still is primarily expressed via a construction < ‘has not ceased’. Despite its conceptual transparency, this\u0000 appears to be a cross-linguistically uncommon source. not yet is expressed via the inner negation of still, and\u0000 no longer via a construction < ‘has not repeated’. For already, northern sedentary varieties have\u0000 borrowed from French (replacing an older autochthonous expression), whereas southern Bedouin varieties have a “gap” in their\u0000 system. The description further includes notes on the synchronic and diachronic variation of individual items, and functions of\u0000 these outside the realm of phasal polarity.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":"52 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79401887","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study investigates the constructional categorization of multi-predicate sentences in Saisiyat. This type of complex sentences simultaneously involves features of serial verb construction and complementation in Saisiyat, which give rise to indeterminacy in constructional categorization. In order to solve this problem, the current study probes into the categorization between serial verb construction and complementation regarding Aarts’ (2007) constructional gradience and semantic relations (Van Valin & LaPolla 1997). The investigation demonstrates a discrete boundary between the two constructions with convergence on each other, while subtypes of multi-predicate sentences are aligned on the convergence based on intra- and inter-categorical relations. Two structural dependencies are proposed to carry out a taxonomy of Saisiyat complex sentences. A theoretical implication derives from this study that Saisiyat multi-predicate sentences are manifestations of formalized morphosyntactic configurations with a pairing of particularized semantic relations instead of coinage based on analogic conventionalization (Fillmore 1997; Goldberg 2019).
{"title":"The constructional categorization of Saisiyat multi-predicate sentences","authors":"Chien-pang Wang","doi":"10.1075/sl.21034.wan","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21034.wan","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates the constructional categorization of multi-predicate sentences in Saisiyat. This type of\u0000 complex sentences simultaneously involves features of serial verb construction and complementation in Saisiyat, which give rise to\u0000 indeterminacy in constructional categorization. In order to solve this problem, the current study probes into the categorization\u0000 between serial verb construction and complementation regarding Aarts’ (2007)\u0000 constructional gradience and semantic relations (Van Valin & LaPolla 1997). The\u0000 investigation demonstrates a discrete boundary between the two constructions with convergence on each other, while subtypes of\u0000 multi-predicate sentences are aligned on the convergence based on intra- and inter-categorical relations. Two structural\u0000 dependencies are proposed to carry out a taxonomy of Saisiyat complex sentences. A theoretical implication derives from this study\u0000 that Saisiyat multi-predicate sentences are manifestations of formalized morphosyntactic configurations with a pairing of\u0000 particularized semantic relations instead of coinage based on analogic conventionalization (Fillmore 1997; Goldberg 2019).","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":"60 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-03-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84519081","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite a longstanding tradition of studies in Sanskrit compounds, a description that enables comparisons in cross-linguistic perspective has not yet been worked out. The present article follows classificatory criteria introduced by Bisetto & Scalise (2005, 2009) and sketches a typology of compounds in the most archaic variety of Sanskrit, Early Vedic, as transmitted by the RigVeda. Analyzing compounds on the basis of the grammatical relations holding between their constituents provides a classification into coordinate, subordinate, and attributive compounds, with the endocentric/exocentric divide cutting across all classes. In order to identify the position of Early Vedic compounds on the syntax-morphology continuum, the article investigates the degree of cohesiveness at the level of morphology, prosody, syntax, and semantics. With this respect, the RigVeda offers a varied picture where relics of archaic, less cohesive forms occur side-to-side with more productive and word-like ones.
{"title":"Early Vedic compounds","authors":"Erica Biagetti","doi":"10.1075/sl.20069.bia","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.20069.bia","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Despite a longstanding tradition of studies in Sanskrit compounds, a description that enables comparisons in\u0000 cross-linguistic perspective has not yet been worked out. The present article follows classificatory criteria introduced by\u0000 Bisetto & Scalise (2005, 2009) and\u0000 sketches a typology of compounds in the most archaic variety of Sanskrit, Early Vedic, as transmitted by the\u0000 RigVeda. Analyzing compounds on the basis of the grammatical relations holding between their constituents\u0000 provides a classification into coordinate, subordinate, and attributive compounds, with the endocentric/exocentric divide cutting\u0000 across all classes. In order to identify the position of Early Vedic compounds on the syntax-morphology continuum,\u0000 the article investigates the degree of cohesiveness at the level of morphology, prosody, syntax, and semantics. With this respect,\u0000 the RigVeda offers a varied picture where relics of archaic, less cohesive forms occur side-to-side with more\u0000 productive and word-like ones.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":"39 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90058156","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article deals with simulative derivations, meaning ‘pretend (to be) X’, where X stands for a verb or a noun. It shows that these derivations have three main origins: incorporation, denominal derivation and combination of reflexive and causative. It also systematically discusses the corresponding analytic constructions.
{"title":"Simulative derivations in crosslinguistic perspective and their diachronic sources","authors":"Guillaume Jacques","doi":"10.1075/sl.22054.jac","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.22054.jac","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article deals with simulative derivations, meaning ‘pretend (to be) X’, where X stands for a verb or a noun. It shows that these derivations have three main origins: incorporation, denominal derivation and combination of reflexive and causative. It also systematically discusses the corresponding analytic constructions.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-01-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75019711","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Gutob (Munda, India) S/A indexes can attach to other hosts apart from the verb, unconstrained by syntax. Previous studies have described non-verbal index placement in Gutob as exceptional, establishing verbal indexes as the default. This paper presents the first case study on the placement of Gutob indexes based on corpus data. Our analysis shows that although index placement in Gutob is in fact conditioned by discourse effects, non-verbal clitics cannot be considered particularly exceptional. They are employed to allocate attention to constituents and express engagement with a particular piece of information. In other languages where index placement is similarly flexible, it has been ascribed to the host being in focus. However, we argue although the effects of index placement in Gutob might pertain to what is usually subsumed under this category, other effects like newness, quantification, requested information or negation are not necessarily associated with index placement in Gutob.
{"title":"Variable index placement in Gutob from a typological perspective","authors":"Erika Just, J. Voss","doi":"10.1075/sl.21042.jus","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21042.jus","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In Gutob (Munda, India) S/A indexes can attach to other hosts apart from the verb, unconstrained by syntax. Previous studies have described non-verbal index placement in Gutob as exceptional, establishing verbal indexes as the default. This paper presents the first case study on the placement of Gutob indexes based on corpus data. Our analysis shows that although index placement in Gutob is in fact conditioned by discourse effects, non-verbal clitics cannot be considered particularly exceptional. They are employed to allocate attention to constituents and express engagement with a particular piece of information. In other languages where index placement is similarly flexible, it has been ascribed to the host being in focus. However, we argue although the effects of index placement in Gutob might pertain to what is usually subsumed under this category, other effects like newness, quantification, requested information or negation are not necessarily associated with index placement in Gutob.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":"27 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-01-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84294830","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pin-Hsi Patrick Chen, K. Osei-Tutu, Neda Taherkhani
This paper proposes an analysis of telicity in motion predicates within the framework of the Exo-Skeletal Model (Borer 2005b). We hypothesize that a motion event is syntactically represented by a Path component, the core of which is a vP that introduces a Figure argument. This Path component is interpreted as quantity in the sense of Borer (2005b) when there is a certain type of morpheme present in the structure, such as a verb that denotes the reaching of an endpoint. A quantity Path component can then assign a semantic value to a functional projection called AspQP, which returns a telic interpretation. Data from Mandarin, Ghanaian Student Pidgin, and Southern Tati show AspQP can be assigned a value either with or without overt head movement. We further propose a distinction between Path and direction, which explains data that were left unexplained in previous studies and seemingly contradict our claim.
{"title":"A cross-linguistic syntactic analysis of telicity in motion predicates in Southern Tati, Mandarin, and Ghanaian Student\u0000 Pidgin","authors":"Pin-Hsi Patrick Chen, K. Osei-Tutu, Neda Taherkhani","doi":"10.1075/sl.22014.che","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.22014.che","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper proposes an analysis of telicity in motion predicates within the framework of the Exo-Skeletal Model\u0000 (Borer 2005b). We hypothesize that a motion event is syntactically represented by a\u0000 Path component, the core of which is a vP that introduces a Figure argument. This Path component is interpreted\u0000 as quantity in the sense of Borer (2005b) when there is a certain type of morpheme\u0000 present in the structure, such as a verb that denotes the reaching of an endpoint. A quantity Path component can then assign a\u0000 semantic value to a functional projection called AspQP, which returns a telic interpretation. Data from Mandarin,\u0000 Ghanaian Student Pidgin, and Southern Tati show AspQP can be assigned a value either with or without overt head\u0000 movement. We further propose a distinction between Path and direction, which explains data that were left unexplained in previous\u0000 studies and seemingly contradict our claim.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-01-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90591509","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present work attempts to examine the relationship between grammar and discourse. (i) First, it compares Warrongo (an ergative language that has antipassives and an S/O pivot) and English (an accusative language that has passives and an S/A pivot). Despite these polar opposite morphosyntactic characteristics, Warrongo and English behave almost in the same way in discourse – in terms of new mentions, lexical mentions and topic continuity. There are, however, two differences in discourse. First, Warrongo antipassives and S/O pivot have much higher functional loads than English passives and S/A pivot. Second, Warrongo antipassives have a use that English passives do not have. (ii) Then, the present work shows that grammar and discourse are not independent of each other and that they share one principle. The hierarchy of “O > S > A” is attested in grammar and discourse crosslinguistically and irrespective of the morphosyntactic types of the languages concerned.
本文试图探讨语法与语篇之间的关系。(1)首先，比较了瓦朗戈语(一种否定语，有反被动语和S/O支点)和英语(一种宾格语，有被动语和S/O支点)。尽管有这些截然相反的形态句法特征，Warrongo语和英语在话语中的表现几乎是相同的——在新提及、词汇提及和话题连续性方面。然而，在话语上有两点不同。首先，Warrongo语被动语和S/O枢轴比英语被动语和S/A枢轴具有更高的功能负荷。其次，瓦朗戈语的反被动语态有英语被动语态所没有的用法。(ii)然后，目前的工作表明，语法和语篇不是相互独立的，它们共享一个原则。“O > S > A”的层次结构在语法和语篇中得到了交叉语言学的证明，而与相关语言的形态句法类型无关。
{"title":"Grammar (morphosyntax) and discourse","authors":"T. Tsunoda","doi":"10.1075/sl.21064.tsu","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21064.tsu","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The present work attempts to examine the relationship between grammar and discourse. (i) First, it compares\u0000 Warrongo (an ergative language that has antipassives and an S/O pivot) and English (an accusative language that has passives and\u0000 an S/A pivot). Despite these polar opposite morphosyntactic characteristics, Warrongo and English behave almost in the same way in\u0000 discourse – in terms of new mentions, lexical mentions and topic continuity. There are, however, two differences in discourse.\u0000 First, Warrongo antipassives and S/O pivot have much higher functional loads than English passives and S/A pivot. Second, Warrongo\u0000 antipassives have a use that English passives do not have. (ii) Then, the present work shows that grammar and discourse are not\u0000 independent of each other and that they share one principle. The hierarchy of “O > S > A” is attested in grammar and\u0000 discourse crosslinguistically and irrespective of the morphosyntactic types of the languages concerned.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":"52 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-01-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88969476","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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