Abaza (Northwest Caucasian) has two perfective tenses which mark events in the past. In single clauses, however, one of them has a discontinuous interpretation. Recently, it has been argued that at least in some languages a discontinuous interpretation of past forms is a pragmatical implicature rather than a part of the encoded meaning. The aim of the paper is to describe the functions of the Abaza perfective past tenses and investigate the origin of the discontinuous interpretation in Abaza. Special attention is paid to the distribution of two tenses in various types of finite and non-finite clauses. The data show that there is no obligatory discontinuous interpretation in the syntactic environments where only one of the tenses can be used. However, the discontinuous interpretation does arise if two tenses compete with each other. Thus, the discontinuous implicature in Abaza can be considered a pragmatical implicature.
{"title":"Discontinuous past interpretation in Abaza","authors":"Evgenia Klyagina","doi":"10.1075/sl.23026.kly","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.23026.kly","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Abaza (Northwest Caucasian) has two perfective tenses which mark events in the past. In single clauses, however,\u0000 one of them has a discontinuous interpretation. Recently, it has been argued that at least in some languages a discontinuous\u0000 interpretation of past forms is a pragmatical implicature rather than a part of the encoded meaning. The aim of the paper is to\u0000 describe the functions of the Abaza perfective past tenses and investigate the origin of the discontinuous interpretation in\u0000 Abaza. Special attention is paid to the distribution of two tenses in various types of finite and non-finite clauses. The data\u0000 show that there is no obligatory discontinuous interpretation in the syntactic environments where only one of the tenses can be\u0000 used. However, the discontinuous interpretation does arise if two tenses compete with each other. Thus, the discontinuous\u0000 implicature in Abaza can be considered a pragmatical implicature.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-06-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141381030","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Hannah Gibson, C. Githiora, Fridah Kanana Erastus, Lutz Marten
This paper examines the morphosyntax of the East African Swahili-based urban youth language or stylect Sheng. Research on urban youth languages has often focused on these varieties as sites of rapid change and linguistic creativity. However, we show that many of the structural features which appear to make Sheng stand out when compared to (Standard) Swahili are widespread across East African Bantu languages. We examine nominal and verbal domains, as well as clausal syntax, and highlight areas in which Sheng exhibits features in common with its contact languages, as well as features which appear to reflect instances of independent innovation. The study shows that Sheng is not a “simplified” version of Swahili which deviates from the grammar of Swahili in a range of ad hoc ways. Rather, the language exhibits features of retention and contact-induced borrowing, as well as systematic changes which are reflective of variation across the Bantu languages.
{"title":"Morphosyntactic retention and innovation in Sheng, a youth language or stylect of Kenya","authors":"Hannah Gibson, C. Githiora, Fridah Kanana Erastus, Lutz Marten","doi":"10.1075/sl.22017.gib","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.22017.gib","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper examines the morphosyntax of the East African Swahili-based urban youth language or stylect Sheng.\u0000 Research on urban youth languages has often focused on these varieties as sites of rapid change and linguistic creativity.\u0000 However, we show that many of the structural features which appear to make Sheng stand out when compared to (Standard) Swahili are\u0000 widespread across East African Bantu languages. We examine nominal and verbal domains, as well as clausal syntax, and highlight\u0000 areas in which Sheng exhibits features in common with its contact languages, as well as features which appear to reflect instances\u0000 of independent innovation. The study shows that Sheng is not a “simplified” version of Swahili which deviates from the grammar of\u0000 Swahili in a range of ad hoc ways. Rather, the language exhibits features of retention and contact-induced borrowing, as well as\u0000 systematic changes which are reflective of variation across the Bantu languages.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-06-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141379241","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
T. Crane, Remah Lubambo, M Petrus Mabena, Cordelia Nkwinika, Muhle Sibisi, Onelisa Slater
We employ a cluster approach to explore the comparative semantic maps of several markers of modal possibility – the “potential” prefix nga‑ and expressions meaning, roughly, ‘know how to’ and ‘be able to’ – in four South African Nguni languages: isiNdebele, isiZulu, isiXhosa, Siswati. We also compare the Nguni results with results from Xitsonga, a closely related language outside of the Nguni clade. The languages exhibit cross-linguistic differences in the expansion of core meanings, some of which do not appear to follow the cross-linguistically common diachronic pattern in which goal-oriented modality precedes deontic modality. In addition, the distinction between inherent and learned ability is salient in several of these languages. Semantic maps of the markers’ functional distributions further show the diversity of modal systems that can be found even in closely related languages in significant contact with one another.
{"title":"What can be said?","authors":"T. Crane, Remah Lubambo, M Petrus Mabena, Cordelia Nkwinika, Muhle Sibisi, Onelisa Slater","doi":"10.1075/sl.22074.cra","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.22074.cra","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 We employ a cluster approach to explore the comparative semantic maps of several markers of modal possibility –\u0000 the “potential” prefix nga‑ and expressions meaning, roughly, ‘know how to’ and ‘be able to’ – in four South\u0000 African Nguni languages: isiNdebele, isiZulu, isiXhosa, Siswati. We also compare the Nguni results with results from Xitsonga, a\u0000 closely related language outside of the Nguni clade. The languages exhibit cross-linguistic differences in the expansion of core\u0000 meanings, some of which do not appear to follow the cross-linguistically common diachronic pattern in which goal-oriented modality\u0000 precedes deontic modality. In addition, the distinction between inherent and learned ability is salient in several of these\u0000 languages. Semantic maps of the markers’ functional distributions further show the diversity of modal systems that can be found\u0000 even in closely related languages in significant contact with one another.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141103110","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, we explore how changes in the inflection class membership of verbs in Matlatzinca (Oto-Pamean, Oto-Manguean, Mexico) lead to changes in both their valency and meaning. In Matlatzinca, verbs often exhibit multiple class membership so that a given verb may be inflected as transitive in one class but as intransitive in another. For instance, the verb chun+ta, when inflected in different classes, can encompass diverse meanings: the action of ‘waking someone up’; the result state of ‘being awake’; and the spontaneous event of ‘waking up’. This linguistic phenomenon is intriguing from both a typological and a theoretical perspective as it challenges our understanding of lexical representation by prompting the question of whether these meanings represent distinct lexical entries or various construals of the same verb (Spencer 2013).
{"title":"Inflection class interactions and valency changes in Matlatzinca","authors":"E. Palancar, Leonardo Carranza Martínez","doi":"10.1075/sl.23018.pal","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.23018.pal","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In this paper, we explore how changes in the inflection class membership of verbs in Matlatzinca (Oto-Pamean, Oto-Manguean, Mexico) lead to changes in both their valency and meaning. In Matlatzinca, verbs often exhibit multiple class membership so that a given verb may be inflected as transitive in one class but as intransitive in another. For instance, the verb chun+ta, when inflected in different classes, can encompass diverse meanings: the action of ‘waking someone up’; the result state of ‘being awake’; and the spontaneous event of ‘waking up’. This linguistic phenomenon is intriguing from both a typological and a theoretical perspective as it challenges our understanding of lexical representation by prompting the question of whether these meanings represent distinct lexical entries or various construals of the same verb (Spencer 2013).","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141008011","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
One cross-linguistically recurrent asymmetry between affirmation and negation is the neutralization of tense-aspect distinctions in negatives. A functional explanation proposed for this is that in their typical discourse context negatives have less need for temporal specification than affirmatives and in some languages this discourse preference is reflected as fewer tense-aspect distinctions in grammar. To examine whether such a discourse preference exists, we compare the use of temporal adverbials in affirmatives and negatives in English, Finnish and Korean corpus data. The results provide qualified support for the hypothesized discourse preference: in English and Korean, affirmatives are likelier to have temporal adverbials than negatives, but Finnish shows no statistically significant difference. In English and Finnish, affirmatives are likelier than negatives to contain adjuncts indicating temporal position. Verb semantics is found to interact with temporal specifications. The study also uncovers further differences between affirmatives and negatives in the use of adverbials.
{"title":"Asymmetry in temporal specification between affirmation and negation","authors":"Matti Miestamo, Olli O. Silvennoinen, C. Yurayong","doi":"10.1075/sl.23036.mie","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.23036.mie","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 One cross-linguistically recurrent asymmetry between affirmation and negation is the neutralization of\u0000 tense-aspect distinctions in negatives. A functional explanation proposed for this is that in their typical discourse context\u0000 negatives have less need for temporal specification than affirmatives and in some languages this discourse preference is reflected\u0000 as fewer tense-aspect distinctions in grammar. To examine whether such a discourse preference exists, we compare the use of\u0000 temporal adverbials in affirmatives and negatives in English, Finnish and Korean corpus data. The results provide qualified\u0000 support for the hypothesized discourse preference: in English and Korean, affirmatives are likelier to have temporal adverbials\u0000 than negatives, but Finnish shows no statistically significant difference. In English and Finnish, affirmatives are likelier than\u0000 negatives to contain adjuncts indicating temporal position. Verb semantics is found to interact with temporal specifications. The\u0000 study also uncovers further differences between affirmatives and negatives in the use of adverbials.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141009582","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Lalo Yi (Tibeto-Burman; China) makes systematic distinctions in the encoding of specificity with numerically-quantified nominals. Whereas specific indefinite NPs involve the presence of an article nikhe in an NP-internal position [Noun nikhe Numeral Classifier], non-specific existentially-asserted indefinites require the use of a syntactically discontinuous floating quantifier pattern [NP…Numeral-Classifier…]. A third, distinctive patterning is found with weak, non-specific indefinites (indefinites that are not existentially asserted). This paper describes these previously undocumented contrastive forms in Lalo Yi and how the language has developed a strikingly transparent linking between morpho-syntax and semantics/pragmatics in the domain of nominal phrases.
{"title":"Specificity contrasts in Lalo Yi","authors":"Yaqing Hu, Andrew Simpson","doi":"10.1075/sl.23038.hu","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.23038.hu","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Lalo Yi (Tibeto-Burman; China) makes systematic distinctions in the encoding of specificity with\u0000 numerically-quantified nominals. Whereas specific indefinite NPs involve the presence of an article nikhe in an\u0000 NP-internal position [Noun nikhe Numeral Classifier], non-specific existentially-asserted indefinites require the\u0000 use of a syntactically discontinuous floating quantifier pattern [NP…Numeral-Classifier…]. A third, distinctive patterning is\u0000 found with weak, non-specific indefinites (indefinites that are not existentially asserted). This paper describes these previously\u0000 undocumented contrastive forms in Lalo Yi and how the language has developed a strikingly transparent linking between\u0000 morpho-syntax and semantics/pragmatics in the domain of nominal phrases.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140654949","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper introduces the main notions that are addressed in this special issue, namely evidentiality, modality, and grammaticalization. It defines each notion and briefly synthesizes the literature. It also presents some of the controversies which surround the ideas that prevail in these research fields. Crosslinguistic examples illustrate the main evidential and modal categories, and clarify why the two domains are both distinct and related. The paper then sketches the main pathways of grammaticalization of modal and evidential markers as they have been documented in typological work. Finally, it introduces the contributions to this special issue, highlights the new insights, and discusses what remains to be investigated on the links between evidentiality, modality, and grammaticalization.
{"title":"The links between evidentiality, modality, and grammaticalization","authors":"Eric Mélac","doi":"10.1075/sl.24011.mel","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.24011.mel","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper introduces the main notions that are addressed in this special issue, namely evidentiality, modality,\u0000 and grammaticalization. It defines each notion and briefly synthesizes the literature. It also presents some of the controversies\u0000 which surround the ideas that prevail in these research fields. Crosslinguistic examples illustrate the main evidential and modal\u0000 categories, and clarify why the two domains are both distinct and related. The paper then sketches the main pathways of\u0000 grammaticalization of modal and evidential markers as they have been documented in typological work. Finally, it introduces the\u0000 contributions to this special issue, highlights the new insights, and discusses what remains to be investigated on the links\u0000 between evidentiality, modality, and grammaticalization.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140730793","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The parts of speech system and lexical flexibility in Mandarin Chinese (henceforth Chinese) has long been subjects of debate due to the pervasive zero coding of action reference constructions. In this article, we analyze properties of the Chinese Action Reference Construction from the perspective of Radical Construction Grammar (Croft 2001, 2022), focusing on its structural coding, behavioral potential, productivity, and semantic shifts. We also discuss typological features that potentially reinforce lexical flexibility in Chinese, and the implications that the language-specific properties of Chinese present for cross-linguistic discussions of parts of speech. Specifically, reference, instead of predication, is the most flexible information-packaging function in Chinese, challenging the privileged status of predication established in previous studies on parts of speech and lexical flexibility.
{"title":"The action reference construction in Mandarin Chinese and typology of lexical flexibility","authors":"Liwei Gong, Satoshi Uehara","doi":"10.1075/sl.23010.gon","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.23010.gon","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The parts of speech system and lexical flexibility in Mandarin Chinese (henceforth Chinese) has long been subjects\u0000 of debate due to the pervasive zero coding of action reference constructions. In this article, we analyze properties of the\u0000 Chinese Action Reference Construction from the perspective of Radical Construction Grammar (Croft 2001, 2022), focusing on its structural coding, behavioral potential,\u0000 productivity, and semantic shifts. We also discuss typological features that potentially reinforce lexical flexibility in Chinese,\u0000 and the implications that the language-specific properties of Chinese present for cross-linguistic discussions of parts of speech.\u0000 Specifically, reference, instead of predication, is the most flexible information-packaging function in Chinese, challenging the\u0000 privileged status of predication established in previous studies on parts of speech and lexical flexibility.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-03-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140243395","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines a hitherto unreported use of the Gã Perfect gram termed the ‘sequential perfect’. The sequential perfect represents a late stage of grammaticalization as it no longer conveys any aspectual information on its own, instead deriving its semantics from verbal categories in the prior discourse. It is primarily modal, being used for irrealis, habitual and iterative situations. It occurs in the non-initial clause of multiclausal constructions and signals that the event it marks is temporally posterior to another event. It also imparts the epistemic modal meanings of inevitability and certainty. I propose that these newer functions are developed from the core semantic components of change-of-state and completion. This involves grammaticalization via domain extension, where change-of-state within an event is extended to change between events. The investigation introduces a new pathway for grammaticalization of the perfect, which has implications for studies of the perfect and grammaticalization generally.
{"title":"Sequentiality","authors":"A. Campbell","doi":"10.1075/sl.23044.cam","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.23044.cam","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This paper examines a hitherto unreported use of the Gã Perfect gram termed the ‘sequential perfect’. The sequential perfect represents a late stage of grammaticalization as it no longer conveys any aspectual information on its own, instead deriving its semantics from verbal categories in the prior discourse. It is primarily modal, being used for irrealis, habitual and iterative situations. It occurs in the non-initial clause of multiclausal constructions and signals that the event it marks is temporally posterior to another event. It also imparts the epistemic modal meanings of inevitability and certainty. I propose that these newer functions are developed from the core semantic components of change-of-state and completion. This involves grammaticalization via domain extension, where change-of-state within an event is extended to change between events. The investigation introduces a new pathway for grammaticalization of the perfect, which has implications for studies of the perfect and grammaticalization generally.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140481371","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article investigates the grammaticalization patterns of evidentiality from a cross-linguistic perspective with a focus on Lhasa Tibetan. It documents the history of the evidential morphemes ’dug, -song, -bzhag, and =ze from Old Literary Tibetan to modern spoken Lhasa Tibetan. Our analyses show that these morphemes started grammaticalizing before encoding evidentiality. We argue that, through pragmatic strengthening, evidentiality tends to infiltrate forms which have already grammaticalized to express other semantic domains. These patterns of grammaticalization are confirmed by diachronic and reconstructed data from genetically unrelated languages. Evidentiality thus tends to be a ‘grammaticalization passenger’ (i.e., a conventionalized meaning which used to be merely implied from the recurrent contexts of a grammaticalized form) rather than a ‘grammaticalization target’ (i.e., a functional domain which triggers grammaticalization). This may explain why evidentiality is less often grammaticalized than other notions, such as time or modality, in the world’s languages.
{"title":"Evidentiality as a grammaticalization passenger","authors":"Eric Mélac, Joanna Bialek","doi":"10.1075/sl.23009.mel","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.23009.mel","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article investigates the grammaticalization patterns of evidentiality from a cross-linguistic perspective\u0000 with a focus on Lhasa Tibetan. It documents the history of the evidential morphemes ’dug, -song, -bzhag, and\u0000 =ze from Old Literary Tibetan to modern spoken Lhasa Tibetan. Our analyses show that these morphemes started\u0000 grammaticalizing before encoding evidentiality. We argue that, through pragmatic strengthening, evidentiality tends to infiltrate\u0000 forms which have already grammaticalized to express other semantic domains. These patterns of grammaticalization are confirmed by\u0000 diachronic and reconstructed data from genetically unrelated languages. Evidentiality thus tends to be a ‘grammaticalization\u0000 passenger’ (i.e., a conventionalized meaning which used to be merely implied from the recurrent contexts of a grammaticalized\u0000 form) rather than a ‘grammaticalization target’ (i.e., a functional domain which triggers grammaticalization). This may explain\u0000 why evidentiality is less often grammaticalized than other notions, such as time or modality, in the world’s languages.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140488996","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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