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Guarding the Urban Elite: Hospitality Security in São Paulo 守护城市精英:圣保罗的酒店安全
IF 0.7 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-03-28 DOI: 10.1111/ciso.12448
Erika Robb Larkins, Susana Durão

In the past decade, Brazil's largest city, São Paulo, has witnessed an exponential growth in private security. In this article, we contribute to understandings of how security shapes urban life by focusing on what we call hospitality security, which takes place in elite spaces of residence and leisure such as high-end neighborhoods, gated communities, and shopping malls. Drawing on long-term ethnographic fieldwork, we argue that hospitality security is a specific urban formation that combines protection with care for spaces and clients. As such, it is not just another paid protection service, but is viewed as a necessary force for creating a desirable quality of life and fostering an ease of urban circulation that is seen as absent from public spaces due to high crime and ongoing eruptions of police violence. Hospitality security thus attempts to produce urban stability and predictability by maintaining harmony in residential and commercial environments and ensuring foreseeable social interactions while requiring security guards to uphold an unequal, racialized status quo.

在过去的十年里,巴西最大的城市圣保罗的私人安全呈指数级增长。在这篇文章中,我们通过关注我们所说的酒店安全,有助于理解安全如何塑造城市生活,酒店安全发生在高端社区、封闭社区和购物中心等精英居住和休闲空间。根据长期的民族志实地调查,我们认为酒店安全是一种特定的城市形态,它将保护与对空间和客户的照顾结合在一起。因此,它不仅是另一种有偿保护服务,而且被视为创造理想生活质量和促进城市流通便利的必要力量,而由于高犯罪率和持续爆发的警察暴力,城市流通被视为不存在于公共场所。因此,酒店安全试图通过维持住宅和商业环境的和谐,确保可预见的社会互动,同时要求保安维持不平等、种族化的现状,来产生城市的稳定和可预测性。
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引用次数: 2
Editors’ Note 编者按
IF 0.7 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-03-14 DOI: 10.1111/ciso.12450
Julian Brash, Kristin V. Monroe
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引用次数: 0
In, Of, and For the City: Acknowledging the 2022 Anthony Leeds Prize in Urban Anthropology 在城市、在城市、为城市:承认2022年安东尼·利兹城市人类学奖
IF 0.7 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-03-14 DOI: 10.1111/ciso.12449
David Boarder Giles
<p>For as long as I have been writing anthropology, Anthony Leeds Prize honorees have been among my compass points. When <i>A Mass Conspiracy to Feed People</i> was just a sketch in my grad school notebooks, they helped me imagine the “field” for an ethnography of the crabgrass-like phenomenon that is Food Not Bombs (FNB), a transnational web of anarchist soup kitchens that recover discarded food (via donation or dumpster), prepare it safely, and distribute it publicly, mostly to people experiencing homelessness and hunger. For over forty years, without any formal structure or budget, the movement has fed millions of people in hundreds of cities on every continent except Antarctica. In the process, it illustrates and resists the inequities of the neoliberal city. Comprising a motley assemblage of punks, vagrants, students, migrants, hackers, Quakers, and other radicals, FNB was described to me by one collaborator as “a mass conspiracy—to feed people!”</p><p>But how to study such a thing?</p><p>Leeds recipients have consistently charted such novel anthropological objects and territories, laying groundwork for the global, transurban mode of ethnography to which <i>A Mass Conspiracy</i> aspires. As exemplars of an anthropology <i>in</i>, <i>of, and for</i> the city, they have advanced innovations of scale and epistemology in the very parameters of “the field” and rearticulated our ethical and methodological commitments to subjects in, and of, urban space. They have mobilised urban insights and imperatives in ways that resonate beyond any specific city or subdiscipline. I have turned to many of them repeatedly, and passed their work on to students who might benefit from the same sense of scope and engagement that has so inspired me.</p><p>So imagine the honour, and incredulity, of finding my work on this list. If the book has been passed this particular baton, it is because it aims to keep some of the promises of the canon of the Leeds Prize.</p><p>The most important of those has been a commitment to an urban anthropology that is also a commitment to communities, relationships, and issues native to my own backyard. Practitioners of such an anthropology seek to bring ethnographic tools to bear on the near and the familiar, to mobilise their findings <i>in situ</i>, in those spaces where we are already entangled. The book emerges from at least fifteen years of connection to the cities and communities in question. From the first words I typed on a blank page, I pictured the book one day nestled on the shelves of my favourite anarchist bookstore in Seattle, Left Bank Books. I imagined it catching the eye of eager activists not unlike myself at twenty-three, when I first read about FNB—for which I credit ethnographer Jeff Ferrel's <span>2001</span> <i>Tearing Down the Streets: Adventures in Urban Anarchy</i> (so I was particularly moved when he wrote comments for my back cover!). I am proud to say that when <i>A Mass Conspiracy</i> was launched, I held th
自从我写人类学以来,安东尼·利兹奖的获奖者一直是我的指南针。当《大规模阴谋养活人民》只是我研究生院笔记本上的一个草图时,它们帮助我想象了一个类似螃蟹草现象的民族志的“领域”,即“食物而非炸弹”(FNB),这是一个由无政府主义救济厨房组成的跨国网络,它回收被丢弃的食物(通过捐赠或垃圾箱),安全地准备食物,并公开分发,主要针对无家可归和饥饿的人。四十多年来,在没有任何正式结构或预算的情况下,这场运动养活了除南极洲以外的每个大陆数百个城市的数百万人。在这个过程中,它展示并抵制了新自由主义城市的不平等。FNB由朋克、流浪汉、学生、移民、黑客、贵格会教徒和其他激进分子组成,一位合作者向我描述为“一场大规模阴谋——养活人们!”但如何研究这样的事情呢?利兹的获奖者一直在绘制这种新颖的人类学对象和领域,为《大规模阴谋》所追求的全球、跨城市的民族志模式奠定了基础。作为城市、城市和城市人类学的典范,他们在“领域”的参数方面推进了规模和认识论的创新,并重新阐述了我们对城市空间和城市空间主题的伦理和方法承诺。他们以超越任何特定城市或分支学科的方式调动了城市洞察力和必要性。我多次求助于他们中的许多人,并将他们的作品传递给学生,他们可能会从同样的范围感和参与感中受益,这正是我的灵感所在。所以,想象一下,在这份名单上找到我的作品是多么的荣幸和怀疑。如果这本书被传递了这根特殊的接力棒,那是因为它旨在兑现利兹奖经典的一些承诺。其中最重要的是对城市人类学的承诺,也是对我后院特有的社区、关系和问题的承诺。这样一种人类学的实践者试图将人种学工具带到近处和熟悉的地方,在我们已经陷入困境的地方,原位调动他们的发现。这本书产生于至少15年来与相关城市和社区的联系。从我在空白页上键入的第一个单词开始,我就想象着有一天这本书躺在西雅图我最喜欢的无政府主义书店左岸书店的书架上。当我23岁第一次读到FNB时,我想象它会引起热切的活动家的注意,这与我自己没有什么不同——为此,我称赞了民族志学家杰夫·费雷尔2001年的《撕裂街道:城市无政府状态的冒险》(所以当他为我的封底写评论时,我特别感动!)。我很自豪地说,当“大规模阴谋”发起时,我在左岸举办了活动。来自世界各地的朋友和FNB合作者亲自和在线加入,甚至阅读了他们自己的贡献摘录。与任何将该领域视为遥远的反面,一种有待收获和翻译的交替字体的概念不同,利兹奖获得者经常阐述一个他们已经生活、热爱和工作的内在领域,以及他们创造的知识可能在其中传播的领域。是他们中的一个,我的上司Danny Hoffman,第一个建议我写关于FNB的文章。“我不能那样做,是吗?”我问他。“那是我自己的生活!”(我在FNB做了一年半的志愿者。)但是,他问道,我不觉得这很重要吗?我不是觉得理论上很有趣吗?难道我不认为其他人应该知道这件事吗?当然,他是对的。我们可以写我们自己的社区。也许我们必须这样做。在接下来的几年里,我将激进主义和参与者观察融合在一起,有时自相矛盾,有时尝试,但同时丰富了我的民族志和政治方法。有时,我的研究相当于与警方争论食物共享限制,或者在捐款不足时翻垃圾箱。其他时候,我的“线人”是无家可归的朋友和FNB的合作者,他们住在我的沙发上,或者在天桥或遮阳篷下睡觉时把贵重物品放在我身边。我没有把这些友谊作为研究对象,而是推断我们的合作相当于对城市经济本身的联合民族志探索。我们所有人都将废物、商业、警察镇压、城市空间和我们自己的抵抗联系在一起。对我来说,这代表了一种受已故Jeff Juris的“激进民族志”(2007)启发的社会运动人类学。受Nancy Scheper Hughes的影响,他推断,民族志洞察力有时需要我们与其他政治煽动者一起,将我们的心、思想和身体置于危险之中。 与其他紧急膳食计划不同的是,FNB在光天化日之下,在公共公园和广场分发食物,往往无视禁止公共用餐的法律——这是对公共空间和那些被遗弃人口的可见性的一种毫不掩饰的拒绝,(从某种意义上说,对资本主义要求的盈余)谁是制造稀缺性等式的另一半。这通常会引起国家干预,导致冲突、罚款或逮捕。最引人注目的是,旧金山市在1988年至1996年期间逮捕了1 000多名民族解放军志愿人员;较小的此类冲突经常发生在世界各地的城市。在这些极端盈余有可能重新爆发到公共领域的时刻,这种干预说明了城市国家机构在资本积累中的作用,这种作用同时是城市和全球的。因此,这本书的第二堂民族志课是将这座城市视为全球力量的密码和管道,反之亦然。它记录了FNB在西雅图、旧金山、纽约和墨尔本四个城市的经验,追踪了废物产生和公共空间政治之间的相似之处。它将这些确定为萨斯基娅·萨森所称的“全球城市”(2001)的组成部分,这是一种新兴的全球化城市化模式,世界各地的许多大城市都在协同发展。这些城市共享资本积累的模式,这些模式以平行的方式制造稀缺、过剩和浪费,反映在上述的不公平和不公正中。因此,四十年来FNB在全球的扩散是同一时期城市和全球经济新自由主义和后福特主义重组的一个指标。考虑到这一点,本书的第三堂课是在城市日常生活的本体论基础上寻求新的政治可能性。它依赖于民族志在实地实践的漩涡中寻找秩序的技巧——从占主导地位的认识论和制度的高度来看,这是难以辨认的,因为它们具有合理化的视角。与早期激进煽动时代一样,《大规模阴谋》认为,占主导地位的政治和经济秩序被抛弃的盈余——人、地方和事物——在激进的社会政治后遗症中重组。这本书将FNB作为一个案例研究,提供了多种剩余者,从其浪费的食物和棚户区或廉租房,到各种棚户区居民、朋克、学生、移民、无家可归的合作者,以及其他不同的资本主义流离失所幸存者,他们都是FNB的组成部分。他们与市场社会性的疏离使他们能够通过非市场空间和慷慨、富足和社区供应的实践进行流通。这本书追溯了他们在几个城市的网络、空间和实践。随着时间的推移,它们相当于一种非暴力的、地下的、缓慢的暴动(从中爆发出更尖锐、更明显的暴动时刻,如占领华尔街),像FNB这样的异质联盟不仅代表了政治和经济危机的密码——索引了我们日益两极分化的城市的浪费和匮乏——而且代表了一种积极的、甚至是预先设想的非自由主义的模式:重新加入了充斥着我们政治视野的极右翼民粹主义。这种抵抗和基层组织形式,同时是全球和城市的,外围和公众的共鸣,为我们城市的未来和未来提供了重要的教训。这些都是FNB教给我的教训,我希望这本书能把这些教训带到更远的地方。
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引用次数: 0
The U.S.-Mexico border as a model for social-cultural theory: A brief discussion 作为社会文化理论范本的美墨边界:简论
IF 0.7 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-03-14 DOI: 10.1111/ciso.12446
Josiah Heyman

The US–Mexico border has influenced social-cultural theory by drawing attention to hybrids that stand apart from supposedly cohesive wholes. This point, albeit important, does not exhaust the lessons to be learned from the US–Mexico border region. It also displays highly unequal power relations. Adjacent, interactive, but profoundly asymmetrical border city pairs are key sites for analyzing unequal relationships between the so-called global South and global North. This social relationality of apparently contrastive endpoints, and the cultural frameworks and practices that mediate the connections, is yet another lesson from the US–Mexico border. Culture occurs in a matrix of often highly unequal social relationships. Culture is made and reproduced at relational meeting points between differentiated positionalities, even when there is an apparently exclusionary border in between.

美墨边界影响了社会文化理论,吸引了人们对与所谓的凝聚力整体不同的混合体的关注。这一点虽然很重要,但并没有耗尽从美墨边境地区吸取的教训。它还显示出高度不平等的权力关系。相邻、互动但极不对称的边境城市对是分析所谓全球南方和全球北方之间不平等关系的关键场所。这种明显具有对比性的端点的社会关系,以及调解这种联系的文化框架和实践,是美墨边境的又一个教训。文化存在于一个往往高度不平等的社会关系矩阵中。文化是在不同立场之间的关系交汇点形成和复制的,即使两者之间存在明显的排斥边界。
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引用次数: 0
“Joy”: Murals and the Failure of Post-politics After the Morandi Bridge Collapse “喜悦”:莫兰迪大桥坍塌后的壁画与后政治的失败
IF 0.7 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-01-15 DOI: 10.1111/ciso.12442
Emanuela Guano

In 2018, the Morandi bridge collapsed, killing 43 people and displacing 600 from their homes in Genoa's postindustrial outskirts. Almost entirely isolated after the collapse, Certosa bore much of the brunt of the disaster. This is when Genoa's conservative administration launched On the Wall, a street art project meant to assuage residents’ anger; the theme chosen for the murals was “joy.” Drawing on ethnographic research conducted between 2019 and 2022, this project explores the post-political underpinnings of Certosa's “joyous” street art.

These murals, I suggest, are an attempt by the city administration to enact a type of aesthetic governance that seeks to conceal institutional neglect while foreclosing political antagonism; this happens through a distribution of the sensible (Ranciѐre 2010, 24-25) that is meant to promote consensus by shaping the residents’ perception of their neighborhood. However, I also contend that, instead of fostering a post-political allegiance between Genoa's conservative administration and Certosa's residents, the street art project failed to sway a community organized around the awareness of its own disenfranchisement. Since Certosa's ruination continued unabated, beleaguered residents intensified their demands for the safety and the basic services that are still denied to their neighborhood.

2018年,莫兰迪大桥倒塌,造成43人死亡,600人流离失所。坍塌后,Certosa几乎完全与世隔绝,首当其冲。就在这时,热那亚的保守派政府推出了“墙上”,这是一个旨在平息居民愤怒的街头艺术项目;壁画的主题是“欢乐”。该项目借鉴了2019年至2022年间进行的民族志研究,探索了Certosa“欢乐”街头艺术的后政治基础。我认为,这些壁画是市政府试图制定一种美学治理,试图掩盖制度忽视,同时阻止政治对抗;这是通过合理的分布来实现的(Ranciõre 2010,24-25),旨在通过塑造居民对其社区的感知来促进共识。然而,我也认为,街头艺术项目非但没有在热那亚的保守派政府和塞尔托萨的居民之间培养后政治时代的忠诚,反而未能动摇一个围绕自身被剥夺选举权的意识而组织起来的社区。由于Certosa的破坏有增无减,陷入困境的居民加强了他们对安全和基本服务的要求,而这些服务仍然被拒绝提供给他们的社区。
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引用次数: 1
Editors' Note 编者注
IF 0.7 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-04-04 DOI: 10.1111/ciso.12435
Julian Brash, Kristin Monroe
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引用次数: 0
What is Critical About Critical Urban Anthropology? 批判城市人类学的关键是什么?
IF 0.7 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-03-28 DOI: 10.1111/ciso.12434
Suzanne Scheld

In 2021, the Society for Urban, National, Transnational/Global Anthropology (SUNTA), a section of the American Anthropological Association, changed its name to Critical Urban Anthropology Association (CUAA). This essay addresses the question “What is Critical About Critical Urban Anthropology?” by reflecting on problematic assumptions about African cities that are perpetuated over time and the need to critique these ideas. I suggest a more active and participatory approach to pedagogy is necessary to creating a critical urban anthropology that can help to challenge these assumptions.

2021年,美国人类学协会下属的城市、国家、跨国/全球人类学学会(SUNTA)更名为批判城市人类学协会(CUAA)。本文探讨了“批判城市人类学的关键是什么?”通过反思长期存在的关于非洲城市的有问题的假设,以及批判这些想法的必要性。我认为有必要采取一种更加积极和参与性的教育学方法,以创造一种批判性的城市人类学,从而有助于挑战这些假设。
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引用次数: 0
Tracing the Critical in Urban Anthropology 都市人类学的批判追踪
IF 0.7 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-03-21 DOI: 10.1111/ciso.12433
Ida Susser Ph.D.
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引用次数: 0
Building Socialism: The Afterlife of East German Architecture in Urban Vietnam Christina Schwenkel, Durham: Duke University Press, 2020, 432 pp. 建设社会主义:越南城市东德建筑的来世Christina Schwenkel,杜伦:杜克大学出版社,2020年,432页。
IF 0.7 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-03-18 DOI: 10.1111/ciso.12431
Michal Murawski
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引用次数: 0
Concrete Blocks, Bollards, and Ha-ha Walls: How Rationales of the Security Industry Shape Our Cities 混凝土块、护柱和哈哈哈墙:安全行业的基本原理如何塑造我们的城市
IF 0.7 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-03-08 DOI: 10.1111/ciso.12424
Stine Ilum

Security measures take up more and more space in our cities. In parallel, the security industry is growing. To understand these developments, we must take a step back and unfold the rationales and theories that lie behind such security measures and their materiality, specifically in the security industry. This article uses the case of the newly developed counterterrorism industry in Copenhagen to unpack some of the general dynamics that enable growth in the security industry and an increase in security measures. Building on ethnographic fieldwork among security companies, architecture firms, the Municipality of Copenhagen, the national security service, and others, this article shows how theories about counterterrorism develop in an interplay between this diverse group of security actors. The article zooms in on a security company and an architecture firm, and their divergent approaches to counterterrorism measures, and shows how both develop in conflict with local city values and security-skeptical actors. The two companies work hard to establish and promote theories not only about counterterrorism but also about what is best for the city and its citizens, which help legitimize their work in Copenhagen and shape public opinion on counterterrorism, and, ultimately, the materiality of the city.

安全措施在我们的城市中占据越来越多的空间。与此同时,安防行业也在不断发展。为了理解这些发展,我们必须退后一步,揭示这些安全措施及其重要性背后的基本原理和理论,特别是在安全行业。本文以哥本哈根新发展起来的反恐行业为例,揭示了促使安全行业增长和安全措施增加的一些一般动态。本文建立在对安全公司、建筑公司、哥本哈根市政府、国家安全服务机构和其他机构的民族志实地调查的基础上,展示了反恐理论是如何在这些不同的安全参与者群体之间的相互作用中发展起来的。这篇文章聚焦了一家保安公司和一家建筑公司,以及他们在反恐措施上的不同做法,并展示了两者是如何在与当地城市价值观和对安全持怀疑态度的行为者的冲突中发展起来的。这两家公司不仅努力建立和推广反恐理论,还努力建立和推广对城市和市民最有利的理论,这有助于使他们在哥本哈根的工作合法化,塑造公众对反恐的看法,并最终塑造城市的物质性。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
City & Society
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