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Poetry, myth and storytelling in the history of political theory 诗歌、神话和讲故事在政治理论史上的作用
Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-09 DOI: 10.1080/13698230.2023.2248811
Sophie Smith
ABSTRACTThis essay raises three questions: What has myth been? What can myth do? And does recognising the centrality of mythmaking and imaginative narration to political theory across time have implications for how we approach political theory's modern history? First, I suggest that discussions of myth in early modern England were embedded within broader debates about the nature and power of poetry. This raises questions about how we delineate the criteria for myth as opposed to other forms of imaginative narration. Then I ask whether myths are not simply obfuscating, as often assumed, but also potentially truth-making? Finally, if a constitutive aspect of political theory across time has been a preoccupation with myth, this gives us further ground (if such further ground is needed) to attend to feminist theorists in the 1960s and 70s, for whom a central task was to expose and debunk prevailing myths.KEYWORDS: MythThomas MoreFrancis Baconpoetryimaginationfeminist theory Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Note that this allows, on Keum’s terms, literary myth to include both stories said to originate from those civilizations themselves as well as stories about ancient or remote civilizations which do not necessarily originate from those contexts.2. I don’t think the distinction for Keum here can simply be a matter of explicit naming, either: where literary myths are those that are explicitly named as such and deep myths are those which are not so named. Not least because she treats as literary myths certain stories – like that recounted by Raphael Hythloday in Utopia – which are not referred to as ‘myths’ either by their tellers or by their audience.3. ‘Fables’ is the translation here but it is worth noting that the word Cebes, Socrates’s interlocutor, uses to refer to Aesop’s speech in this instance is logos.4. Though we should not underestimate the extent to which Plato was engaged by movement women in the US, both inside and outside the academy. For an early example of the inclusion of the Republic on a women’s movement reading list see Cisler (Citation1968).Additional informationNotes on contributorsSophie SmithSophie Smith is Associate Professor of Political Theory in the Department of Politics and International Relations at the University of Oxford and a Tutorial Fellow of University College. Her research focuses on early modern political thought and twentieth-century intellectual history, especially the history of feminist political theory.
摘要本文提出了三个问题:什么是神话?神话能做什么?认识到虚构和富有想象力的叙述在政治理论中的中心地位,是否对我们如何研究政治理论的近代史有影响?首先,我认为在近代早期的英国,关于神话的讨论被嵌入到关于诗歌的本质和力量的更广泛的辩论中。这就提出了一个问题,即我们如何界定神话的标准,而不是其他形式的想象叙事。然后我问,神话是否不像人们通常认为的那样,仅仅是混淆视听,而且还可能制造真相?最后,如果政治理论的一个构成方面一直是对神话的关注,这就给了我们进一步的基础(如果需要这样的进一步基础)来关注20世纪60年代和70年代的女权主义理论家,他们的中心任务是揭露和揭穿盛行的神话。关键词:神话托马斯·莫尔弗朗西斯·培根诗歌想象力女权主义理论披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。请注意,根据基恩的说法,这允许文学神话既包括据说起源于这些文明本身的故事,也包括不一定起源于这些背景的关于古代或遥远文明的故事。我也不认为Keum的区别仅仅是命名的问题:文学神话是那些被明确命名的,而深层神话是那些没有被明确命名的。尤其是因为她把某些故事当作文学神话——就像拉斐尔·Hythloday在《乌托邦》中讲述的故事——而这些故事既不被讲述者称为“神话”,也不被读者称为“神话”。“寓言”是这里的翻译,但值得注意的是,在这种情况下,苏格拉底的对话者克贝斯用来指伊索的演讲的词是逻各斯。尽管我们不应该低估柏拉图对美国女性运动的参与程度,无论是在学术界还是学术界。关于将《理想国》列入妇女运动阅读清单的早期例子,见Cisler (Citation1968)。作者简介:索菲·史密斯,牛津大学政治与国际关系系政治理论副教授,牛津大学学院指导研究员。她的研究重点是早期现代政治思想和二十世纪的思想史,特别是女性主义政治理论史。
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引用次数: 0
Intentional participation in the state 有意参与国家
Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-09 DOI: 10.1080/13698230.2023.2265212
David Miller
According to Avia Pasternak, citizens can be held responsible for their state’s wrongdoing if and only if they contribute to maintaining it by acting as intentional participants in its activities. I examine two specific aspects of this general claim. First, I ask whether intentional participation requires that the citizen should accept the state, in the sense of not viewing her membership as unwillingly forced upon her, and conclude that it does not. Second I explore how the claim applies in the case where there has been a discontinuity in the form of the state. I argue that it is not a condition of collective liability today that the predecessor state’s subjects should have been intentional participants at the time at which the wrongdoing occurred.
根据阿维亚·帕斯捷尔纳克的观点,当且仅当公民作为国家活动的有意参与者为维护国家做出贡献时,公民才能对国家的不法行为负责。我考察了这一普遍主张的两个具体方面。首先,我的问题是,有意参与是否要求公民接受国家,即不认为她的成员身份是不情愿地强加给她的,并得出结论,事实并非如此。其次,我探讨了在国家形式不连续性的情况下,索赔是如何适用的。我认为,在不当行为发生时,前任国家的国民应该是故意的参与者,这并不是今天集体责任的一个条件。
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引用次数: 0
Obedience responsibility 服从的责任
Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1080/13698230.2023.2265214
Richard Vernon
ABSTRACTAvia Pasternak’s Responsible Citizens, Irresponsible States makes a case for concluding that ‘intentional citizens’ of states should be held liable, in the sense of being chargeable for remedial costs, when their state has caused wrongful damage to another state. In making this case, the book steers a course between purely ascriptive views that assign liability on the basis of membership alone, and intentionalist views that require a stronger connection with the fault. The exemptions from liability that the book acknowledges, however, may raise questions about its overall case, by implicating more individualized ideas of intention. Even so, the argument may be read as a compelling forward-looking warning about the risks of citizenship.KEYWORDS: Pasternakcollective responsibilityobedience responsibilityrisks of citizenship Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationNotes on contributorsRichard VernonRichard Vernon is a Distinguished Professor at the Department of Political Science, Western University. He works on contemporary political theory, especially issues of global and historical justice, and selected issues (such as toleration and citizenship) in the history of political thought.
【摘要】帕斯捷尔纳克的《负责任的公民,不负责任的国家》认为,当一个国家对另一个国家造成不正当损害时,一个国家的“故意公民”应该承担赔偿责任,即承担补救费用。为了说明这一点,本书在纯粹的归属观点(仅根据成员关系来分配责任)和意图主义观点(要求与过错有更强的联系)之间引导了一条路线。然而,书中承认的责任豁免可能会对其整体情况提出质疑,因为它暗示了更多个性化的意图。即便如此,这一论点可能会被解读为对公民身份风险的一个令人信服的前瞻性警告。关键词:帕斯特纳克集体责任服从责任公民风险披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。作者简介理查德·弗农理查德·弗农是西方大学政治科学系的杰出教授。他研究当代政治理论,特别是全球和历史正义问题,以及政治思想史上的某些问题(如宽容和公民身份)。
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引用次数: 0
A republican fiscal constitution for the EMU 欧洲货币联盟的共和财政宪法
Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-21 DOI: 10.1080/13698230.2023.2260235
Stefano Merlo
The democratic management of macroeconomic externalities between Members of the Economic and Monetary Union requires abandoning the legal entrenchment of fiscal rules as well as their technocratic administration. The fiscal constitution of the EMU can instead become an instrument that guarantees European citizens’ and peoples’ reciprocal non-domination. This republican goal can be attained once a core set of fiscal principles are agreed upon and later interpreted in a political way by the Council and the European Commission. To be non-dominating the interpretations of these executive bodies on the management of macroeconomic externalities must be subject to a ‘dual contestatory system’. Citizens should not only control, through their national parliaments, what their own governments decide, but also what a collective of governments decide at the EU level. This requires stepping up of the contestatory powers of the European Parliament. Finally, this kind of democratic control should be epistemically supported and facilitated by a network of national Independent Fiscal Institutions who should allow citizens and parliaments to monitor what executives decide both at the national and at the EU level.
经济与货币联盟成员国之间对宏观经济外部性的民主管理,需要放弃财政规则的法律保障及其技术官僚管理。相反,欧洲货币联盟的财政宪法可以成为一种保证欧洲公民和人民相互不受支配的工具。一旦达成一套核心财政原则,并由理事会和欧盟委员会以政治方式加以解释,这一共和目标就可以实现。为了不占主导地位,这些执行机构对宏观经济外部性管理的解释必须服从“双重争议系统”。公民不仅应该通过本国议会控制本国政府的决定,还应该在欧盟层面上控制各国政府的集体决定。这需要加强欧洲议会(European Parliament)的竞争性权力。最后,这种民主控制应该得到各国独立财政机构网络的认识论支持和促进,这些机构应该允许公民和议会监督高管在国家和欧盟层面的决定。
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引用次数: 0
Individuals’ responsibilities to remove carbon 个人消除碳排放的责任
Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-21 DOI: 10.1080/13698230.2023.2260241
Hanna Schübel
The potential upscaling of carbon dioxide removal (CDR) technologies to meet states’ net-zero targets may enable individuals to remove emissions by purchasing carbon removal certificates. In this paper, I argue for two concepts of individual responsibility to capture the moral responsibility of individuals to remove carbon dioxide from the atmosphere through CDR technologies. The first is that of liability, a direct responsibility to remove carbon in order to minimize one’s carbon footprint. The second is a shared political responsibility to remove carbon that individuals have by virtue of being part of weak collectives responsible for mitigating climate change or by virtue of participating in structures that contribute to climate change. I argue that the concept of shared political responsibility can be used to determine how CDR technologies should or should not be implemented. Finally, I discuss how these two responsibilities are related.
为了满足各州的净零目标,二氧化碳去除(CDR)技术的潜在升级可能使个人能够通过购买碳去除证书来消除排放。在本文中,我论证了个人责任的两个概念,以捕捉个人通过CDR技术从大气中去除二氧化碳的道德责任。第一个是责任,即消除碳排放以减少碳足迹的直接责任。第二种是消除碳排放的共同政治责任,个人作为负责减缓气候变化的弱势集体的一部分,或通过参与导致气候变化的结构,承担了这种责任。我认为,共同政治责任的概念可以用来确定CDR技术应该或不应该如何实施。最后,我将讨论这两个职责之间的关系。
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引用次数: 0
Civic virtue in non-ideal republics 非理想共和国的公民美德
IF 0.8 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-30 DOI: 10.1080/13698230.2023.2253116
M. V. Costa
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引用次数: 1
Correcting unjust enrichment: explaining and defending the duty to disgorge the benefits of wrongdoing 纠正不当得利:解释和辩护放弃不当行为利益的义务
IF 0.8 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-22 DOI: 10.1080/13698230.2023.2245651
E. Page, Göran Duus-Otterström
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引用次数: 0
The great reconciliation of reason and myth 理性与神话的伟大和解
IF 0.8 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/13698230.2023.2248813
Bryan Garsten
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Myths of Plato, myths of modernity 导言:柏拉图的神话,现代性的神话
IF 0.8 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/13698230.2023.2248809
Tae-Yeoun Keum
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引用次数: 0
Philosophical discourse and myth 哲学话语与神话
IF 0.8 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/13698230.2023.2248812
K. Hoekstra
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Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy
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