Pub Date : 2023-12-22DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2295062
H. Shabbir, Paul Baines, Dianne Dean, Kurt Braddock
{"title":"Countering reactionary co-radicalization (RC-R): using multi-representational ads","authors":"H. Shabbir, Paul Baines, Dianne Dean, Kurt Braddock","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2023.2295062","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2023.2295062","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"91 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139164009","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2286712
Harry H. J. Lehtolaakso
{"title":"“Killed for the abominable crime of sodomy”: building legitimacy with public executions of sexual and gender minorities in the Islamic state","authors":"Harry H. J. Lehtolaakso","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2023.2286712","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2023.2286712","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"16 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139205731","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-23DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2285224
Chris Millington
{"title":"Looking beyond waves and datasets: ”cultures of terrorism” and the future of history in terrorism studies","authors":"Chris Millington","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2023.2285224","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2023.2285224","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"19 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139243810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-25DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2267280
Lee Jarvis
ABSTRACT Recent years have witnessed a growing multi-disciplinary engagement with the importance of quantification across social, political, and economic life. In this article, I seek to build on this work by offering the first sustained exposition of the significance of numbers for critical scholarship on (counter-)terrorism. Three arguments are made. First, there is evidence of greater appetite for engaging with numbers in critical terrorism studies scholarship than might be intuited, given this work’s widespread association with linguistic and discursive approaches. Second, notwithstanding the above, existing scholarship in this area tends to be limited, fragmentary, and characterised by illustrative or exemplary engagement. And third, there is significant opportunity to move towards a more substantive critical engagement with (counter-)terrorism numbers through inspiration from cognate debates within sociology, rhetorical studies, and critical security studies. To address this, the article therefore provides a new research agenda for critical terrorism studies scholarship and quantification, organised around five themes: (i) the production of (counter-)terrorism numbers; (ii) the form taken by (counter-)terrorism numbers; (iii) the mobility of numbers across sites of (counter-)terrorism knowledge; (iv) the political and other functions of (counter-)terrorism numbers; and (v) the reception of (counter-)terrorism numbers by relevant audiences.
{"title":"Critical terrorism studies and numbers: engagements, openings, and future research","authors":"Lee Jarvis","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2023.2267280","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2023.2267280","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Recent years have witnessed a growing multi-disciplinary engagement with the importance of quantification across social, political, and economic life. In this article, I seek to build on this work by offering the first sustained exposition of the significance of numbers for critical scholarship on (counter-)terrorism. Three arguments are made. First, there is evidence of greater appetite for engaging with numbers in critical terrorism studies scholarship than might be intuited, given this work’s widespread association with linguistic and discursive approaches. Second, notwithstanding the above, existing scholarship in this area tends to be limited, fragmentary, and characterised by illustrative or exemplary engagement. And third, there is significant opportunity to move towards a more substantive critical engagement with (counter-)terrorism numbers through inspiration from cognate debates within sociology, rhetorical studies, and critical security studies. To address this, the article therefore provides a new research agenda for critical terrorism studies scholarship and quantification, organised around five themes: (i) the production of (counter-)terrorism numbers; (ii) the form taken by (counter-)terrorism numbers; (iii) the mobility of numbers across sites of (counter-)terrorism knowledge; (iv) the political and other functions of (counter-)terrorism numbers; and (v) the reception of (counter-)terrorism numbers by relevant audiences.","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"46 12","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135169615","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-02DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2266161
Nick Brooke
ABSTRACTIn July 2015, a legal duty came into force as part of the United Kingdom’s Counter Terrorism and Security Act that included a requirement (referred to as the Prevent Duty) for schools and other education providers to “prevent people from being drawn into terrorism”. Parallel to this initiative, schools in England were also required to include teaching on “Fundamental British Values” as part of the curriculum, to “build pupil’s resilience to radicalisation”. Yet this latter element is not required in schools in Scotland. This paper argues that the absence of a requirement for teachers in Scotland to include teaching on Fundamental British Values simultaneously politicises and depoliticises the delivery of the Prevent Duty, and British identity in this context. In doing so, the paper contributes to existing debates on the relationship between the Prevent Duty and the Fundamental British Values, reflects on the political nature of these parallel initiatives and examines the security policy implications of the contentious nature of British identity in Scotland.KEYWORDS: PreventScotlandidentityfundamental British valuescounter-radicalisation AcknowledgementsThe author would like to thank Faye Donnelly, Tony Lang, Sarah Marsden and James Lewis, as well as the anonymous reviewers who provided feedback and comments at various stages of this paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. Defined as “democracy, the rule of law, individual liberty and mutual respect and tolerance for those with different faiths and beliefs” in the Prevent Duty Guidance (HM Government Citation2015a).2. This applies to the literature on Prevent more generally: very little of the literature is focused on Scotland. Where this topic has been considered in relation to Northern Ireland (McCully and Clarke Citation2016) it has been highlighted that it does not apply, and that its implementation would “alienate and aggravate those nationalists who, historically, see the imposition of Britishness as central to the problem” (p. 361).3. Whilst it does include a reference to fundamental British values, this is only in reference to the definition of extremism given in the Prevent strategy.4. For an explanation of how the Prevent Strand has changed over time see Thomas (Citation2020).5. For more on this episode see Holmwood and O’Toole (Citation2018).6. Heath-Kelly and Strausz (Citation2019) writing on the Prevent duty in the NHS argue that this framing of vulnerability does not fit with existing understandings of the term.7. The SNP changed the name of the Scottish Executive to the Scottish Government upon winning power in 2007.8. For more on the history and distinctiveness of education in Scotland see (Anderson Citation1995, Citation2018; Humes and Bryce Citation2018)9. It is important to point out that the requirement to “not undermin[e] fundamental British values” was set out in the Teachers’ Standards for England for 2011 (Depar
2015年7月，作为英国《反恐怖主义和安全法》的一部分，一项法律义务开始生效，其中包括一项要求(称为预防义务)，要求学校和其他教育机构“防止人们被卷入恐怖主义”。与此同时，英国的学校也被要求将“英国基本价值观”作为课程的一部分，以“培养学生对激进主义的适应能力”。然而，在苏格兰的学校里，后一个要素是不需要的。本文认为，苏格兰教师缺乏对英国基本价值观教学的要求，同时使预防义务的交付政治化和非政治化，以及在这种情况下的英国身份。在此过程中，本文有助于现有的关于预防义务与英国基本价值观之间关系的辩论，反映了这些平行倡议的政治性质，并研究了苏格兰英国身份的争议性对安全政策的影响。作者要感谢Faye Donnelly, Tony Lang, Sarah Marsden和James Lewis，以及在本文各个阶段提供反馈和评论的匿名审稿人。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。在《预防责任指南》中定义为“民主、法治、个人自由以及对不同信仰和信仰的相互尊重和宽容”(HM Government Citation2015a)。这更普遍地适用于关于预防的文献:很少有文献关注苏格兰。当这个话题被考虑到与北爱尔兰的关系时(McCully和Clarke引文2016)，它已经被强调，它不适用，并且它的实施将“疏远和激怒那些民族主义者，他们从历史上看，将英国性的强加视为问题的核心”(第361页)。虽然它确实提到了英国的基本价值观，但这只是参考了“预防”战略中对极端主义的定义。有关预防链如何随时间变化的解释，请参见托马斯(Citation2020)。关于这一集的更多内容，请参见Holmwood and O 'Toole (Citation2018)。Heath-Kelly和Strausz (Citation2019)撰写了关于NHS中的预防责任的文章，认为这种脆弱性的框架不符合对该术语的现有理解。苏格兰民族党在2007年赢得权力后，将苏格兰行政机构的名称改为苏格兰政府。有关苏格兰教育的历史和特色的更多信息，请参见(Anderson Citation1995, Citation2018;休姆斯和布莱斯引文(2018)9。需要指出的是，2011年英格兰教师标准(教育部，Citation2011)中规定了“不破坏英国基本价值观”的要求，而苏格兰正式注册标准(一般教学委员会，Citation2012)中没有同样的要求。这项工作得到了爱丁堡皇家学会的支持。尼克·布鲁克，汉达恐怖主义和政治暴力研究中心恐怖主义和政治暴力副讲师。布鲁克目前的研究考察了反恐和反激进化战略在偏远和农村地区的影响和实施。他是爱丁堡皇家学会资助的苏格兰高地和岛屿预防项目的首席研究员。除此之外，他还研究民族主义，非暴力抗议和身份认同以及这些现象之间的相互作用，以及苏格兰和英国的政治以及流行文化中政治暴力的表现。
{"title":"Fundamental British Values & the Prevent Duty in Scotland","authors":"Nick Brooke","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2023.2266161","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2023.2266161","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTIn July 2015, a legal duty came into force as part of the United Kingdom’s Counter Terrorism and Security Act that included a requirement (referred to as the Prevent Duty) for schools and other education providers to “prevent people from being drawn into terrorism”. Parallel to this initiative, schools in England were also required to include teaching on “Fundamental British Values” as part of the curriculum, to “build pupil’s resilience to radicalisation”. Yet this latter element is not required in schools in Scotland. This paper argues that the absence of a requirement for teachers in Scotland to include teaching on Fundamental British Values simultaneously politicises and depoliticises the delivery of the Prevent Duty, and British identity in this context. In doing so, the paper contributes to existing debates on the relationship between the Prevent Duty and the Fundamental British Values, reflects on the political nature of these parallel initiatives and examines the security policy implications of the contentious nature of British identity in Scotland.KEYWORDS: PreventScotlandidentityfundamental British valuescounter-radicalisation AcknowledgementsThe author would like to thank Faye Donnelly, Tony Lang, Sarah Marsden and James Lewis, as well as the anonymous reviewers who provided feedback and comments at various stages of this paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. Defined as “democracy, the rule of law, individual liberty and mutual respect and tolerance for those with different faiths and beliefs” in the Prevent Duty Guidance (HM Government Citation2015a).2. This applies to the literature on Prevent more generally: very little of the literature is focused on Scotland. Where this topic has been considered in relation to Northern Ireland (McCully and Clarke Citation2016) it has been highlighted that it does not apply, and that its implementation would “alienate and aggravate those nationalists who, historically, see the imposition of Britishness as central to the problem” (p. 361).3. Whilst it does include a reference to fundamental British values, this is only in reference to the definition of extremism given in the Prevent strategy.4. For an explanation of how the Prevent Strand has changed over time see Thomas (Citation2020).5. For more on this episode see Holmwood and O’Toole (Citation2018).6. Heath-Kelly and Strausz (Citation2019) writing on the Prevent duty in the NHS argue that this framing of vulnerability does not fit with existing understandings of the term.7. The SNP changed the name of the Scottish Executive to the Scottish Government upon winning power in 2007.8. For more on the history and distinctiveness of education in Scotland see (Anderson Citation1995, Citation2018; Humes and Bryce Citation2018)9. It is important to point out that the requirement to “not undermin[e] fundamental British values” was set out in the Teachers’ Standards for England for 2011 (Depar","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135901347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-02DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2269011
David P. Eisenman, Stevan Weine, Paul Thomas, Michele Grossman, Natalie Porter, Nilpa D. Shah, Chloe Polutnik Smith, Zach Brahmbhatt, Michael Fernandes
The first people to suspect someone is planning an act of terrorism or violent extremism are often those closest to them. Encouraging friends or family to report an “intimate” preparing to perpetrate violence is a strategy for preventing violent extremist or targeted mass violence. We conducted qualitative-quantitative interviews with 123 diverse U.S. community members to understand what influences their decisions to report potential violent extremist or targeted mass violence. We used hypothetical scenarios adapted from studies in Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom. Factors influencing reporting decisions include fears of causing harm to the potential violent actor, self, family, or relationships; not knowing when and how to report; mistrust of law enforcement; access to mental health services; and perceptions that law enforcement lacks prevention capabilities. White and non-White participants were concerned about law enforcement causing harm. Participants would contact professionals such as mental health before involving law enforcement and Black-identified participants significantly preferred reporting to non-law enforcement persons, most of whom are not trained in responding to targeted violence. However, participants would eventually involve law enforcement if the situation required. They preferred reporting in-person or by telephone versus on-line. We found no difference by the type of violent extremism or between ideologically motivated and non-ideologically motivated violence. This study informs intimate bystander reporting programmes in the U.S. To improve reporting, U.S. policymakers should attend to how factors like police violence shape intimate bystander reporting. Our socio-ecological model also situates intimate bystander reporting beside other population-based approaches to violence prevention.
{"title":"Obstacles and facilitators to intimate bystanders reporting violent extremism or targeted violence","authors":"David P. Eisenman, Stevan Weine, Paul Thomas, Michele Grossman, Natalie Porter, Nilpa D. Shah, Chloe Polutnik Smith, Zach Brahmbhatt, Michael Fernandes","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2023.2269011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2023.2269011","url":null,"abstract":"The first people to suspect someone is planning an act of terrorism or violent extremism are often those closest to them. Encouraging friends or family to report an “intimate” preparing to perpetrate violence is a strategy for preventing violent extremist or targeted mass violence. We conducted qualitative-quantitative interviews with 123 diverse U.S. community members to understand what influences their decisions to report potential violent extremist or targeted mass violence. We used hypothetical scenarios adapted from studies in Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom. Factors influencing reporting decisions include fears of causing harm to the potential violent actor, self, family, or relationships; not knowing when and how to report; mistrust of law enforcement; access to mental health services; and perceptions that law enforcement lacks prevention capabilities. White and non-White participants were concerned about law enforcement causing harm. Participants would contact professionals such as mental health before involving law enforcement and Black-identified participants significantly preferred reporting to non-law enforcement persons, most of whom are not trained in responding to targeted violence. However, participants would eventually involve law enforcement if the situation required. They preferred reporting in-person or by telephone versus on-line. We found no difference by the type of violent extremism or between ideologically motivated and non-ideologically motivated violence. This study informs intimate bystander reporting programmes in the U.S. To improve reporting, U.S. policymakers should attend to how factors like police violence shape intimate bystander reporting. Our socio-ecological model also situates intimate bystander reporting beside other population-based approaches to violence prevention.","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135902673","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-02DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2266162
Leire Albás, Naiara Vicent, Iratxe Gillate, Alex Ibañez-Etxeberria
Ever since ETA declared that it would no longer carry out acts of violence, the Basque Country has been involved in a peace process. As part of this process, the Basque government has promoted – through its Adi-adian Educational Module – the experience of listening to victims’ testimonies in order to inform young persons about an important chapter of our recent history. Reflecting an awareness of the importance of addressing socially relevant topics, the University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) began to implement the Adi-adian model in a number of its bachelor’s and master’s degrees in teacher training. With a view towards improving the implementation of Adi-adian, a statistical-descriptive study was carried out with a quantitative methodological approach. Using a 25-item questionnaire, the purpose was to measure knowledge of recent historical events, determine the sources of information concerning those events, and gauge the satisfaction of participants as regards the information that they have received about the violent episodes of their recent history. The statistical analysis of the data obtained in this study was conducted using the SPSS Statistics 27 software. Generally speaking, the participating students were found to possess an average to low knowledge of the events that took place during the recent history of the Basque Country. As for the sources of information cited, the family, the media and the school are the most frequently mentioned, while respondents express a generalised dissatisfaction with the information received in this regard.
{"title":"Terrorism and politically motivated violence in the recent history of the Basque Country. Descriptive study of what teachers in training know","authors":"Leire Albás, Naiara Vicent, Iratxe Gillate, Alex Ibañez-Etxeberria","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2023.2266162","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2023.2266162","url":null,"abstract":"Ever since ETA declared that it would no longer carry out acts of violence, the Basque Country has been involved in a peace process. As part of this process, the Basque government has promoted – through its Adi-adian Educational Module – the experience of listening to victims’ testimonies in order to inform young persons about an important chapter of our recent history. Reflecting an awareness of the importance of addressing socially relevant topics, the University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) began to implement the Adi-adian model in a number of its bachelor’s and master’s degrees in teacher training. With a view towards improving the implementation of Adi-adian, a statistical-descriptive study was carried out with a quantitative methodological approach. Using a 25-item questionnaire, the purpose was to measure knowledge of recent historical events, determine the sources of information concerning those events, and gauge the satisfaction of participants as regards the information that they have received about the violent episodes of their recent history. The statistical analysis of the data obtained in this study was conducted using the SPSS Statistics 27 software. Generally speaking, the participating students were found to possess an average to low knowledge of the events that took place during the recent history of the Basque Country. As for the sources of information cited, the family, the media and the school are the most frequently mentioned, while respondents express a generalised dissatisfaction with the information received in this regard.","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"83 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135900541","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-02DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2269012
Tamir Bar-On, Miguel Paradela-López
ABSTRACTRapoport’s theory of waves of terrorism has been considered a milestone when studying terrorist movements worldwide. This theory states that terrorism develops due to temporal, ideological and technological trends, which stimulate or diminish expressions of terrorism. More concretely, Rapoport argues that since the 19th century, global events have generated four waves of terrorism: anarchist, anticolonial, New Left, and religious. Using the Latin American experience of terrorist movements, this article explores inconsistencies and two main limitations in Rapoport’s theory. Firstly, it shows how Latin America’s historical and political particularities led to the weakness or absence of the anarchist and religious waves. Secondly, this article evidences that Rapoport ignored state terrorism and narcoterrorism, both extremely relevant to understanding terrorism in the region. Consequently, this study concludes that, despite it constituting a powerful theory for understanding terrorism from a global perspective, it requires a more nuanced regional approach and attention to more exhaustive expressions of the terrorist phenomenon.KEYWORDS: Waves of terrorismLatin Americastate terrorismnarcoterrorism Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. In fact, according to Longmire and Longmire paramilitary groups financed 70% of their operational costs with drug-trafficking earnings (2008, 47).Additional informationNotes on contributorsTamir Bar-OnTamir Bar-On is Assistant Professor in Defense and Security at Rabdan Academy (United Arab Emirates). Bar-On received his Ph.D. in political science from McGill University. He was formerly a Professor-Researcher at the Tec de Monterrey and member of Mexico’s National System of Researchers. Bar-On has also taught at Wilfrid Laurier University, the Royal Military College of Canada, and Yale University. He is the author of seven books, mostly specialising on the radical right, terrorism, and extremism. His latest book with Jeffrey M. Bale is Fighting the Last War: Confusion, Partisanship and Alarmism in the Literature on the Radical Right (Rowman and Littlefield, 2022).Miguel Paradela-LópezMiguel Paradela-López is Assistant Professor in the Department of International Relations of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences at Comillas Pontificial University (Spain) and an assistant Professor in the School and Social Sciences and Governance at Tecnológico de Monterrey (Mexico). He has a PhD in Political Theory from the University of Salamanca (Spain). He has published in journals like Latin American Research Review, Cambridge Review of International Affairs and Latin American Perspectives. His areas of interest include international conflicts, insurrectionist groups and Just-war theory.
波特的恐怖主义浪潮理论被认为是研究全球恐怖主义运动的一个里程碑。该理论指出，恐怖主义的发展是由于时间、意识形态和技术趋势，这些趋势刺激或减少了恐怖主义的表达。更具体地说，拉波波特认为，自19世纪以来，全球事件产生了四波恐怖主义浪潮:无政府主义、反殖民主义、新左派和宗教恐怖主义。本文利用拉丁美洲恐怖主义运动的经验，探讨了拉波波特理论中的矛盾之处和两个主要局限性。首先，它展示了拉丁美洲的历史和政治特殊性是如何导致无政府主义和宗教浪潮的软弱或缺失的。其次，本文证明了拉波波特忽略了国家恐怖主义和毒品恐怖主义，这两者都与了解该地区的恐怖主义非常相关。因此，本研究得出的结论是，尽管它构成了从全球角度理解恐怖主义的强大理论，但它需要更细致入微的区域方法，并关注恐怖主义现象的更详尽的表达。关键词:恐怖主义浪潮;拉丁美洲国家恐怖主义;毒品恐怖主义披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。事实上，根据Longmire和Longmire的研究，准军事组织70%的运营成本都是由贩毒收入提供的(2008,47)。作者简介:tamir Bar-On是Rabdan学院(阿拉伯联合酋长国)国防与安全助理教授。巴昂在麦吉尔大学获得政治学博士学位。他曾任蒙特雷理工大学教授研究员和墨西哥国家研究人员系统成员。巴昂还曾在威尔弗里德劳里埃大学、加拿大皇家军事学院和耶鲁大学任教。他著有七本书，主要是关于激进右翼、恐怖主义和极端主义的。他与杰弗里·m·贝尔合著的最新著作是《打最后一场战争:激进右翼文学中的混乱、党派偏见和危言耸听》(罗曼和利特菲尔德出版社，2022年出版)。Miguel Paradela-LópezMiguel Paradela-López是Comillas Pontificial大学(西班牙)人文与社会科学学院国际关系系助理教授，也是Tecnológico de Monterrey(墨西哥)学院和社会科学与治理系助理教授。他拥有萨拉曼卡大学(西班牙)政治理论博士学位。曾在《拉丁美洲研究评论》、《剑桥国际事务评论》、《拉丁美洲展望》等期刊发表文章。他的研究领域包括国际冲突、叛乱组织和正义战争理论。
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Pub Date : 2023-10-02DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2266951
Ben Adams, Garth Stahl, Glenys Oberg
ABSTRACTThe role of ideology in driving radicalisation to violent extremism is a more multifaceted and contested question than it may at first appear. While various explanatory models of radicalisation do suggest that ideology is an important precursor to the use of violence, other research has warned of various potential risks associated with focusing on the ideas in an individual’s mind, rather than the actions they carry out. This article engages with such complexities regarding the issue of ideology, drawing from interviews with twelve Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) practitioners based in various states and territories of Australia. Our focus is on their conceptual insights and working practices regarding the role of ideology in radicalisation to violent extremism, placing these in the context of existing literature, debates and other front-line experiences to explore whether, and in what ways, ideology matters for CVE efforts.KEYWORDS: Countering violent extremismideologyinterventionradicalisationsuspect communitiescounter-narratives Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. The distinction between “religiously” and “ideologically motivated violent extremism” was recently introduced by the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) in their threat categorisation. The terminology has been critiqued for its apparent de-emphasis of links between right-wing ideological beliefs and extremist violence, especially given the long history of specific focus on Islamic jihadist terrorism (Khalil Citation2021).Additional informationNotes on contributorsBen AdamsBen Adams is a Research Assistant in the School of Education at University of Queensland, having contributed to a number of projects focused on the sociology of schooling in a neoliberal context, gendered learner identities and subjectivities, masculinity studies, educational inequalities, countering violent extremism and restorative practices in schools.Garth StahlGarth Stahl is an Associate Professor in the School of Education at University of Queensland and Research Fellow, Australian Research Council (DECRA). His research interests lie on the nexus of neoliberalism and socio-cultural studies of education, identity, equity/inequality, and social change.Glenys ObergGlenys Oberg is a Research Assistant in the School of Education at University of Queensland, having contributed to a number of projects focused on trauma and education.
{"title":"“The ideology becomes a way to make sense of that disconnection”: Beliefs, behaviour and belonging – does ideology matter in countering violent extremism?","authors":"Ben Adams, Garth Stahl, Glenys Oberg","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2023.2266951","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2023.2266951","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThe role of ideology in driving radicalisation to violent extremism is a more multifaceted and contested question than it may at first appear. While various explanatory models of radicalisation do suggest that ideology is an important precursor to the use of violence, other research has warned of various potential risks associated with focusing on the ideas in an individual’s mind, rather than the actions they carry out. This article engages with such complexities regarding the issue of ideology, drawing from interviews with twelve Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) practitioners based in various states and territories of Australia. Our focus is on their conceptual insights and working practices regarding the role of ideology in radicalisation to violent extremism, placing these in the context of existing literature, debates and other front-line experiences to explore whether, and in what ways, ideology matters for CVE efforts.KEYWORDS: Countering violent extremismideologyinterventionradicalisationsuspect communitiescounter-narratives Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. The distinction between “religiously” and “ideologically motivated violent extremism” was recently introduced by the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) in their threat categorisation. The terminology has been critiqued for its apparent de-emphasis of links between right-wing ideological beliefs and extremist violence, especially given the long history of specific focus on Islamic jihadist terrorism (Khalil Citation2021).Additional informationNotes on contributorsBen AdamsBen Adams is a Research Assistant in the School of Education at University of Queensland, having contributed to a number of projects focused on the sociology of schooling in a neoliberal context, gendered learner identities and subjectivities, masculinity studies, educational inequalities, countering violent extremism and restorative practices in schools.Garth StahlGarth Stahl is an Associate Professor in the School of Education at University of Queensland and Research Fellow, Australian Research Council (DECRA). His research interests lie on the nexus of neoliberalism and socio-cultural studies of education, identity, equity/inequality, and social change.Glenys ObergGlenys Oberg is a Research Assistant in the School of Education at University of Queensland, having contributed to a number of projects focused on trauma and education.","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135902218","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-27DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2261089
Anastassiya Mahon
{"title":"Book review of The rise of global Islamophobia in the War on Terror: Coloniality, race, and Islam <b>Book review of The rise of global Islamophobia in the War on Terror: Coloniality, race, and Islam</b> by Naved Bakali and Farid Hafez (eds.), , Manchester University Press, 2022, 264 pp., £90 (Hardcover). ISBN: 9781526161758","authors":"Anastassiya Mahon","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2023.2261089","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2023.2261089","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135537752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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