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Nixon’s War at Home: The FBI, Leftist Guerrillas, and the Origins of Counterterrorism 尼克松的国内战争:联邦调查局、左翼游击队和反恐的起源
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-17 DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2213961
Brian Mullgardt
tion. Complicating the Pakistani situation is the military’s prominent role in politics and government and its ambiguous relationship with terrorist organisations: fighting those who are its enemies and supporting those it uses to promote its own political agenda. Mediatised Terrorism itemises the many factors that have contributed to the media’s distorted coverage of terrorism. These include the need to dumb down highly complex issues into easily digestible narratives; the fact that most journalists do not have the time or resources to properly investigate what appear to be acts of terrorism and are forced to rely heavily on government sources; and the need to sensationalise stories to attract readers and please corporate media owners. In addition, in Pakistan investigative journalists face the very real threat of violence. Ali concludes that while it is impossible to prevent all terrorist attacks, we should not play into the hands of terrorists by overreacting because of paranoia and calls for the media to take a more responsible and balanced approach to reporting. Ali’s in-depth analysis, which requires careful reading, makes an important contribution to our understanding of the widespread inaccurate reporting of terrorism.
。使巴基斯坦局势复杂化的是军方在政治和政府中的突出作用,以及它与恐怖组织的暧昧关系:打击那些它的敌人,支持那些它用来促进自己政治议程的组织。《媒介化的恐怖主义》列举了导致媒体歪曲恐怖主义报道的诸多因素。这包括将高度复杂的问题简化为易于理解的叙述;事实是,大多数记者没有时间或资源来正确调查似乎是恐怖主义行为的事件,而被迫严重依赖政府来源;而且需要耸人听闻的故事来吸引读者和取悦企业媒体所有者。此外,在巴基斯坦,调查记者面临着非常真实的暴力威胁。阿里总结说,虽然不可能阻止所有的恐怖袭击,但我们不应该因为偏执而过度反应,从而落入恐怖分子的手中,他呼吁媒体采取更负责任和平衡的报道方式。阿里的深入分析需要仔细阅读,对我们理解普遍存在的对恐怖主义的不准确报道做出了重要贡献。
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引用次数: 1
Islam, media framing and Islamophobia in the US press, before and after the Charlie Hebdo terrorist attack 《查理周刊》恐怖袭击前后,美国媒体中的伊斯兰教、媒体框架和伊斯兰恐惧症
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2207164
Malia Nora Politzer, A. Alcaraz
ABSTRACT On 7 January 2015, brothers Said and Cherif Kouachi, armed with Kalashnikovs, entered the headquarters of the Paris-based satirical magazine, Charlie Hebdo, and opened fire, killing 12 people and injuring 11 more. It would later emerge that the brothers – both native Frenchmen born to Algerian parents – belonged to the Islamist terrorist group, al Qaeda. The attack, which targeted a Western magazine, attracted tremendous international news coverage, provoking a widespread debate over issues relating to free speech, immigration (even though both attackers were born in France) and integration. There has been less discussion of the news framing of the attack by Western media outlets, and to what degree that news framing may have been biased or Islamophobic. In this study, it is our goal to understand how media framing may have been affected by this attack, and to what degree such framing is Islamophobic. To that end, we have operationalised the Runnymede framework of Islamophobia using the content analysis software Nvivo, in order to identify and better understand manifestations of Islamophobia in the mainstream press. Specifically, we analyse the news framing of Islam in the headlines of two US daily newspapers, The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal.
2015年1月7日,赛义德·库瓦奇和谢里夫·库瓦奇兄弟携带卡拉什尼科夫冲锋枪进入巴黎讽刺杂志《查理周报》总部,开枪射击,造成12人死亡,11人受伤。后来人们发现,这两兄弟都是土生土长的法国人,父母是阿尔及利亚人,他们属于伊斯兰恐怖组织基地组织。这次针对西方杂志的袭击吸引了大量的国际新闻报道,引发了关于言论自由、移民(尽管两名袭击者都出生在法国)和融合等问题的广泛辩论。关于西方媒体对袭击的新闻框架,以及这种新闻框架在多大程度上可能存在偏见或伊斯兰恐惧症的讨论较少。在这项研究中,我们的目标是了解媒体框架如何受到这次袭击的影响,以及这种框架在多大程度上是伊斯兰恐惧症。为此,我们使用内容分析软件Nvivo将仇视伊斯兰教的Runnymede框架付诸实施,以便识别和更好地理解主流媒体中仇视伊斯兰教的表现。具体来说,我们分析了两家美国日报《纽约时报》和《华尔街日报》标题中关于伊斯兰教的新闻框架。
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引用次数: 0
A world turned upside down: reinforcing the symbolic order after the Vienna terrorist attack 一个颠倒的世界:强化维也纳恐怖袭击后的象征秩序
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2207271
S. Pfister
ABSTRACT Terrorist attacks do not just cause devastation and casualties, but also constitute a symbolic battlefield. Drawing on Bourdieu’s field analytical framework, this article suggests that a terrorist attack puts pressure on the symbolic underpinnings of the established social order. It irritates the taken-for-granted reality, and through the use of violence, brings a competing possible into the universe of discourse. Therefore, the counterterrorist response has a twofold reality. It serves not only to restore physical safety, but also to release symbolic pressure and thus, reinforce the symbolic underpinnings of the social order. Using the example of press conferences in the aftermath of the Vienna terrorist attack in 2020, this article examines the discursive moves through which state actors strive to release symbolic pressure imposed by the attack. Thus, the article lays bare the symbolic dimension of counterterrorism and contributes to its more nuanced understanding.
恐怖袭击不仅造成破坏和人员伤亡,而且还构成了一个象征性的战场。借助布迪厄的场域分析框架,本文认为恐怖袭击对既定社会秩序的象征基础施加了压力。它刺激了被视为理所当然的现实,并通过使用暴力,将一种竞争的可能性带入话语的世界。因此,反恐反应具有双重现实。它不仅可以恢复人身安全,还可以释放象征压力,从而加强社会秩序的象征基础。本文以2020年维也纳恐怖袭击后的新闻发布会为例,考察了国家行为体努力释放袭击所带来的象征性压力的话语动作。因此,这篇文章揭示了反恐的象征维度,并有助于更细致入微的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review of Waves of Global Terrorism: From 1879 to the Present 全球恐怖主义浪潮书评:从1879年到现在
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-13 DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2187839
João Raphael da Silva
In The Four Waves of Modern Terrorism (Rapoport 2004), David C. Rapoport theorised that modern terrorism can be historically seen and understood through the Anarchist (1st/1879–1920s), Anticolonial (2nd/1919–1960s), New Left (3rd/1960s-1990s) and Religious (4th/1979–2020s?) Waves. Ideologically similar, the organisations within each Wave also share characteristics, such as signature tactics, weaponry, and targets. The energy driving them spreads globally and tends to last one generation. Since the Rapoportian Wave Theory was launched, its explanatory power has been widely debated; sometimes challenged, but usually tested, corroborated and applied to uncover overlooked Waves (da Silva 2020). Unsurprisingly, the 2011 Oslo and Utøya Attacks (Norway), the 2019 Christchurch Mosque Shooting (New Zealand), and the 2019 El Paso Shooting (U.S.) made Terrorism Studies scholars wonder whether these were shaping a Far-Right (5th) Wave. In the 448-page Waves of Global Terrorism: From 1879 to the Present, David C. Rapoport re-explores his longstanding scholarship to shed light on this heated debate. Definitionally, Rapoport understands terrorism as “[. . .] violence employed for a religious or political objective and is not limited by the accepted moral norms that limit violence” (03). In Chapter 1, a lengthy discussion on pre-1879, non-Wave Abrahamic (e.g., Jewish Sicarii and Zealots, Islamic Assassins, and Christian Crusaders) and secular (e.g., the Ku Klux Klan and Sons of Liberty) terrorism makes it appear that the book’s title does not truly translate its content. Yet, it serves to remind us that not only Islam but also Judaism and Christianity have been used to encourage terrorism, but that the West only attributes positive connotations to the latter. Rapoport proceeds by brilliantly combining a chronological and thematic structure. The theorist expands on the Anarchist (Chapter 2) and Anticolonial (Chapter 3) Waves, and updates the New Left (Chapter 4) Wave by discussing the peace agreement between Colombia’s Government and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia. Furthermore, he extensively elaborates on how the 2011 Arab Spring contributed to the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant’s emergence and growth, thus, boosting the Religious Wave (Chapter 5), a chapter that takes the spotlight until the novel discussion on a Far-Right Wave (Chapter 6). Previously, Rapoport (2004, 61) had argued that “[. . .] three events in the Islamic world [. . .]” sparked the Religious Wave: “In 1979, the Iranian Revolution occurred, a new Islamic century began, and the Soviets made an unprovoked invasion of Afghanistan.” Now, he adds the IsraelEgypt Peace Treaty (1979) as “[. . .] the second crucial event [. . .]” (218). However, he does not explain why it was not originally appraised. Confusingly, Rapoport argues that “[. . .] it was not until the third decade of the wave that Islamic groups began targeting Western states like the United States, France, the Unit
在《现代恐怖主义的四波浪潮》(Rapoport 2004)中,David C. Rapoport认为,现代恐怖主义可以通过无政府主义(1 /1879 - 1920)、反殖民主义(2 /1919 - 1960)、新左派(3 /1960 -1990)和宗教(4 /1979 - 2020 ?)来历史地看待和理解。波。意识形态相似,每个波中的组织也有共同的特点,比如标志性的战术、武器和目标。驱动它们的能量在全球范围内传播,并往往持续一代人。自从拉波波特波理论提出以来,它的解释力一直备受争议;有时会受到挑战,但通常会经过测试、证实和应用,以发现被忽视的波浪(da Silva 2020)。不出所料,2011年奥斯陆和Utøya袭击(挪威)、2019年克赖斯特彻奇清真寺枪击案(新西兰)和2019年埃尔帕索枪击案(美国)让恐怖主义研究学者怀疑,这些事件是否正在形成极右翼(第五波)浪潮。在448页的《全球恐怖主义浪潮:从1879年到现在》一书中,大卫·c·拉波波特重新探索了他长期以来的学术研究,以阐明这场激烈的辩论。从定义上讲,拉波波特将恐怖主义理解为“为宗教或政治目的而使用的暴力,不受限制暴力的公认道德规范的限制”(03)。在第一章中,对1879年以前的非波派亚伯拉罕恐怖主义(如犹太Sicarii和zealalots,伊斯兰刺客和基督教十字军)和世俗恐怖主义(如三k党和自由之子)进行了冗长的讨论,这使得这本书的标题似乎并没有真正解释它的内容。然而,它提醒我们,不仅伊斯兰教,犹太教和基督教也被用来鼓励恐怖主义,但西方只给后者赋予了积极的内涵。拉波波特将时间顺序和主题结构巧妙地结合在一起。这位理论家扩展了无政府主义(第二章)和反殖民主义(第三章)浪潮,并通过讨论哥伦比亚政府与哥伦比亚革命舰队之间的和平协议来更新新左派(第四章)浪潮。此外,他广泛阐述了2011年阿拉伯之春如何促成伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国的出现和发展,从而推动了宗教浪潮(第5章),这一章引起了人们的关注,直到关于极右翼浪潮的小说讨论(第6章)。此前,拉波波特(2004,61)认为“伊斯兰世界的三个事件[…]”引发了宗教浪潮:“1979年,伊朗革命爆发,一个新的伊斯兰世纪开始了,苏联无端入侵阿富汗。”现在,他把以色列-埃及和平条约(1979)作为“第二个关键事件(…)”(218)。然而,他没有解释为什么最初没有对它进行评估。令人困惑的是,拉波波特认为“[…]直到浪潮的第三个十年,伊斯兰组织才开始瞄准西方国家,如美国、法国、英国和西班牙”[重点补充](209)。也许,他指的是第二个十年,因为“美国本土的三次恐怖袭击始于1993年,当时对世贸中心的袭击取得了部分成功”(366页)。此外,拉波波特认为,“2006年,哈马斯释放了一名以色列士兵,以换取1027名巴勒斯坦恐怖分子和恐怖分子嫌疑人”(201),然后,他认为“2011年,当哈马斯用一名以色列士兵换取1027名巴勒斯坦恐怖分子和恐怖分子嫌疑人”(202)。以色列士兵吉拉德·沙利特于2006年6月25日被绑架,并于2011年10月18日获释。这些并不是唯一读起来几乎相同且彼此相邻的短语,这表明这一章可以被更好地编辑:
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引用次数: 3
Who’s afraid of the vulnerable terrorist? Framing violent jihadists’ life and intimate relationships 谁会害怕脆弱的恐怖分子?描绘暴力圣战分子的生活和亲密关系
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-13 DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2188680
Aube Tollu
ABSTRACT This article looks at a sample of academic articles in the field of terrorism studies and international relations to explore the ways in which marriage, sexual activity and close relationships in jihadist groups are framed, imagined and investigated. Despite the scarcity of research being conducted on the subject, this article reveals that, in the study of terrorism, the issue of intimate relationships is the object of two trends: on the one hand, the themes of sexuality and marriage are in fact present in the field, only exclusively through the lens of sexual victimisation, violence, abuse and romantic manipulation. On the other hand, intimate relationships are often dismissed as not being worthy of in-depth investigation when not related to violence. Together, these two interdependent trends create, using the words of Butler, a “silent and melancholic discourse”, which downplays the subjectivity, banality, and vulnerability of the life experiences of subjects involved in jihadist groups. Using the learnings of queer scholarship, the article posits that the ways in which the intimate life of individuals involved in jihadist movements are portrayed and ascribed a perverted characteristic matter in how vulnerability is distributed and how the subjects are apprehended in academia and beyond.
本文以恐怖主义研究和国际关系领域的学术文章为样本,探讨圣战组织中的婚姻、性活动和亲密关系是如何被框定、想象和调查的。尽管对这一主题进行的研究很少,但本文揭示,在恐怖主义研究中,亲密关系问题是两种趋势的对象:一方面,性和婚姻的主题实际上存在于该领域,只是完全通过性受害、暴力、虐待和浪漫操纵的镜头。另一方面,当亲密关系与暴力无关时,通常被认为不值得深入研究。用巴特勒的话来说,这两种相互依存的趋势共同创造了一种“沉默而忧郁的话语”,这种话语淡化了圣战组织中涉及的主体的主观性、平庸性和生活经历的脆弱性。通过对酷儿学者的研究,这篇文章认为,圣战运动中个人的亲密生活被描绘成一种变态的特征,这与脆弱性的分布方式以及学术界内外对这些主题的理解方式有关。
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引用次数: 2
Book review of From the fires of war: Ukraine’s Azov movement and the global far right 书评《来自战火:乌克兰的亚速运动与全球极右翼
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-06 DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2187838
Anastassiya Mahon
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引用次数: 2
US drone strikes, securitization processes and practices: A case study of Pakistan 美国无人机袭击、证券化过程和实践:以巴基斯坦为例
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-02 DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2179571
Alamgir Khan, C. Kaunert
ABSTRACT This article explores the importance of inter-related securitisation processes on each other, most notably the impact of securitisation practices in one country on the securitisation processes in another. It analyses the impact of US drone strikes on the securitisation processes related to the militancy conducted by successive Pakistani governments in the aftermath of 9/11. The successful securitisation of the war on terror by the US allowed the latter to take extraordinary measures to eliminate terrorism, most notably through the use of drone strikes. However, these securitisation practices inhibited the securitisation of militancy inside Pakistan. While we understand successful securitisation processes, we understand much less about unsuccessful securitisation cases. This article analyses the use of drone strikes as securitisation practices by the US and their impact on the unsuccessful securitisation process of militancy in Pakistan after 9/11. The empirical contribution of this article is its focus on the case of Pakistan where more than 400 drone strikes took place, reportedly killing approximately 7000 people. The article demonstrates how the drone strikes in Pakistan turned the war on terror into an American war and made it difficult for the domestic audience in Pakistan to accept the securitisation moves of the security actors.
本文探讨了相互关联的证券化过程对彼此的重要性,最值得注意的是一个国家的证券化实践对另一个国家证券化过程的影响。报告分析了美国无人机袭击对9/11事件后巴基斯坦历届政府开展的军事行动相关的证券化进程的影响。美国成功地将反恐战争证券化,使后者得以采取非常措施消除恐怖主义,最明显的是使用无人机袭击。然而,这些证券化做法抑制了巴基斯坦境内武装分子的证券化。虽然我们了解成功的证券化过程,但我们对不成功的证券化案例的了解要少得多。本文分析了美国使用无人机袭击作为证券化的做法,以及它们对911事件后巴基斯坦武装分子证券化过程失败的影响。本文的经验贡献在于其对巴基斯坦案例的关注,那里发生了400多次无人机袭击,据报道造成大约7000人死亡。这篇文章展示了无人机在巴基斯坦的袭击如何将反恐战争变成了一场美国战争,并使巴基斯坦国内观众难以接受安全人员的证券化举措。
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引用次数: 0
Suspicious cities: An analysis of the securitisation of urban everyday life in London and Brussels 可疑城市:对伦敦和布鲁塞尔城市日常生活证券化的分析
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-14 DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2176408
Natalie S. Pawlowski
ABSTRACT This article engages with the material-discursive ways in which urban everyday life in London and Brussels has transformed under the impression of (counter)terrorism and demonstrates how human and non-human bodies are entangled in this process. Following Barad’s understanding of posthumanist performativity, I conceptualise urban everyday life as an entanglement of intra-acting sites, objects, and people. My historiographic analysis of everyday life in London and Brussels shows how both metropoles have incrementally adopted a culture of pre-emptive security because more and more human and non-human bodies are increasingly assigned with material-discursive suspiciousness, while simultaneously more and more human and non-human bodies are charged with looking out for suspiciousness. As the notion of entanglement reveals how everyone and everything that intra-acts in urban everyday life is also to some extent accountable for its securitisation, my findings imply ultimately an ethical responsibility to counter the securitisation of everyday life in European metropoles which I argue constitutes a process of urban segregation.
本文探讨了伦敦和布鲁塞尔的城市日常生活在(反)恐怖主义的影响下发生转变的物质话语方式,并展示了人类和非人类的身体如何在这一过程中纠缠在一起。根据Barad对后人类主义表演的理解,我将城市日常生活概念化为一种相互交织的场所、物体和人。我对伦敦和布鲁塞尔日常生活的历史分析表明,这两个大都市是如何逐渐采用一种先发制人的安全文化的,因为越来越多的人类和非人类的身体越来越多地被赋予了物质话语的怀疑,同时越来越多的人类和非人类的身体被赋予了警惕怀疑的责任。由于纠缠的概念揭示了在城市日常生活中相互作用的每个人和每件事如何在某种程度上对其证券化负责,我的研究结果最终暗示了一种伦理责任,即反对欧洲大都市日常生活的证券化,我认为这构成了城市隔离的过程。
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引用次数: 0
Saints and Soldiers: Inside Internet-Age Terrorism, from Syria to the Capitol Siege 《圣徒与士兵:互联网时代的恐怖主义,从叙利亚到国会大厦围攻
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2173863
S. Hagen
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引用次数: 0
Twisted Words: Torture and Liberalism in Imperial Britain 扭曲的话语:大英帝国的酷刑与自由主义
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-25 DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2169983
Deana Heath
events exactly as they will happen, but rather being able to visualise in the long term where terrorism may be going. In agreement with one of the key tenets of CTS and Blumenhau in Chapter 6, the importance of long-term studies in terrorism, not limited to the field of historiography, cannot be over-emphasised, even more so in the Anglosphere research scene, which tends to (unfairly) prize research aimed at fixing immediate symptoms, but not the issues dating back to the roots. In fact, Blumenhau’s Chapter 6, about how historians should not only take to heart the lessons of the past but should in fact be able to “predict the past” itself, is remarkably close to another of the tenets of CTS methodology, looking at past evidence with new perspectives. The cases discussed in this collection, and the debates which framed them, can teach one important, even if apparently obvious, lesson: complex issues that span decades cannot be fixed in a fortnight, despite the infatuation of policymakers with displaying immediate responsiveness to events. As I mentioned before, this collection’s original aim is to fill a lacuna in the discipline of historiography. However, its contents are useful to CTS, or indeed any, researcher dealing with terrorism. While it may not be explicitly stated as a goal, the collection does demystify and deconstruct some of the major discourses affecting the study of terrorism. In fact, I’d argue that is the most interesting part of the book, notwithstanding the specific case studies. The emphasis on semiotically charged concepts and definitions, which could almost be considered as elevating “terrorism” to the “concept-metaphor” status; retrospective analysis and prominence on interdisciplinarity resonate well with the idea that only a collective effort of scholarship can provide answers to “wicked issues” that affect humanity.
确切地说,事件将会发生,但更重要的是能够预见恐怖主义的长期发展方向。与CTS和Blumenhau在第6章中的一个关键原则一致,长期研究恐怖主义的重要性,不局限于史学领域,不能过分强调,在英语圈的研究场景中更是如此,这往往(不公平地)奖励旨在解决直接症状的研究,而不是追溯到根源的问题。事实上,Blumenhau的第6章,关于历史学家如何不仅要牢记过去的教训,而且实际上应该能够“预测过去”本身,与CTS方法论的另一个原则非常接近,以新的视角看待过去的证据。本书所讨论的案例,以及围绕这些案例展开的辩论,可以给我们上一个重要的、即便是显而易见的一课:尽管政策制定者痴迷于对事件立即做出反应,但跨越数十年的复杂问题不可能在两周内得到解决。正如我之前提到的,这本合集的最初目的是填补史学学科的空白。然而,它的内容对CTS或任何研究恐怖主义的研究人员都是有用的。虽然这可能不是一个明确的目标,收集确实揭开和解构了一些影响恐怖主义研究的主要话语。事实上,我认为这是本书最有趣的部分,尽管有具体的案例研究。强调充满符号学色彩的概念和定义,这几乎可以被视为将“恐怖主义”提升到“概念隐喻”的地位;回顾分析和跨学科的突出与只有学术的集体努力才能为影响人类的“邪恶问题”提供答案的想法产生了很好的共鸣。
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引用次数: 0
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Critical Studies on Terrorism
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